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L.Li WRE Occasional paper 13

COLOURED LABOUR RELATIONS AND POLITICAL ORGANISATION: Past Developments and a Scenario

Universiteit van Stellenbosch Bestuurskool University of Stellenbosch Business School Preface

This occasional paper is based on the technical report which received the Finansbank award for 1987.

The award is made to the student of the University of Stellenbosch Business School who achieved the highest standard on all set criteria in his technical report in a particular year.

Our sincere appreciation to Finansbank for making the award available. Prof A Archer - Director, University of Stellenbosch Business School

This Book has been kindly donated to the Trade Union Library by: M- . Ia / i U u < r Dai~e: ffhtj oKX)Li Occasional Paper No. 13 November 1988

COLOURED LABOUR RELATIONS AND POLITICAL ORGANISATION: Past Development and a Scenario

R Natherson

Prof D W F Bendix Supervisor

Released by The University of Stellenbosch Business School P O Box 610 Bellville 7535

ISBN 0 7972 0204 8

©Copyright reserved 1. INTRODUCTION be viewed in relation to the political, industrial and economic systems that have evolved within The rise and development of ‘Coloured’ labour South Africa since the occupation of the West­ relations and political organisations form the ern Cape by the Dutch in 1652. The initial con­ central theme of this study. These two areas of tact between these Europeans and the South African contemporary history have re­ indigenous inhabitants of the Cape developed a ceived comparatively little attention for a num­ relationship which determined the pattern of in­ ber of reasons. Not the least of these is the teraction between Black and White South Afri­ controversial issue of whether or not it is justifi­ cans the major traces of which have still able or accurate to treat ‘Coloureds’ as a separ­ remained until today. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 deal ate and identifiable group apart from the black with the early history of the Coloured people, majority. The term ‘Coloured’ as used in the their industrial and political organisations prior South African context refers to those people to the watershed year of South African Indus­ often described in other societies as of mixed trial Relations, 1979, whereafter a more gener­ race, mulattos or half-castes. Within this study alised view is adopted in order to trace the broad the term ‘Coloured with a capital C and here­ trends which have emerged with the new labour after without apostrophes is used to avoid con­ dispensation and its industrial enfranchisement fusion with ‘coloured1 meaning black. Black is of the Black worker. The remaining chapters used in the general sense of all those people not concentrate on Coloured participation within being White. the Industrial and Political arenas, particularly The impact of organized Coloured politics, how­ in the Western Cape, and offer substantiation ever, has been greater than their minority status for the postulate of a new political grouping would suggest, especially in the Cape, and in par­ based on socialist principles and having a simi­ ticular in the Western Cape, where most of the lar trend in terms of its origins to that of the Brit­ people described as Coloured live. When Col­ ish Labour Party at its birth at the turn of this oured political mobilization started in the 1890’s, century. It is concluded that this grouping would it centered in Cape Town. The founding of the be a natural home for the ‘stateless’ Coloured, first successful Coloured political movement, and ideologically and politically would offer co­ the African Political Organization (APO), herence and structure to the disparate groupings marked the start of successful black political mo­ within the United Democratic Front (UDF) and bilization on a national scale in South Africa. form the most potential, Western Cape based Other Coloured organisations which emerged political party ‘in waiting after the APO made important contributions to 2. THE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC the tactics and ideologies of Black political INTERACTION AND CONFLICT leaders. Coloured intellectuals in the 1940’s pro­ pagated the principle of non-collaboration with From the time that tentative contact between segregatory political institutions, implemented Black and White in South Africa was established through the tactic of the boycott, a strategy em­ as a permanent and constant feature of society, ployed to good effect by contemporary Black or­ the relationship has been one of conflict arising ganisations. This study is divided into three main from the scarcity of resources important to the sections. Chapters 1 and 2 trace the origins of the colonists and the Bantu-speaking population labour history in which past and present day de­ alike. Conflict was at the core of the relationship velopments in the industrial relations system can that developed and was the pivot of the new so­

1 ciety that emerged. in economic life limited to directing and organiz­ ing their employees (slaves) in their enterprises”. “The development of white society was profound­ (Wilson and Thompson, 1969: p.194) ly influenced by its relations with slaves, Hotten­ tots, ... and the Bantu. The tme history of South For the European, manual labour gradually as­ African colonization describes the growth, not of sumed a position of social inferiority, and this, a settlement of Europeans, but of a totally new and together with the relative cheapness of slave la­ unique society of different races and colours and bour, “.. .encouraged their widespread utilization cultural attainments, fashioned by conflict of throughout the economy of the developing col­ racial heredity and the opposition of unequal so­ ony”. (Muller, 1981: pp 153-154) The use of slave cial groups.” (De Kiewiet, 1967: p.49) labour for all menial and unskilled work had a profound effect on the socio-economic develop­ The social system which developed under White ment of the country. “ The introduction of slaves rule owes much to the early relationships be­ automatically closed the doors to unskilled Euro­ tween the European colonists and the aboriginal pean workers. . .”, retarded technical develop­ inhabitants of the Cape Colony, the profound ment, and introduced “... a tradition of significance of which lies . .in the precedents dependence on cheap but ineffective labour. . that were set for the white man’s relations with the (Hobart, 1976: p.2) which in turn encouraged Bantu” (Keppel-Jones: 1975, p.37) and the de­ the development of a labour-intensive economy velopment of a coercive labour system and the in the colony. The social and economic conse­ attitudes of white superiority which stemmed quences of the early development of unskilled- from .. the slave owning traditions of the West­ labour which was almost exclusively non White ern Cape” (Muller, 1981: pp. 153-154). Right were at the heart of the relationship which later from the beginning of European colonisation of developed between the White frontier farmer the Cape, extensive farming practices were en­ and the Black pastoralists on the Eastern Fron­ couraged by the availability of plentiful land. tier. However, bands of nomadic Khoikhoi, deci­ mated by periodic outbreaks of warfare and The first fleeting contact between Black and smallpox, were soon reduced to a landless ser­ White occured in the Eastern Cape in the early vant class who, even when willing to work, be­ years of the eighteenth century when a party of came unable to “. . . satisfy the demands of the Whites clashed with Xhosa tribesmen in 1702. colonists for labour”. (Keppel-Jones, 1975: p.37) Sporadic contact gave w;ay to almost constant Soon after what proved to be a permanent occu­ contact toward the end of the century. Although pation of the Cape by Europeans, Van Riebeeck frequent attempts were made to apply a policy was prompted by the extreme scarcity of labour of non-intercourse between Black and White, in­ at the Cape to ask the Dutch East India Com­ teraction continued in an atmosphere of increas­ pany to support the settlers by providing slaves ing tension, punctuated by desperate attempts to “... to place them the sooner on their legs." (Wil­ impose total segregation. It was on the Eastern son and Thompson, 1969: p.194) The depend­ Cape frontier “. . . that the policies which have ence of the settlers on slaves and the large-scale had (such) a profound influence on Southern A f­ use thereof “. . . had long -lasting effects on the rica were first formulated and applied” (Muller, occupational distribution of whites. They left la­ 1981: p.154) policies which subsequently lead to bour largely in the hands of their slaves and tended the creation of .. a new society and the estab­ to become specialist overseers, with participation lishment of new economic and social bonds.” (De

2 Kiewiet, 1967: p.49) stead of ordering the discharge of all kaffir ser­ vants. . as his English predecessor had done, The Dutch East India Company had, during the he made an exception .. of those who had been formative years of the Cape Colony, recognized employed for more than a year-an indication that the cultural and religious division between the the breakdown of complete segregation was re­ indigenous inhabitants and the settlers; initially, alised.” (Robertson, 1934: p.408) Like former relations were circumscribed by a religious di­ proclamations, Janssen’s had little or no effect; chotomy between Christian and heathen. Event­ White and Black continued to mix in the Zwu- ually this divide was, in simple terms, between veld region and White farmers continued to em­ White and Black, rather than between Christian ploy Xhosa tribesmen. and heathen, (Legassick, 1978: p.8) and the traditional policy of non-intercourse was sub­ In 1812, a fresh attempt was made by the British sequently applied on the Eastern Frontier. The authorities to make the Fish River the dividing frontier conflict is of fundamental importance to line between Black and White. This endeavor our knowledge of the present relationship that proved more successful, but was followed in exists between the racial groups in South Africa, 1817 by a slight relaxation in policy, which later, for: in 1819, led to renewed imposition of segrega­ tion and the establishment of a neutral belt be­ “Three centuries of Black - White contact... have tween the Fish River and the Keiskamma. This produced . . . (an) imbalance of power between attempt to keep the area empty of both Black (the) groups, resulting in the subordination of the and White settlers (Van der Horst, 1971: pp lb- Black population and the inequitable distribution 17) resulted in loss of land by the Blacks and the of economic and political resources.” (Savage, denial of any economic contact with the Whites. 1975: p.281) (Keppel-Jones, 1975: p.37) However, . . the The policies formulated at the Cape which re­ very land hunger of these frontiersmen, their indif­ stricted contact between the races, even to the ference to African land rights and land needs, had extent of forbidding Hottentots entry to the deprived non-Whites of the possibility of subsist­ house of White settlers, was continued on the ence on the land and made inevitable . . . econ­ frontier, but proved to be just as futile to imple­ omic integration.” (Legasick, 1978: p.2) ment as they had in Cape Town. “All efforts to The neutral belt gradually filled up as farmers keep the races apart failing because of the mutual increased their demands for land and labour, desire to trade.” (Hobart, 1976: p.19) The new and the policy of geographical separation and English Governor made renewed attempts to ‘non-intercourse’ with Blacks was subject to impose separation and issued proclamations in modification. In 1828, Blacks were allowed to 1797 and 1798 which required that White inhabi­ enter the Colony as servants, but were . . re­ tants discharge all Black servants within a peri­ garded as foreigners, temporary visitors who were od of 12 months. Both proclamations had little useful while they worked, but whose rightful place effect, and Blacks continued to reside on the was outside.” (Van der Horst, 1971: p.16) Passes ‘White' side of the Fish River. In 1803, the Cape were issued to control the admission of Blacks was again briefly governed by the Batavian Re­ to the Colony. public and it immediately set about introducing further controls on relations with the Blacks. Disputes over the right to use land continued, Janssen’s proclamations differed, however: “In­ and despite recurrent hostilities, the employ­

3 ment of Blacks continued, although some at­ velop European wants.” (Van der Horst, 1971: tempts were still made by the British, . .to P-17) maintain a policy of separation.” (Van der Horst, The economic contact which emerged from the 1971: p.16) Futher outbreaks culminated in the head-on collision of Black and White on the Eas­ War of the Axe (1846-1847), and the British ad­ tern Cape frontier was dominated by the bitter ministration abondoned its policy of separation conflict over land, and ill-developed as a result along the old frontier. The territory up to the Kei of the incompatible desires of the protagonists : River was annexed and the new dependency of Whites supported separation on the one hand British Kaffraria was formed in the country be­ and economic interaction on the other; for their tween the Keiskamma and Kei Rivers. The cre­ part, the Xhosa “... wanted both the goods of civi­ ation of British Kaffraria “. . . ended the long lization and to maintain traditional custom.” sustained attempt to maintain territorial segrega­ (Wilson & Thompson, 1969: p.271) This discord tion along the line of a river, and so began the at­ was to persist into the next century when the in­ tempt to rule Black and White as inhabitants of compatibility between social and political segre­ one country.” (Walker, 1976: p.19) gation and the employment of Blacks was to Assimilation now began in earnest; White set­ dominate events on the highveld. (Wilson & tlers were moved into British Kaffraria, making Thompson, 1969: p.271) further inroads into the traditional African Economy which required a supply of land. “As 3. INDUSTRIAL SEGREGATION: THE their land shrank. . . ”, the result of further white EVOLUTION OF A POLICY expansion which continued in piecemeal fashion The development of the mining industry and until Pondoland was annexed in 1894, “.. .Xhosa growth of satellite manufacturing concerns cre­ were driven into still closer association with ated a demand for labour which neither the Whites. The one commodity they had to sell was black peoples nor the much smaller White popu­ their labour.” (Wilson & Thompson, 1969: p.256) lation were able to satisfy. Labour had been in The introduction of Whites into territory which short supply since the early days of White settle­ had previously been held by Black farmers, and ment in the Cape which had led to the introduc­ in which Blacks remained in large numbers and tion of slavery. (Hobart, 1976: p .ll). This had in close proximity to Whites, created a ready important consequences, for the introduction of supply of labour close at hand. (Van der Horst, slaves automatically closed the doors to un­ 1971: pp 16-17) “The presence of small blocks of skilled European workers. Natives in close proximity to potential European employers removes the hindrance which distance The critical shortage was for skilled labour, and imposes on the supply of labour.” (Van der Horst, this had to be imported from Britain and, to a 1971: p.16) lesser extent, other European countries. The de­ mand for unskilled labour was supplied by The British expected that their policy would in­ Blacks. The importation of skilled White labour duce the Blacks ‘to recognise common interests' reinforced the division between White and and become ‘useful servants' who would contrib­ Black, the master/servant relationship having ute to the wealth of the Colony. (Van der Horst, been firmly established in South African society 1971: p.17) To this end, Sir George Grey intro­ prior to the establishment of industrialization. duced an egalatarian system of public works which would “. . . encourange the Natives to de­ This racial segmentation in which large numbers

4 of Black workers were relegated to unskilled em­ arise. A proposal by the mine owners that Black ployment . . fitted conveniently into the tradi­ and Chinese labourers should be allowed to per­ tional pattern of society, and the notion that Write form skilled work brought White mine workers men should undertake the administrative, super­ out on strike in 1907 in an attempt to protect, and visory and skilled occupations, while Blacks thus preserve, their position of privilege. Further should supply the unskilled labour.. . ” (Hobart, strikes occurred in 1913, 1914, 1917 and 1922 1976: p.12) was the cause of later social and in­ consequent to renewed attempts by the mine dustrial conflict based on skill and race, and was owners to introduce cheap black labour into to have profound and far reaching effects on the skilled positions. Opposition to Black advance­ development of labour policy in South Africa. ment confirmed the artisans craft unions in their What was essentially a socio-economic or class racial exclusiveness. distinction between different levels of workers Trade union leadership during the early years of had coincided with a racial division. the twenties was closely allied to political leader­ The race/skill split was coincidental in its origin. ship, as was fairly obvious during the great 1922 Once having been established, “... it was then re­ strike. inforced by the wage gap along the racial division In the general election of 1924, labour involve­ . . (Williams, 1979: p.65) Payment of high ment in the political arena manifested itself in wages to skilled white workers arose from the the form of a pact between the Labour Party and necessity for the mining companies to compete the Afrikaner National Party. White workers for skilled labour. Although this division was the readily supported the pact, being in broad agree­ result of the extreme scarcity of skilled workers, ment with an organisation that was an amalga­ “. .. the distinction between skilled and unskilled mation of a conservative labour party and a soon became to be more or less identified with the conservative cultural and racial group, (Keppel- distinction between the races and the operation of Jones, 1975, p.162) and were successful in de­ the market forces soon came in some measure to feating the South African Party. be replaced by the convention that the white man’s wage was five to ten times the wage of a black Following the strike of 1922, organised White la­ m a n ” (Contemporary Southern African bour had made further demands for the protec­ Studies, 1978: p.80) tion of White workers, both in the mines and the expanding manufacturing industry. After its The continually increasing cost of labour had in­ electoral victory, the Labour/Nationalist coali­ duced the mine owners to use indentured tion immediately set about the implementation Chinese labour, a policy which met with initial of a ‘civilized labour’ policy, and introduced be­ opposition from White labour, but was event­ tween the years 1924 and 1926 legislation which ually given support following the enactment of was not only to determine the pattern for the fu­ legislation (the Transvaal Labour Importation ture of a ‘protective’ system of labour relations, Ordinance) which prohibited Chinese being em­ but would also provide the means by which ployed in skilled occupations. Conflict on the White labour could be firmly allied with the gov­ mines centred .. almost exclusively on the ques­ ernment of the country. tion of cheap labour and the relationship between skilledandunskilled” (De Kiewiet, 1967: pp274- The Industrial Conciliation Act was passed dur­ 275), and it was almost inevitable that confron­ ing the last days of the Smuts Government as an tation between ‘White labour’ and capital would attempt .. to appease white artisans and regain

5 electoral support following his military interven- security of employment and positions of privi­ tion during the Rand Rebellion. . .” (Keppel- lege enjoyed by White workers was the fun­ Jones, 1975: p.163) and was of fundamental damental reason for the introduction of a importance in determining future labour policy, statutory ‘colour bar’ into the mining industry. which together with the Wages Act, No. 27 of The Pact Government, by means of the amended 1925, and the Mines and Works Amendment Mines and Works Act, deliberately introduced Act, No. 25 of 1926 legally entrenched the con­ artificial forms of protection for White workers. cept of White labour supremacy. Threats to White jobs had been responsible for The aim of the Act was the establishment of a the passage of the original Mines and Works Act machinery for collective bargaining and the in 1911 and the legislation of the ’colour bar’ af­ prevention and settlement of disputes between forded protection which skill alone was unable employees and employers, thus providing a to do. The Mines and Works Amendment Act of statutory framework by which organised labour 1926 “... re-established the chief statutory support and employers could regulate their relationship. of the colour bar in mining” (Welsh,1971: p.187). The exclusion of the majority of African workers This solved the problem of protection for skilled from the provisions of the Act “.. . formed part workers, as the principle of retaining skilled oc­ of the overall policy of providing preferential em­ cupations for Whites in the mines could be ex­ ployment opportunities to white workers.. .” and tended to other industries, but the main problem the Act consequently “... acquired the character which the Pact had to face was a solution to the of a strong protective device fo r... white workers. ” ‘poor white problem’. (Keppel-Jones, 1975: (Natrass, 1981: p.63) p.163) The Wage Act of 1925 created the machinery for Black migration to the towns was accompanied establishing minimum wages and conditions of by a migration of Whites. The number of W hites employment for unorganised workers who were who were unable to live on the land had been unable to participate in the collective bargaining growing since the latter part of the nineteenth system provided by the Industrial Conciliation century, but assumed serious proportions fol­ Act. Provision was also made for the settlement lowing the devastating effects of the Boer War. of disputes. Drought and hopelessly inefficient farming In the Wage Act, no distinction was made be­ methods added to the plight of poor W'hites, and tween Black and White workers, but Wage forced them out of the rural areas to the town. Boards formed in terms of the Act were, in most Further problems awaited the tide of unedu­ instances, unable to recommend high wages cated White work-seekers in the towns. which were in accordance with civilized stand­ The Black,White skill differential, reinforced by ards of living; high wages would reduce the de­ discriminatory labour legislation, relegated mand for White workers. (Keppel-Jones, 1975: Black workers to the status of ‘permanent la­ pp 162-163) The consequence was that the Wage bourers’. The White migrants, reduced by pov­ Act catered mainly for the needs of unorganised erty to the economic level of the black labourer, White labour, being unable to provide for Black usually poorly educated and unsophisticated, workers because of the requirement in this Act were “... the victims of more than poverty and ig­ to recommend civilized wages. norance. In the towns, as in the country>, many The perceived threat from other race groups to were improvident, irresponsible (and) indolent. . . Incapable of skilled labour, their approach to un­ become in South Africa at least five; and these skilled labour was often grudging and biased. are rent by subdivision and internal dissension. Their race was their superiority over the natives, The history of South Africa is the story of strife and to do manual labour conflicted with the dig­ between the groups composing the political nity conferred upon them by their race”. (Keppel- union. There is no single instance where the Jones, 1975: p.161) population of South Africa was united during a great crisis. Unemployment amongst poor Whites increased throughout the first quarter of the twentieth cen­ Economically, everything that was achieved in tury and was aggravated by the constantly in­ terms of agriculture, in mining and in transport creasing influx of Blacks into the urban areas. was the result of White skills, capital and organi­ The White migrant found himself as a competi­ sation combined with Black labour. The differ­ tor for unskilled work with Black people, who ent ‘nations’ combined to that extent, but the .. were prepared to accept the jobs at a wage that unity that was hopefully implied in the original was . .. lower than the wage needed to sustain a title - Union of South Africa - remained that, a White way of life’” (Natrass, 1981: p.65). The hope, as the divisions remained as obstacles to Pact Government’s ’civilised labour’ policy was the real union. the means with which the poor White problem was to be solved .. by introducing Europeans A variety of different headings may be used to to unskilled labour”. (Hobart, 1976: p.12) The describe the people of a country. They may be Labour/Nationalist Pact had promised action to described as ‘industrial’, ‘rural’, ‘agricultural or reduce the poverty and hardship experienced by ‘urban’, or according to geographical regions. the newly urbanised Whites . . partly because Though the term is no longer in vogue, a popu­ of the threat to so-called ’civilised standards’ and lation can be divided into upper, middle and partly through fear of the real possibility of soli­ lower classes. Descriptions such as these might darity amongworkers ofall races.” (Hobart, 1976: be safely applied to many countries in the First P-24) World without denying the essential unity of the people as a population. What social differences Hertzog took immediate action to implement and distinctions there may be in the way of lan­ schemes to provide employment for unskilled guage, of customs, of amusements are pic­ Whites. In most cases, this meant that Black wor­ turesque survivals rather than essential kers were often replaced by poor Whites who differences. then were paid ‘White’ wages. State institutions such as the railways provided the bulk of the jobs In South Africa, the situation is different. One which were taken by poor Whites and sanctions may indeed describe the population according were implemented by the Government against to regions of classes or occupations; but it would those firms which retained Black workers in be unrealistic not to subdivide these divisions preference to Whites. into Whites, Coloureds, Asians and Blacks. In a sense all those who live in Cape Town maybe de­ 4. THE COLOURED PEOPLE OF THE scribed as the people of Cape Town and in this WESTERN CAPE regard may share and enjoy the same climate The expression ‘a house divided against itself is and be subject to the same physical wants. But more applicable to South Africa than it may be to regard this community as an expression of to any other country. Disreali’s ‘two nations’ common citizenship is misleading. It may be ar­

7 gued that what matters between human beings is its policy, the Population ‘groups’, it applied an not the differences, but the essential similarities. entirely arbitrary definition of ‘Coloured’. The To ignore these differences in any account of Population Registration Act described a popu­ South Africa and its peoples would be to de­ lation ‘group’ as something ‘prescribed and scribe things as they no doubt should be but not defined by the Govenor-General’, and for the Col­ as they are in fact. oured and white ‘population groups’ it fell back in the last resort on physical appearance or Preliminary results of the 1985 census put the ‘general acceptance’ or both as the criteria. This Coloured population at 12.1% of the population. makes the legislative definition a matter of opi­ (Statistical News Release, 1986: p.ll) The dis­ nion rather than fact, and an opinion moreover tribution is such that the Coloured people con­ with potential disastrous consequences for the stitute 30% of the population of the Cape life-chances of those classified ‘Coloured’ rather Peninsula and 87% of the population of the than ‘White’. Cape Province. (Theron Commission, 1976) In the light of all this, it is not surprising that Historians of the Coloured people have found many, although not all, people classified as ‘Col­ them divided by ‘race, religion, even conditions of oured’ today reject that categorisation. Not only servitude’, describing them as a heterogeneous does the term carry offensive and inaccurate collection of individuals ‘lumped together for ad­ undertones of illegitimacy, but to the politically ministrative purposes’ by the white-supremacist conscious it represents an attempt by the state to state (Fredrickson, 1981: p.189). Coloured share divide blacks and simultaneously preserve white White religion, culture and language, so much so ‘racial purity>’ by treating Coloureds as a separ­ that Marais declares that, ‘as distinct from the ate, coherent and homogenous ‘race’ apart from European’, a Coloured community ‘does not exist both Africans and Whites, with a few more pri­ in any realistic interpretation of the tenn’. Similar­ vileges than the former and much fewer that the ly, others have described the Coloureds as a latter. A recent book has as its sole aim the ob­ ’marginalised, resourceless, lower-class adjunct ject of exploding the ‘myth’ of a separate ‘Col­ to the Cape Whites’, as ‘brown Afrikaners’ (Ma­ oured identity’ (Van der Ross, 1979). Cohen, in rais, 1939: p.257). Indeed, the two major govern­ his study of ethnicity, describes an ethnic group ment commissions of inquiry into the Coloured as ‘a collectivity of people who’ amongst other people, in 1937 and 1976, both proved unable to things, ‘share some patterns of nonnative beha­ agree on a definition of ‘Coloured’. If one de­ viour'. Some deny even that the Coloureds form scribes a Coloured as someone of ’racially mixed a ‘group’. Michael Whisson, in attempting to as­ stock’, they realised, one ran into the problem of sess the validity of defining Coloureds as a how to tell where ‘Coloured’ ended and ‘Hdtite’ group, concludes that given their obvious lack of or ‘African ’ began, given the wide range of physi­ ’residential, economic, social or physical’ ho­ cal types amongst the Coloured people and the mogeneity, the legitimacy of defining them as a extent of misceganation since the arrival of the group rests ‘solely on the power of the state’ to en­ first white settlers. force it. The Coloureds, Whisson concludes, do not form even a ‘group’, but rather a ‘residual ca­ Legislative attempts to define a ‘Coloured’ tegory of persons whose sole common feature is proved equally unsatisfactory and contradictory, negatively defined' (Whisson, 1972: pp 2-8). the commissioners found. When the Nationalist government in 1950 enacted the cornerstone of All this confronts the historian of Coloured poli­

8 tics with both an empirical and an ethical dilem­ the wider society. (Glazer and Moynihan, 1975: ma. To study Coloured history, one needs to pp 309-348) All this finds its reflection in Col­ know what a ‘Coloured’ is; yet to accept existing oured political mobilisation. It implies that eth­ definitions of Coloureds is to accept implicitly, nic identification can, if it does not directly serve and thereby reinforce, the obviously arbitrarily the material and psychological needs of the in­ imposed definitions of a state in the interests of dividual, be abondoned for other forms of ident­ White supremacy. The use of euphemisms such ification, such as class. as ‘browns’ for Coloureds offers no solution. (Si­ Ethnic allegiances, however, can develop an mons, 1964). On the other hand, it is a historical emotional or ideological dimension that takes on fact that Coloured political organisations, such a life of its own, independent of purely material as the African Peoples Organisation (APO), did concerns. The important point is that there is exist, and appealed specifically to Coloureds for nothing immutable or inevitable about ethnic support. identification. It is a voluntary process on the The solution to this dilemma, it is submitted, is part of the individual. Ethnic mobilisation, in a to accept that Coloured identity is a White-im­ state where ethnicity is used to determine de­ posed categorisation. But it is one that for a var­ grees of access to state resources, constitutes a iety of reasons came to be adopted by sections rational strategy in the competition for such re­ of those people so described. More specifically, sources, not a false consciousness or an irra­ an emerging Coloured elite gradually began, by tional xenophobia. In addition, ethnic mobilisa­ the early 1900s, to use their imposed Coloured tion provides important opportunities for pool­ identity to mobilize others so described so as to ing resources for educational or economic ad­ advance their interest as a group. How this con­ vancement, and for recreation and the stantly evolving process developed can be seen socialisation of new members into the group. All in the rise of Coloured political organisations at these features are apparent in the rise and devel­ the Cape. Indeed, the central theme is that the opment of Coloured political organisations in tensions and ambiguities surrounding the issue South Africa. Coloured political mobilisation, of Coloured identity or ‘ethnicity’ have formed a therefore, is closely linked to the rise of a sense major dynamic in the history and development of Coloured identity. (Adam, 1971: p.21) of organised Coloured politics in South Africa. Those people later described by the dominant The proliferation of studies in recent years of white settlers as ‘Coloureds’ had emerged very ethnicity or ‘neo-ethnicity’ has considerably early on after the arrival of the first settlers at the clarified our understanding of this phenome- Cape of Good Hope in 1652. A continuing pro­ mon, helping for instance, to explain the rise of cess of absorption and miscegenation between Afrikaner nationalism in South Africa. These European colonists, the remnants of the in­ studies show that ethnicity is not something digenous Khosian peoples of the Cape, and the static, primordial or genetically preordained. In­ East and West African Madagascan and East In­ stead, it is a changing social process, serving im­ dian slaves whom the colonists imported, pro­ portant psychological and emotional needs by duced over time a heterogeneous collectivity of instilling a sense of self-worth and belonging, as ‘people of colour in the colony. Acculturated by, well as being a political process whereby groups but as a rule not absorbed into, the European of people seek to mobilise collectively to ad­ settler society, the offspring of white-slave mis­ vance or defend their material interests within cegenation mostly remained as slaves, while

9 those of white-Khosian descent tended to join freed slaves found themselves without land or the ranks of the literally names ‘Bastef (Bastard) capital, and master-servant legislation quickly communities. By and large, they came to form an reasserted control over the movement of free-la­ impoverished rural proletariat, working along­ bour’ in the interests of employers. (Worden, side the slaves on the white-owned farms. With­ 1983: pp 8-9) Cape liberalism remained a con­ out independent access to land or to capital servative creed, accepting social and economic within the colony, they were generally unable to inequalities as the natural order of things. Al­ escape the bondage in which they were held though it upheld the principles of individual civil (Marais, 1939: p.163) One of the main reasons, rights, religious tolerance and constitutional therefore, why Coloured political organisations government, all based on the fundamental tenet only began to emerge in the Cape after the 1880s, of the rule of law and equal rights for all ‘civilised’ was the restrictive political and socio-economic men, liberalism in the Cape also linked political environment of the colony, first under Dutch, rights to property-ownership, and assumed the and from 1806 onwards, under British rule. But inherent superiority of Western standards of ‘ci­ an equally important factor was the heteroge­ vilisation’. And even though the principle of the neous nature of those people loosely described non-racial franchise remained intact until 1910, as Coloureds, which meant that they lacked any the franchise qualifications were raised when­ strong unifying sense of Coloured identity. ever Blacks threatened to constitute more than a minority of the electorate. (Trapido, 1964: pp With the advent of British rule in the early nine­ 52-54) Moreover, until 1894, voting was by pub­ teenth century came changes in the political and lic ballot, making it difficult to defy the political economic structure of the predominantly bur­ wishes of superiors. In any case, most Blacks geoning philanthropic movement in Britain, lacked the necessary property or wage qualifica­ based on a combination of religious and humani­ tions to become eligible for the franchise. As for tarian idealism, and on a commitment to ‘free la­ Coloured voters, although they did make their bour capitalism’ and ‘bourgeois conceptions of voices heard at times of political crisis, (Trapido society’. (Fredrickson, 1981: p. 163) New legisla­ 1964: p.383) and took an active part in elections, tion in the colony in the form of Ordinance 50 of there was little incentive, material or otherwise 1828 established the principle of equality before for them to mobilise around a Coloured identity. law for all free people regardless of colour, re­ Those few rich, educated, and light-skinned leasing the colonial ‘Hottentots’ from earlier re­ enough could and often did meet their aspira­ strictive labour legislation. Then, in the 1830s, tions by ‘passing’ into the White community, a came the abolition of slavery, followed by the process which siphoned off many of the natural gradual introduction of representative institu­ leaders of Coloureds. (Marais, 1939: p.183) The tions in the Cape, all based on a non-racial fran­ rest remained for the most part as an impover­ chise open to adult males who fulfilled certain ished rural proletariat, firmly under the political, property and wage qualifications, and culminat­ social and economic control of their White em­ ing in the granting of representative government ployers. in 1853 and responsible government in 1872. (Marais, 1939: pp 156-157) Some free people of colour did seek to escape In reality, this Cape ‘liberation tradition’, al­ from the restrictions of the colony by moving though entrenched in the colony’s institutions, outside it. In the early 1800s, a community of changed little for most people of colour. The Whites, Africans, Khosian and mixed-race

10 people engaged in hunting, trading and herding, They gained .. an identity as well as a religion.” established itself near some springs at Klaar- (Shell, 1979) water, on the Cape’s turbulent northern frontier. The Malay identity, however, shared with the The adopted, at the suggestion of their mission­ Griqua identity a self-segregating ethos apart aries, the name Griqua, derived from that of an from the mainstream of colonial society. For this old Khoikoi clan. In the face of great adversities, reason, and because most Coloureds were and until the closing of the frontier in the late Christians, a Malay identity could not serve as nineteenth century sealed their fate as an inde­ one around which the broad mass of the Col­ pendent community, they developed a strong oured people could mobilise. (Patterson, 1953: sense of Griqua identity, which lives on among p.196) It is significant, nonetheless, that Malays some of their descendents today. (Ross, 1976: pp were the first amongst Coloureds to combine at 1-6) Although the Griqua option was not a viable the polls. Under leaders such as Abdol Burns, one for the broad mass of the Coloured people, the Mahdi of Cape Town’, Muslims in that city the Griqua showed how a community of hete­ united from the 1860s around their social, econ­ rogeneous origins, and one that remained open omic and religious concerns. Consequently, to White and African members, could use an in­ White politicians began to cultivate the Malay vented identity to create a sense of common soli­ vote at election time, one of them in the 1858 darity, and mobilise that solidarity in defence of elections for instance campaigning under a ban­ the group’s interests. For the Griqua, the adop­ ner inscribed, in Arabic 1 Allah Be My Helper’! tion of a Griqua identity was a voluntary choice The creation of the Cape Muslim community, on the part of the individual, not a genetic pre­ and the mobilisation of its voters by Burns and determination, and served as a means of advanc­ others, reveal the mixture of ideals and self-in­ ing and protecting group material interests, and terest involved in community formation amongst of conferring a sense of self-pride and belong­ a section of the Coloured people of diverse eth­ ing. Within the colony, there were also other nic origins, this time in an urban setting. But the groups of people of colour involved in the pro­ growth of Malay political assertion was by the cess of community formation. In particular, the late nineteenth century only part of a wider people known as the Cape Malays, in fact Cape general political awakening amongst Blacks in Muslims, popularly and inaccurately called Ma­ the Cape. (Saunders, Philips and Van Heyning- lays because of the Dutch East Indian origins of en, 1981: pp 174-175) many of the early Muslims at the Cape, had by the nineteenth century carved a niche for them­ selves within colonial society. United by their 5. THE FAILUE OF COLOURED WORKING- shared religion - Islam - brought to the Cape CLASS ORGANISATIONS during Dutch rule, they formed a growing com­ 5.1 Coloured working-class organisations munity of mixed racial origins, mostly concen­ 1919-1931 trated in Cape Town. As late as 1876, a Christian The decade after the First World War saw an un­ missionary in Cape Town noted that “... all Mus­ precedented upsurge of labour organization and lims, even those of English or Scottish blood, are industrial action throughout the Union of South indiscriminately called Malay’s”. For these con­ Africa. Amongst White workers, trade-union verts, Islam at the Cape offered not just religious militancy reached a climax with the bloody revolt consolation, but also an “. . . impressive network of White mineworkers on the Rand in 1922. The of social, educational and religious institutions”. South African Party (SAP) government’s hand­

11 ling of the uprising contributed to the victory in men, based on the mobilisation of Coloureds as the 1924 general elections of the National-La­ a group. The opportunity lay in the potential Ab­ bour Party alliance, the so-called Pact, which for durahman saw in using the new militancy of un­ the rest of the 1920s implemented a whole range skilled urban Coloured workers, to organise of new measures to entrench White political and them into trade unions under the aegis of the economic supremacy. APO. This would not only help to improve the wages and working conditions of Coloured wor­ But along with the flexing of the industrial kers, but would also add to the strength of num­ muscle of White workers went a parallel expan­ bers and the threat of strike action to give force sion, from 1918 onwards, of Black trade-union to the APO’s demands, while simultaneously organization and strike activity. The Industrial heading off the radical challenge. and Commercial Workers’ Union (ICU) of Cle­ ments Kadalie represented the most dramatic But the APO’s stress on a Coloured identity, and manifestations of this new trend. Founded in its moderate integrationist demands, proved less 1919, the ICU grew to a membership estimated attractive to Coloured workers than the alterna­ at over 100 000 by the late 1920s, the largest tive of trade-union organisation with their fellow Black organisation in South Africa until very re­ W hite or African workers to demand better pay cent times. and working conditions. By the late 1920s, how­ ever, the government had begun to intervene to Coloured workers, no less than their African crush the ICU’s activities amongst Black wor­ counterparts, were affected by the far-reaching kers in the towns, as well as the Western Cape changes of these years. Many joined the ICU; ANC’s attempts to organise Coloured farmwor­ and the African People Organisation (APO) kers. Nevertheless, the organisation of Black also sought for the first time to bring urban Col­ workers in the Cape, as in the rest of the Union, oured workers within its sway. Even Coloured reached unprecedented heights in the 1920s farmworkers, hitherto neglected by all Black or­ and, for a while at least, provided a glimpse of ganisations, were swept up in an ANC campaign the extent of discontent amongst underpaid and in the Western Cape from 1929-1931. Yet, by the often grossly exploited rural and urban Black end of the Great Depression in 1933, the ICU workers. had lapsed into oblivion, the Western Cape ANC was shattered into fragments, and the 5.2 APO attempts to organise coloured workers APO had failed to organise Coloured workers. The APO’s mistrust of the motives of White la­ bour leaders and organisations was not based on Attempts to organise Coloured workers, both pure self-interest, given the flood of White la­ urban and rural, began, but in the first place it bour legislation and policies, and White trade has to be understood why all such attempts union demands for job reservation. The threat ended in complete failure. such policies posed to Coloured workers led the The APO for its part saw in the rising militancy APO to contemplate the establishment of Col­ of Coloured workers in Cape Town in the im­ oured trade unions. The 1921 APO conference mediate post-war years both an opportunity and recommended that Coloured tradesmen or­ a threat. The threat was that, for the first, time ganise under the auspices of the APO for their an alternative strategy of Black working-class own protection from White trade union exclu- unity was emerging, as against the APO policies sionism. The conference also recommended that of compromise and equal rights for all ‘civilised’ Coloured railway workers form their own trade

12 union to fight the White labour policies on the neither the funds, nor the experience or a proven Railways. record, which the Cape Federation had. In ad­ dition, given the growing demands of Transvaal The APO launched the Federation of Labour in unionists for the protection of White labour, 1919. It was an ideal climate for industrial or­ Coloured artisans in the multiracial Cape Feder­ ganisation since there were large numbers of ation could not but be aware of the danger to urban unskilled workers in industrial concerns their interests if they broke with their fellow dissatisfied with their wages and working condi­ White workers. For skilled Coloured workers, tions at a time when their labour was in great de­ whatever their private sympathies, the APO of­ mand. In sum, the APO’s decision to organise fered no advantages. Coloured trade unions can be attributed to the propitiousness of the times for such an organisa­ Neither did the APO Federation win substantial tion; a desire to counter the blandishments of support from unskilled Coloured workers. The rival organisations and gather support beyond ICU, by contrast, founded in the same year as the Coloured elite for the APO; and a genuine the APO, steadily gathered unskilled Black wor­ concern for the welfare and interests of Col­ kers. oured workers themselves. The failure of the APO can be ascribed to its in­ The APO hoped that its Federation would incor­ ability to attract working-class Coloured support porate the well-established Coloured craft for its elitist programme and demands. Not only unions such as the Cabinet Workers Union and did the APO’s lack of progress toward its own the Typographical Works Union, but both of goals make it an unattractive alternative to other these preferred to remain within the Cape forms of organisation for Coloured workers, but Federation of Labour. The APO’s venture into its failure to organise strike action or demon­ labour failed and foundered while the efforts of strate its ability to obtain better working condi­ the Cape Federation were steadily more suc­ tions and wages for its supporters must have cessful. rendered it useless from the workers point of view. Besides, alternative labour organisations Part of the failure of the APO must be ascribed already existed, many of them founded at the to its inability to show Coloured artisans that af­ same time as the APO - some of them with a filiation would be in their interests. Coloured proven record of advancing their members’ in­ supporters of the Cape Federation instead ac­ terests. cused the APO of attempting to divide the whole working-class into separate camps. Such actions, 5.3 Attempts to organise rural Western Cape they argued, played into the hands of the Trans­ workers vaal-based SAIF with its exclusionist white trade Rural workers lived in small scattered com­ union members. (Van der Ross, 1976: pp 159- munities, impoverished and often illiterate. They 162) When it was argued that the White workers were more difficult to organise and were often persistently scabbed on Coloured workers and vulnerable to the hostility of their employers. ‘smashed their strikes for higher wages’, the Cape The APO had long expressed concern over the Federation and defenders replied that it pro­ low wages and poor working conditions of these vided better protection for Coloured workers workers. After the war, the APO encouraged its than the APO federation could. workers to organise Coloured farm labour Here lay the crux of the issue. The APO had unions and strikes during harvest time.

13 The first significant attempt to organise rural 6. PRE -1979 COLOURED LABOUR RELA­ workers in the Western Cape was taken on by TIONS IN THE WESTERN CAPE. the Western Cape ANC. This had considerable 6.1 Introduction significance for it was the first major effort to South African legislation relating to trade union­ mobilise Coloured farm labourers who formed ism and collective bargaining prior to 1979, the the majority of the Coloured working population report of the Wiehahn Commission, was well in the Cape. (Simons and Simons, 1969: p.227) known for its racially discriminatory provisions Furthermore, the campaign mobilized Coloured and for its inferior treatment accorded to Black and African workers in a united struggle on the workers and their organizations. The provisions basis of their common concerns about wages and of this legislation were widely recognized to im­ working conditions. pede the development of a vigorous and effec­ In addition, some factions in the Western Cape tive Black labour movement which could pushed not just for job-related reforms, but for struggle for an end to the exploitation of Black a radical rural resistance movement aiming ulti­ workers. To understand some of the function mately at a fundamental reshaping of South Af­ and purpose of the legislation, it would be rica’s political and economic structures. Lastly, necessary to understand some of the circumstan­ the Campaign revealed the almost insurmount­ ces in which it originated and the ‘problems' it able obstacles to organising rural Black workers was designed to solve. on a sizable scale. The ANC activists met with In summary, it may be said that the pre-1979 in­ fierce resistance form the local White farmers dustrial legislation w-as an instrument of the and this, combined with government action, cul­ classes of property owners dominant in the so­ minated in the crushing of the ANC’s efforts by ciety. The variant of the Industrial Conciliation 1931. But the campaign remains one of the very- Act was employed by the State when political few attempts to organise Black workers on a considerations made the direct repression of rural scale in South Africa. some organized section of the wage earning population impossible or impractical, and it in­ Despite this crushing defeat, the achievements volved the regulation and institutionalization of of the ANC were impressive. It had demon­ power won by wage earners in the struggle. It strated the essential unity of material interests thus represented a practical compromise, but that existed between Coloured and African wor­ one in which employers were dominant and kers, setting important precedents for mass which enabled their interests to remain domi­ Black unity. It also, for a while, offered an outlet nant. for years of deep-seated frustration and despair amongst rural Black workers. To succeed in this it was necessary to make a number of changes in the character of the labour It failed not because of poor organization, poor movement concerned. In general, this involved leadership or lukewarm rank and file support, the creation and sustenance of a bureaucratic but because of the violence of White vigilantes, hierarchy of officials, distinct from the rank and resulting police action and the authorities. After file members, whose life style, work and outlook the collapse of the efforts of the ANC, the Black had more in common with the employers and political leaders of the Cape concentrated their state officials than workers. efforts on the more easily organised local urban workforce. As a compromise solution, some concessions

14 were of necessity made part of any such package. changing labour process at this period must be For the White wage earners this involved the emphasized. A further issue worth emphasis is gain of substantial increases in income and job the pertinent political area reviewed earlier. terms. The main reasons advanced for this ar­ 63 The pattern until 1956 rangement were that White wage earners were Although there were exceptions, the general and are a comparatively small proportion of the pattern in the early days in the Cape was that workforce, that their early militancy was likely to Coloured and White members were enrolled in influence the Black working class and that these the same union. In the early 1930s, a number of concessions were made at the expense of Black new unions were established with mainly Col­ incomes. Also, the development of large scale oured or Indian members. A few of these did ac­ manufacturing industry created the need for a cept Africans. Of the White unions, only a few, stratum of supervisors and controllers. In the last like the Mine Workers Union, had a constitu­ analysis, the legislation remained a means of tional colour bar. Most of the rest were or­ continuing the domination over Black labour. ganised for occupations from which non-Whites 62 Working-class organization in the Western were excluded by law, by employers or by trade Cape union monopoly. (Simons, 1948: p.165) There Within contemporary literature, there appears were a few unions in Cape Town which had to be a lack of analysis of registered trade unions. White members only. The S.A. Operative Ma­ Lewis was of the opinion that this was of particu­ sons’ Society, a national body which excluded lar political significance in the case of the West­ non-Whites at the Cape as well as elsewhere, and ern Cape. (Lewis, 1983) the Cape Hairdressers Employees Association, which in 1942 stated that there were no non- There was a certain conventional wisdom (ideo­ Whites in the trade who were eligible for mem­ logy) surrounding registered trade unions which bership. Later, however, it accepted Coloured characterised these unions in terms of an all too members in Cape Town only. (Simons, 1948: simple identification with ‘White’ workers. The p.165) exceptional characteristics of the Western Cape, where a number of Coloured workers were A Trade Union Congress was set up in 1926, with members of registered unions were noted, but affiliated unions throughout the Union of South only as a deviation from the empirically defined Africa exclusive of the Western Cape, where the norm. What followed then was usually an expla­ Cape Federation of Labour Unions functioned. nation of the exceptional features of the West­ In 1929, the Trade Union Congress recom­ ern Cape trade union structure in terms of the mended the enrolment of all employees in their ‘liberaV tradition of the Cape. The operation of respective unions, irrespective of race or colour. ideology is not denied; in point of fact certain of If this was not agreed upon, then an alternative the issues raised herein bring the importance of policy of parallel branches in the unions would ideological factors to the fore. An example, by have had to be agreed upon. Both these sugges­ way of illustration, is the 1956 legislation segre­ tions were, however, not acceptable to many of gating the registered mixed unions and prohibit­ the unions in the North. ing henceforth the formation of unions on a ‘mixed’ basis. Also, to understand the question 6.4 Separation of Coloured and White workers of worker organisation in the Western Cape, the The Industrial Legislation Commission was di­ skill composition of the workforce and the rected, inter alia, to make recommendations on

15 the future of mixed unions. It stated in its report complications in the system of wage regulation, that the evidence presented to it was overwhelm­ but suggested various expedients whereby these ingly against the introduction of legislation com­ difficulties might be minimized. pelling the segregation of the various races into 6.5 Attitudes toward the racial division of separate unions. The arguments of the em­ unions ployers and employees who gave evidence was, The TUC encouraged its members to form sep­ in brief, that there should be no interference with arate branches rather than to split into separate the principle of the right of association; that wor­ unions. It pointed out that division weakened the kers in each industry should have the right to de­ position of the workers vis-a-vis the employer cide whether they wanted mixed or separate and expressed a fear that Coloured workers unions. might, in terms of economic depression, accept It was also argued that the rights of the workers a wage reduction at the expense of the White were indivisible. Separation would weaken the workers within that industry. Furthermore, the position of the workers vis-a-vis the employers. TUC was anxious that the assets of the unions If separate unions were created in an industry, should be preserved intact. one union might attempt to undermine the posi­ The SA Congress of Trade Unions on the other tion of the other. The employers, too, were in fa­ hand, pointed out, that Coloured members of vour of a single channel of negotiation. mixed unions had been deprived of any effective Fragmentation, they felt, might lead to the de­ voice in the administration of their unions. It felt struction of the Industrial Council system. that it would be in the best interests of these Counter arguments by the Commission were members to break away and form separate that it was idle to deny that there were differen­ unions which would be directly represented at ces in education and standards of living or that Industrial Council, Conciliation Board or Wage racial prejudice existed. Mixed unions did not Board meetings, and would be free to determine provide adequate protection for the economic their own policies. SACTU itself had no mixed interests of minority workers. The group in the unions affiliated to it. majority negotiated the wages paid to all. In 6.6 Attitudes of coloured trade unionists times of depression, where non-Whites were in The large majority of Coloured trade unionists the majority in any particular industry, they had belonged to the racially mixed rather than might, because of their lower living standards, be to the segregated unions. Membership of these willing to accepts lower wages for all workers in older, more established unions offered various that industry to avoid unemployment. White economic advantages; these unions possessed workers were often unwilling to join mixed well endowed benefit funds and were able to give unions unless a closed shop provision applied. security and backup during periods of hardship if members were victimized. Also, in many of the Recommendations of the Commission were that industries concerned, the principle of the rate the policy should be to achieve the organisation for the job applied, and Coloureds who re­ of White and non-White workers in separate mained in separate branches of mixed unions racial trade unions. Existing mixed unions thus benefitted from representations made by should be compelled to separate unions. The the central executive committees. Commissioners admitted that parallel unions for the different races would create difficulties and In some trades, especially those where job reser­

16 vation had been introduced at the request of the tween Coloured skilled, semi-skilled and un­ White workers, Coloured workers felt that their skilled workers. Thus broad ideological factors, progress had been blocked and were embittered the racist definitions of the Act in this case, cer­ and resentful. (Horrel, 1969) Still others were tainly did divide the ranks of the working class, resentful of the all-White executive committee but they were not the only or necessarily the most arrangement. Others argued that separate de­ important divisions. The technical division of la­ velopment was inescapably the policy of the bour itself is responsible for economic, political country and that Coloureds should, therefore, and ideological divisions within the working- assume full responsibility for their own affairs class, and when an understanding is attempted and should develop their own leadership rather of the marked lack of organisation of the un­ than assume second hand responsibility through skilled Coloured workers, one would have to White leaders. Toward the end of 1968, a strong look beyond the legislative impact of the 1956 groundswell of opinion as to the desirability of Act. breaking away from TUCSA arose. This debate Embodied in mixed trade unions was the separ­ was exacerbated to some extent by the question ation between the economic and political of whether or not Black unions should be re­ struggles. White skilled workers allied them­ tained within TUSCA. Many of these Coloured selves economically with Coloured skilled and unions felt that they would be better served by a semi-skilled workers while politically they sup­ co-ordinating council of their own. ported the maintenance of White dominance. There were other Coloured unions which re­ Mixed trade unionism was never used as struggle mained independent and decided to remain for the political rights of Coloured workers - in­ neutral when this split came. Representatives of stead it was used to contain the struggle. Incor­ these unions claimed that while they recognized poration in the economic struggle would contain the need for workers to stand together, they the political struggle by institutionalizing indus­ preferred to avoid association with any organi­ trial conflict, that is, by incorporating trade sation they regarded as being sectional or con­ unions into institutions of collective bargaining, troversial. the growth of a militant non-White trade union movement could be pre-empted. The method of 6.7 Conclusions protection embodied within Coloured mixed The provisions of the 1956 Industrial Concilia­ unions was the basis for the assumption that the tion Act had a particular importance for the institutionalization of conflict was superior to re­ Western Cape where a large proportion of the pression as a means of containing the political Coloured labour force is employed and where struggle. the decision to separate the registered mixed unions met with widespread opposition. How­ The divisions introduced into the ranks of the ever, whilst separation of the unions appeared to trade union by the 1956 Act constituted a “. . . have much affect on the economic bargaining gross interference with freedom of association” position of both White and Coloured trade (Lewis, 1983) However, it did not have the an­ union members, it had no descernible effect on ticipated effect of prompting the registered the mass of unorganised Coloured workers. unions to salvage their lost solidarity by looking Whilst the 1956 Act may have created a rift with­ to the unskilled and semi-skilled workers. This in the ranks of the already organised, skilled begs the question as to why the unions chose to workers, it did not affect the relationship be­ fix their attention on the skilled workers to the

17 almost total exclusion of unskilled workers. is that they reflected the antagonism toward any attempt to assist in the organisation of Black A possible explanation is that the mixed and Col­ workers. Such action equally retarded the devel­ oured unions in the Western Cape have in the opment of unions of which unskilled Coloured past been dominated by skilled craftsman since workers were members. The Communist Party at least the turn of the century. Coloured wor­ played an active role in the organisation of un­ kers were thus admitted to the unions because skilled Coloured workers in the Western Cape. they were firmly established in most of the im­ Together with other organisations such as the portant trades. The relative liberalism of the Coloured Unemployment League and the Afri­ Cape unionists and White wage earners is, there­ can Federation of Trade Unions, they were in­ fore, to be explained by the rather expedient volved in the formation of unions such as the S.A. grasping of crucial opportunities. Craft unions Railway and Harbour Workers Union and the would only open their ranks to the unskilled wor­ Food and Canning Workers Union. kers when the job of artisan had been irreversibly diluted or fragmented. But in terms of the pre­ These organisations were subjected to severe valent economistic craft-type perspective, there harassment and many of their leaders were im­ was no a priori reason for opening their ranks to prisoned or banned. The unions wherein they unskilled workers. It was simpler to organise had played a leading role were isolated from the relatively stable, employed skilled workers than mainstream of trade union activity in the West­ to organise lowly paid, often unemployed, un­ ern Cape and were severely criticized by the es­ skilled workers. Also, and undoubtedly, the sim­ tablished unions. plest way of resolving any economically Thus the actions of the State, perhaps not expli­ grounded conflict which might have arisen be­ citly directed at the organisation of Coloured tween skilled and unskilled workers would have workers, certainly had the effect of retarding the been to keep the conflict out of the union. development of unskilled Coloured workers in Furthermore, the domination of skilled unions the Western Cape. reinforced itself. If the craft unions were domi­ These two factors of themselves did not account nant, it was obvious that the co-ordinating for the lack of organisation among unskilled Col­ bodies would be dominated by the immediate oured workers in the Western Cape, but they economic interests of the skilled workers. were of critical importance. The policies and priorities of the registered The 1956 legislation only directly affected the unions at the time have also to be read against position of the skilled workers. It reduced their the political struggles of the time-conflicts be­ bargaining power and, in a more general sense, tween the various political organisations sym­ bolstered the racist ideology separating the Col­ pathetic to the interests of the broad working- oureds and the Whites. Without doubt, the criti­ class and struggles between the state and the cal division in the Western Cape was within the various political organisations actively co-oper­ ranks of the semi- and unskilled workers, that is ating with the unions. the division between Coloured and Black wor­ The State’s views were crystallized in the actions kers. Organisation of unskilled workers in the taken against trade unionists immediately after Western Cape would ultimately have to include the passage of the Suppression of Communism both Coloured and African workers. As Alexan­ Act. A generalized assumption of these actions der and Simons pointed out: “Coloureds, Indians

18 and Africans have a common interest... But their outlook. Ideology here is understood as an ac­ statuses are unequal. As long as the registration of tion-related system of ideas and institutions in­ a union confers a real or imagined advantage on tended to change or defend an existing its members, it is unlikely that Coloured and In­ socio-economic order. A distinction betwee pol­ dian workers will adopt the course open to any itical ideologies (nationalism, Marxism, lib­ union of not seeking registration.” (Alexander eralism) and economic ideologies (feudalism, and Simons, 1959: p.38) capitalism, socialism). These ideologies present a specific analysis of the present social order, re­ 7. A SCENARIO FOR A POST-APARTHEID late it to a future ideal, and outline a strategy to SOUTH AFRICA achieve the desired state, whether by maintain­ 7.1 The concept of ideology ing the present order, or by reforming it, or by For many, the word ideology evokes the images replacing it with a new order. of Communism, Marxism and Socialism. For This second level is still universal; everybody is others, ideology is a form of false consciousness involved, consciously or unconsciously. A per­ embodied in Capitalism, Afrikaner nationalism son is born into a specific political or economic and racialism. Those who accuse others of being ideology before he can consciously confirm or ideological often presume that they themselves correct it. One’s ideology reflects, as a general are free from ideology, while those who use it in rule, one’s class origin and position in society. a more neutral sense believe it refers to a moral world view. When the word was first coined at One’s class, position and origin in society ex­ the time of thee French Revolution, ideology or press the vested interest one has in maintaining the science of ideas was intended to provide a or changing the present status quo. This does not true foundation for all other sciences. mean, however, that one’s class position and in­ terests necessarily determine one’s ideological Four different levels at which the term can be commitment. Moral, religious and psychological understood are suggested in order to synthesize reasons and motivations can induce people to the different meanings of ideology as used in dif­ opt for a different society. ferent contexts. Ideologies are not simply systems of ideas. They 12 Ideology as world view are embodied in social institutions like political Ideology is understood at this most general level parties, churches, the army and in the media. as an organic system of ideas that interprets re­ ality from one specific perspective. Nationalism, 7.4 Ideology as false consciousness for example, interprets the world from the vant­ This level represents the specifically Marxian age point of the nation. The identity of the na­ understanding of ideology. Ideologies as false tion creates symbols which generate solidarity consciousness distort the truth, consciously or and enable people to understand their being in unconsciously; they are a deformed and inverted the world. Such an understanding of ideology is reflection of what is real. They conceal behind a neutral and universal. mask of objectivity and moral acceptability the actual economic, political and social interests of 73 Ideology at the level of politics and econo­ a specific group. mics On this level ideologies refer to those world Ideologies in the sense of false consciousness are views that have a specific political and economic found within dominant groups. They arise out of

19 the desire of a group to justify before itself and South African system is more commonly before others its privileges, political power, so­ summed up by the word ‘Iapartheid’ than by any cial prestige, and financial benefits. Ideology as other single term. Where does apartheid fit into a mechanism of self-justification can create the a discussion of ideology? Moodie described collective illusion of legitimacy and accept­ apartheid as a ‘civil religion’, defined in these ability; ideally, this illusion is also shared by a terms: considerable part of the dominated groups; “Civil religions denotes the religious dimension of thereby ensuring the cohesion and credibility of the State. As such it is invariably associated with the dominant parties. the exercise of power and with the constant re­ 7.5 Total ideology: level of religion generation of a social order; it gives a transcend­ Certain ideologies can assume a totalitarian ent referent for sovereignty within a given territory. character upon becoming total ideologies. They The ultimate nature and destiny of political power become like a religion, setting absolute value on is thus connoted in the symbols of the civil faith a finite reality such as nation, culture, security or and reenacted by civic ritual" (Moodie, 1975: revolution. Hitler’s nationalist socialism, fascism p.276) However, treating apartheid as a civil reli­ are total ideologies. Whereas the Marxism of gion illuminates only one of its aspects - the as­ Marx constitutes above all an analysis of capital­ pect referred to by Giddens as the ‘naturalising ism and a strategy to overcome it, Soviet ideo­ process'. (Giddens, 1979: p.195) This is taken to logy has made it a total ideology. It has become mean the process whereby the state function­ a secular religion, the total answer to man’s dee­ aries use apartheid to suggest to the population, pest questions. Total ideology is false to the de­ especially the White population, that the status gree which it makes part of reality the total quo is a reflection of a historically legitimated reality. It encloses the world, the total reality, in ‘state of nature’ and a wholly normal current state a narrow confinement. To present the partial of affairs. As well as being limited to this dimen­ truth as the whole truth, it uses massive repress­ sion, seeing apartheid as a civil religion serves to ion and coercion at all levels, physical, psycho­ highlight its function and meaning for the ruling logical, mental. It compels consent by reign of group, but says nothing about the way apartheid terror to make up for what it lacks in real sup­ is experienced by the majority black population. port by the people. Black South Africans are now too politically mo­ When ideology becomes a total ideology, it de­ bilised and the international community is now generates from a symbol into an idol. A symbol too sensitized for the government to continue discloses the world, an idol veils it. A symbol with the use of the term apartheid. A consider­ points beyond itself toward a greater reality able variety of newspeak, derived from current whereas an idol, knowing only its own little truth, political movements and debates in political stifles within in its confines. A symbol liberates science and sociology in other parts of the world, and an idol oppresses. A symbol invites partici­ have been put to use to lend authenticity to the pation and stimulates creativity; an idol needs official line that, although South Africa’s prob­ absolute domination and remains poor, for it ex­ lems are unusual in their magnitude, they are cludes the totality of the richness of the truth. being dealt with through policies that other na­ tions have adopted - though in the face of a few 7.6 Apartheid as an ideology problems that few nations have experienced. The characteristic international image of the ‘Political Independence’; ‘Internal Autonomy’-,

20 and ‘Self Determination’ is what is supposed to concessions, which have been presented to the be happening to the old ‘bantustans’ and ‘home­ White electorate as petty apartheid lest they trig­ lands'. ‘Bantu tribes’ and ‘Non-Europeans’ have ger a revanchist lurch to the far right, but do have been transmuted into ‘Black Nations’. Section 10 some important systemic implications. And fun­ workers are referred to as ‘Urban Black Com­ damental structures, which if undermined, will munities’. As to the relations between Black, profoundly alter the current forms of social and White, Coloured and Asian communities, these political organisation, leading to what is loosely can be seen as a form of Ethnic Pluralism and (but wrongly if it means a single event) described can be politically ordered through a form of as the ‘revolution’. Confederation (where communities are geo­ 7.7 Apartheid is dying, but will it lie down? graphically separated), or through Co-operative Rather than attempt to survey popular or inter­ Coexistence, or Consociational Democracy, national views, three academic and hopefully ob­ where they are less separated. jective views have been selected in an attempt to The proliferation of new vocabulary can be re­ answer the above question. All three positions garded as an implicit recognition by the ruling are what can be termed conservative, in so far as party and its organic intellectuals that the force they all cohere around a common stance - name­ of real events and real struggles must in turn pro­ ly that the capacity for revolutionary change in voke a genuine rethink of strategies and options South Africa is exaggerated, that the capacities available to the White electorate. The question of the government to adapt are underestimated, arises whether this shifting language is a signal and that it may be possible to contain unrest and that the long road from White supremacy, to dissent at a manageable level. The three authors White hegemony, to White partnership, to attempt to grapple with what may be judged to White minority protection and finally non­ be the dominant dialectic of the endgame in racialism is seriously being embarked upon. Or South Africa, that between change and conti­ whether this shift in language is yet another cos­ nuity, between evolutionary and revolutionary- metic device designed to distract the opponents prospects. of apartheid, deflect its international critics and carry on business as before. 7.8 A pragmatic race oligarchy? The first view discussed is that of Adam in ‘Mod­ An answer to these questions must hinge on an ernising Racial Domination’. (Adam, 1971) assessment of which elements in the social struc­ Though the earliest of the three views, it is the ture and in social practice are fundamental to most sophisticated, in that the author is fully cog­ the basic functioning of the society and which are nizant of the repressive and unstable elements of dispensable. Apartheid as a social practice and the government, yet nonetheless seeks to dem­ legal requirement covers so many areas of ordi­ onstrate how it has the capacity to develop a set nary life that it is quite difficult to decide what is of policies in response to pressure. The govern­ or is not fundamental. ment is broadly characterised as a ‘pragmatic race oligarchy’ though the ideology of apartheid One ends with an implicit trichotomy. Petty itself is thought to have certain utopian elements. apartheid which still provides much salt for the wounds suffered by the Black community, but According to Adam (1971: p.69) “Verwoerd re­ which has been formally and legally outlawed, alised that he had to create a political outlet for without major systemic consequences. Limited African nationalism. Die bantustan policy is sup­

21 posed to fulfill this function. It deflectspolitical of internal liberalisation, in contrast to the irra­ Mlaspirations to areas where they are no danger tionality of national socialism in Germany and to White rule.” He suggests, quite plausibly, that continues: the policy of bantustans is not that different from “Above all, rational racial domination is most the policy of indirect rule successfully practiced likely to falsify the assumption that mounting in­ by colonial administrators all over Africa. Adam ternal tension will make a violent revolutionary surmises further, that in the short term, ‘black sa­ change inevitable. The South African Whites, who traps’ will be satisfied with the minor privileges at present determine the racial policies over their conferred by the state, given that their historical country, have almost perfected their domination experience has comprised nothing but degrada­ over the non-White labour potential, and they will tion and subjection. (1971: p.80) Adam however, continue to do this in their own interests. They are was convinced, and subsequent events have not, as often viewed by the outside world, blindly proved him accurate, that the homelands policy fumbling toward their inevitable end. They are ef­ have provided only a minor solution to the prob­ fective technocrats, who are establishing an in­ lem posed by the growth of an urban African creasingly unshakable oligarchy in a society where population. He also maintains that it is im­ the wealth of an advanced industrialization in the possible to segment the South African economy, hands of the few Mutes coexists with the relative given the close interpenetration of White capital deprivation of the non-whites. If this is to be with Black labour. cemented by a gradual deracialization and econ­ He deals intermittently with the important ques­ omic concessions, South Africa’s white elite is ca­ tion of rising expectations and the gap between pable of achieving this in spite of internal ‘claim’ and ‘reality’, arguing with good com­ contradictions,.” (1971: pp 181-182) parative support, that poverty alone is no guar­ 7.9 A multi - ethnic elite? antee of a heightened political consciousness. The second view cited is that provided by Gann He opines that “... in South Africa an expanding and Duignan in ‘Why South Africa Will Survive’. economy has made it possible so far to meet the (Duignan & Gann, 1979) The two authors en­ rising material expectations and not to heighten gage in a polemic against what they see as a libe­ the discrepancy between ideology and reality”. ral and Marxist orthodoxy regarding the South (1971: pp 101-102) In Adam’s view, the main African government’s wickedness and the lever for pragmatic adaptation lies in the in­ country’s potential instability. The broad direc­ creasing heterogeneity of the Afrikaner popula­ tion of their arguments is to suggest that the tion. With the poor White problem a thing of the trickle-down effects of successful modernization past, large numbers of Afrikaners are entering will dilute Black claims, that the government in managerial, professional and business positions. large measure is invincible and, and that despite, These form the core of the ‘verligte’ element, who or because of, the possibility of violence killing will be able to propel their more traditional co­ the golden goose for all, the various ethnically- ethnics (verkramptes) to compromise and adapt distinct elites will be able to cobble together a to new conditions. In the recent elections for the new and workable constitutional order. They de­ White House of Assembly, the resurgence of the velop these arguments in the following pro­ HNP and CP and the ideological dilemma of the nouncements: ruling NP lends credence to this view. Adam sees apartheid as an ‘elastic’ race nationalism capable “Unlike a truly decadent mling class, South Afri­

22 can whites are willing to tax themselves heavily power and determined to create a wiser social con­ and to conscript their sons... sensus”. (1979: pp 288-304)

The whites perform essential economic functions; 7.10 An impasse? for the time being the greater part of South Afri­ The final view of the limited possibilities for fun­ ca’s administrative, entrepreneurial and technical damental change in South Africa comes from skills... South Africa - alone in sub-Saharan Af­ Schlemmer’s ‘Build-up to Revolution or Im­ rica-has built up a reasonably balanced economy passe?’ (Schlemmer, 1983) The main thrust of complete with modem manufactures, extensive this analysis is that South Africa is far from being mining industries and an advanced agricultural particularly unstable by world standards. He ar­ sector. gues that the source of most instability derives from outside threats rather than internal dissent. In military terms, South Africa is well equipped. It He claims that a series of survey results demon­ is a match for any conventional opponent except strate that Blacks are adopting a cautious politi­ a superpower. South Africais equally prepared to cal response, despite high levels of dissatis­ deal with guerrilla incursions. faction, because the instruments of coercion and . . . the benefits of economic development have control are too strong for them to oppose. begun to trickle down to all racial groups, albeit in He adopts a modified view of Gurr’s criteria ex­ uneven measure. Black South Africans - despite plaining ‘why men rebel’. (Gurr, 1970). While their disabilities - are among the best paid, best survey evidence conducted in 1982 showed ‘very educated, most urbanized Blacks in Africa... UN high’ and rapidly increasing levels of expressed propaganda notwithstanding there are now sub­ anger, impatience and dissatisfaction and other stantial numbers of Black South Africans who indicators showed a “.. .potentialfor political ag­ have a great deal more to lose than their chains. gression or violence.. .”, (Schlemmer, 1983: p.67) South Africa. . . is not sufficiently dependent on he argues that the minimum political demands imported capital to be vulnerable to ultimata from by a wide cross-section of Blacks are surprising­ the outside world. Because conflict will not resolve ly moderate. Schlemmer also reports that 70% the country’s problems and consensus may be im­ of the Blacks surveyed in 1982 valued White par­ possible to achieve, a third way should be tried - ticipation in South African society and White a consociational system... Consociation implies technical expertise, and that many saw the possi­ continued social and ethnic diversity based on a bility of patience, negotiation and the building policy of pragpiatism and tempered by co-oper­ up of bargaining power leading to peaceful re­ ation between the elites in each social group. forms and concessions. (Schlemmer, 1973: p.72) Reform in South Africa will come from within. It He concludes by arguing that Gurr’s structural will derive from the ruling Nationalist Party rather and organisational criteria for ‘turmoil, civil war than from a divided opposition. . . The National or effective conspiracy’ are not met by black pol­ Party today is a coalition... with... a substantial itical leaders inside South Africa. Though he ac­ reformist group made up of businessmen and pro­ cepts that political discontent among the Blacks fessional people, technicians and specialists in is constrained by coercion and fear, Schlemmer both the public and private sectors, clergyman and goes further in assuming a more positive com­ senior members of the defense establishment pliance by Blacks derived from: (a) the in­ anxious to strengthen the country’s industrial cremental improvements in material welfare; (b)

23 the opportunities for social mobility by educated ities of the September 1985 foreign debt mora­ Blacks in the administration system of the apart­ torium called by the South African government heid homelands; and (c) the high levels of exter­ and the subsequent collapse of the Rand in the nally-based insurgency. Schlemmer maintains face of a quceze of foreign capital during 1985. that .. real or apparent system responsiveness, Also, the heightened intensity of sabotage at­ coupled with effective security’ controls and an tacks does not lend credence to their former emasculation of counter-system organization, is statements. Schlemmer displays a similar cre­ least likely to continue to protect the established dulity about regime claims in quoting, and ap­ regime functions, at least in the short term.” parently accepting, police statements that “. . (Schlemmer, 1983: pp 76-77) over ninety percent of underground insurgents who have participated in some act of sabotage are 7.11 A critique of conservatism tracked down”. (Schlemmer, 1983: p.9) A common thread running through the analyses of the authors cited above is that they all find the In order to make sense of the shifting ideology final locus of power in the groups that wield it and practice of apartheid at this juncture, it and insist on locating any movement in the sys­ would be necessary to assess the reaction of the tem within the broad ruling group. Thus Adam government to pressures from the bottom of the fixes on the Verligte Afrikaner to make his system social structure rather than from within its own more flexible and responsive; Gann and Duig­ ranks. To assist in this exercise, it might be help­ nan talk of a ‘substantial reformist group’ within ful to make certain assumptions about the shape the party; while Schlemmer contents himself of a future South Africa in order to identify best with saying that “... the degree of regime sun’eill- those elements of a social structure that will re­ ance, control, action against radical organizations main unamenable or or not easily amenable to as well as its motivation (its White leadership and an almost immediate change should the current substantial White personnel ensures loyalty) is suf­ ruling class lose political power. ficient to promote reform - vague and sweeping 7.11.1 Assumption one: continual unrest promises of refonn and development are simply The incidence of urban unrest, the level of black made from time to time as a sop to world opi­ political consciousness and the loss of foreign in­ nion”. (Schlemmer, 1983; p.79) vestors’ confidence in the future of South Afri­ By focussing only on the capacity of the govern­ can capitalism are not temporary phenomena. ment to effect changes, we are given absolutely When the current wave of unrest began late in no sense of the degree of organisational capac­ 1984, a number of commentators drew parallels ity, political consciousness or level of mobiliza­ with the situation after Sharpeville and Soweto: tion of the subject population. This top-down A few nervous Whites would leave, the stock approach could lead conservative theorists to market dip briefly and some more Blacks would believe the regime’s own statements about itself. get shot until there would be a return to a stable This is not true of Adam, who does maintain a equilibrium enforced by the power of the state. sceptical distance, but it is all too apparent in However, a high and constant level of counter­ Gann and Duignan. Their statements that South violence directed against the state has conti­ Africa can “.. .deal with a guerrilla incursio.. .” nued, with greater pressure being exerted on the and is . not sufficiently dependant on foreign political system through labour, usually in the capital to be vulnerable to ultimata. . .” have form of labour confederations of general and turned out to be baseless in the face of the real­ community unions, flexing its muscles within the

24 legal channels opened to them by industrial en­ the dominant force. The events of 1976 and franchisement. 1984/85 suggest that the historic role of the ANC has not been forgotten by current leaders of the Abroad, the campaign for disinvestment and di­ Black struggle. Many of the symbols and colours vestment continues, and has taken a grip of the shown at Black funerals and rallies are declara­ young and radical elements in Europe and the tions of support for this dominant force of the United States in a way that was only paralleled liberation movement. The ANC has also ac­ by the peace movement. Virtually everyday there quired a strong presence through underground is news of companies disinvesting or some an­ work in the communities, in the trade unions and nouncement of the ‘boycott South African goods through spectacular acts of sabotage. movement’.

7.11.2 Assumption two : unstable equilibrium However, the main effective internal coalition is The second assumption within this scenario is the United Democratic Front (UDF) which in that present events within South Africa con­ many respects continues the old traditions of stitute the beginnings of a new long-term un­ front and alliance politics established by the stable equilibrium, such as that obtaining in ANC. It is, however, an organisation with its feet Northern Ireland or Lebanon. Obviously, these closer to the ground, is run by a younger leader­ analogies do not hold in any exact sense - they ship and has proved its worth in popular con­ are simply meant to reinforce the second as­ frontations with the government. (Schlemmer, sumption that social and political relations with­ 1983: p.73) in South Africa cannot be restored to the status Whites have for so many years been conditioned quo ante. On the contrary, they are likely to be to to seeing the exiled ANC as the embodiment constantly in a state of flux and will probably re­ of evil, that they have found it quite difficult to tain a fair share of unfocused (and more di­ adjust to the fact that their internal opposition rected) violence, urban disorder, mass struggle, may represent a more potent threat. After such state brutality and economic crisis. a lengthy period in exile, the attractions of legit­ Would this and the previous assumption alter imacy must be many for the leaders of the ANC, dramatically if Black rule were attained? A but they will have to weigh that option against major difficulty in assessing such a proposition the probable loss of support from the radical is that there is an uncertainty whether, in a free township youth and the probable backlash of competition for electoral advantage, a clear White popular opinion. Black and Brown coalition would emerge. There 7.11.3 Assumption three: black majority rule is little doubt that a conservative Black party The most likely scenario to emerge from the cur­ under the leadership of a figure like Chief Mang- rent powerful challenge to the state and its in­ sothu Buthelezi would attract political support creasing openness to political negotiation would by a significant section of a Black electorate. be for a small opportunist element of the ANC On the other hand, the representative organisa­ to do a deal with the White minority government, tions of the African and Coloured population on the basis of some power sharing arrangement that operated in the 1950s and were banned in in the urban areas, leaving the existing ‘home­ the 1960s have existed largely in exile for 20 years lands’ intact and the power base of the Inkhatha or more. These organisations are split amongst Movement inviolate. However, such a partial themselves, although it is clear that the ANC is solution is likely to be part of a continuing un-

25 stable equilibrium, and in the long run it is like­ gether in the UDF. ly that the centrist elements of the UDF and the That the ANC is not the monolith it has been mainstream of the ANC will link together once proclaimed to be can be seen from the public do­ the ANC is legalized, or is sufficiently strong to cuments of the Congress movement, including operate in open defiance of the government. The the Freedom Charter, compiled at ‘The Congress next, perhaps optimistic, scenario is that a coali­ of the Peoples’ in 1955 at Kliptown. Given the tion movement representing the the generality of mythology that accompanies this document, it African and Coloured interests will inherit pol­ will almost certainly comprise a major plank in itical power based on a non-racial franchise with the political program of the political party whose a minimum degree of violence and electoral establishment was postulated earlier. fraud. Assumption three, therefore, is that Black majority rule, if it comes to South Africa, This document wavers between private will be supported by a broad base of African and property and collective ownership. This heritage Coloured South Africans. A corollary to this as­ of a respect for private property (reflecting the sumption is that such a movement will have its class interests of the Coloured merchants and roots inthe Western Cape and will, at least in its businessmen as well as the general respectable initial stages, be driven by community and temperament of African Nationalism at that general unions. This movement will be crystal­ time) and the contrary commitment to nationali­ lized into a political party comprising elements sation (reflecting the influence of the Commun­ of theUDF and the ANC and will be organised ist Party) will remain unresolved. The political along socialistic lines. Evidence in support of party postulated earlier will therefore come to this line of reasoning will be presented hereafter, power with promises like these extracted from with the hypothetical party referred to as the the 1955 Freedom Charter more or less intact: OUR PARTY. .. The mineral wealth beneath the soil, the banks and monopoly industry shall be transferred to the 7.11.4 Assumption four: private property & ownership of the people as a whole. All people collective ownership shall have equal rights to trade where they choose, It is often assumed that all subordinated groups to manufacture and enter all trades, crafts and have a self evident class interest which will be met by the destruction of apartheid. However, professions. African and Coloured South Africans have a Restrictions of land ownership on a racial basis variety of class interests to protect, maintain or shall be ended and all the land re-divided amongst defend. One line of fissure is between those with those who work it, to banish famine and land a landed rural base and the emergent profes­ hunger. sional and petit bourgeoisie in the towns. Freedom of movement shall be guaranteed to all who work on the land.'” (The Freedom Charter, Another division of interest is between these 1955.) strata and the broad mass of landless peasants, underpaid workers, migrants and the urban un­ 7.11.5 Assumption five: neutralism abroad employed. These distinctions, which are con­ The fifth and final assumption is that the foreign cealed by the conventional racial form of poli­ policy profile and general orientation of OUR tical discourse, are reflected in the many and PARTY would be similar to that established by diverse organisations that are loosely held to­ Mugabe in Zimbabwe. This implies a somewhat

26 friendlier attitude toward the Soviet Union and postion in the modern division of labour. other countries of the Eastern bloc, an alliance It is not foreseen that OUR PARTY will pursue with the non-aligned movement, but the re-entry a particularly liberal democratic model of gov­ of the country into the Commonwealth. These ernment. There will be serious threats to the new broad international re-alignments would be order from last ditch stands by Whites, from con­ more of a facade designed to demonstrate the servative African groupings loyal to conservative radical credentials of some ex-ANC members tribal entities, and from unemployed and under­ previously allied to the communist movement. employed Black youths frustrated when ‘free­ Trading relationships would continue as normal. dom’ brings them little. The giant multi-nationals would continue to run the mining houses and the industrial combines. Above all, the OUR PARTY government will The bulk of foreign investment would continue be faced with the problem of uncontrolled squat­ to flow from Europe and North America. Gold ting. The apartheid state is faced by mass remo­ and diamonds would continue to be traded in vals - a policy that will be difficult to sustain in London and South African fruit would still be view of the constellation of political forces be­ exported to Europe. This last is subject to agri­ hind the projected government. But it will cer­ cultural production not being too severely dis­ tainly have to evolve an urban management rupted by landgrabbing or increased wages. As strategy, perhaps combining the elements of the new Black bourgeoisie establishes itself self-help with site and service schemes, to cope through state patronage and privileged access to with the uncontrolled movements of people public goods, discretionary consumption of im­ compelled by the existing impoverishment of ag­ ported goods would be maintained at present le­ riculture to search for survival in the urban and vels or rise modestly. industrial areas.

7.12 Summary Will the assumption of a Black majority govern­ The usual White assumption that a Black gov­ ment in South Africa necessarily mean the end ernment would signal a collapse into immediate of apartheid? Gaining control of the instruments disorder is predicated on some exaggerated Af­ of state power is important and can be a means rican comparisons. The Congo and Uganda, for social mobilisation and regeneration: no bet­ which are normally identified, never had the ter example can be found than the rate of social level of skilled personnel, bureaucratic exper­ mobility achieved by Afrikaners within the post- tise, industrial familiarity, educational attain­ 1948 South African state. ment to the modern world already found among the Black population of South Africa. It is doubt­ The achievement of state power does not, how­ ful that the Afrikaners were any better equipped ever, dislodge imbedded social structures, or to take over the governance of a modern state in alter the ‘economic facts of life’. In South Africa, 1948. the achievement of Black majority rule would not signify the end of apartheid, but its legal and The better comparison therefore is not a se­ formal abolition. The Freedom Charter states lected number of other African states, but the “.. .All apartheid laws and practices shall be set modern post-colonial states of South-East Asia, aside” - the first is easy to achieve by proclama­ a number of which have successfully modernized tion, but the heritage of apartheid practices will their state structures to find a more favourable not be so easy to root out and destroy.

27 8. THE OUTLOOK FOR COLOURED tributions to the tactics and ideologies of Black LABOUR RELATIONS IN THE CAPE political leaders. In the early 1940s, Coloured in­ 8.1 Introduction tellectuals propagated the principle of non-col­ A scenario of a post-apartheid South Africa has laboration with segregatory political institutions, been sketched central to which was the postula­ implemented through the tactic of the boycott, a tion of an Africanised political party (the OUR strategy employed to considerable effect by con­ PARTY) under the assumption of Black ma­ temporary Black organisations. jority rule. A corollary to this assumption was The major difference between Coloured and Af­ that this party would have its roots in the West­ rican politics, and a major dynamic of Coloured ern Cape and that organized labour in the Cape politics, was the complex nature of the Coloured would be instrumental in its formation. Since the people themselves. Given the heterogeneous na­ Coloureds comprise 12,1% of the national popu­ ture and diverse origins of people known as Col­ lation and 80% of them live and work in the oureds, they had no separate culture, history, Cape, it follows therefore that they would be in­ language, and in most cases, religion or even timately involved in the formation of such a racial origin from those of Whites. Indeed, the party. (Race Relations Survey, 1985: p.l) His­ frequency with which Coloureds ‘passed for torical and present trends in the development of Whites meant that many Whites were Colour­ a political direction and identity for the Colour­ eds. Where the Coloured political leaders of the eds as well as the pressures exerted from the in­ pre-1948 era differed was how best to mobilise dustrial relations system will be considered in Coloureds as a group to achieve the kind of support of this postulate. equality they desired. On the one hand, there were those such as Abdurahaman who regarded 8.2 Historical perspective of coloured political Coloured identity as an instrumental concept, a development tool to mobilised Coloureds so as to achieve the The impact of organised Coloured politics has ultimate aim of a non-racial South Africa, been greater than their minority status would whether based on a system of equal rights for all suggest, especially in the Cape. When Coloured ‘civilised men, or on universal suffrage. On the political mobilization on a substantial scale took other, there were rhose, notably in the African off in the late 1890s, it centered in Cape Town. National Bond who accepted the concept of Col­ The founding of the first successful Coloured oured as a distinct ‘ethnic’ o r1racial’ group. None political movement in 1902, The African Politi­ of them ever convincingly explained those cal Organization in Cape Town, in 1902 marked qualities that were intrinsically ‘Coloured'. the start of successful Black political mobiliza­ tion on a national scale in South Africa. Preced­ Coloured political organisations had a great deal ing the African National Congress (ANC) by a in common. For one thing, their leaders were decade, the APO had more than 20 000 mem­ drawn from a very small and homogeneous bers distributed in over 100 branches country­ group, the upper strata of their societies. Col­ wide. (Marais, 1939: p.257) Not only did the oured political leaders, as a self proclaimed Col­ APO play a pioneering role in Black protest oured intelligensia, constituted a small and politics, but it dwarfed the better-known ANC, tightly knit class. As such, they claimed to speak at least until the 1940s. Also, the other Coloured on behalf of all Coloureds, with a patronising at­ organizations which later emerged out of, or in titude clarly revealed by Abdurahman’s advo­ opposition to,the APO, made important con­ cacy of prohibition for Coloureds of by Kies’

28 claims for the leading role of the Black intel- organisation and were unwilling to face the sheer ligensia in the national liberatory movement. hard slow work needed to attract grassroots sup­ The majority of the Coloured political leaders port. The 1948 general election completed the were drawn from the upper echelons of the Col­ fragmentation of Coloured politics. The apart­ oured community. For the most part, the ma­ heid legislation introduced from this year on­ jority of the Coloureds - the rural and urban wards systematically and methodically “ . .. cut underclasses - remained outside Coloured pol­ off every avenue of black middle-class privilege.” itical organiastions. This is not tosay that they (Gerhardt, 1978: p.110) For Coloured politics, were unaffected by them. The NLL membership therefore, the post-1948 era was marked by a list reveals that a sizable number of unskilled la­ growing convergence of interests with African bourers were members. (Sun, 21 November, and Indian organisations. This, together with the 1941) The upper strata of the Coloured com­ arbitrary and often offensive definitions of cer­ munity saw themselves, and were perceived by tain people as Coloured in terms of the Popula­ others as an elite. tion Registration Act, and the disfranchisement of Coloured voters in the 50s and 60s made pure­ Elite status was conferred by a number of factors ly Coloured political organisations and political - occupational, social, religious, and sometimes, activity increasingly less relevant to many of skin colour. It was on these elites that Coloured those categorised as Coloured. political organisations and to a large extent, Col­ oured politics, depended, since Coloured politcs 8.3 The 1964 to 1977 period was elite politics, an attempt to defend, and if The state crackdown of the early 1960s, together possible, to advance their positions of relative with a growing array of security legislation, ef­ privilege. fectively crushed militant Black political organi­ These considerations help to explain the sations for the rest of the decade. Coloured strength of moderation or even conservatism in political organisations were in no position to organised Coloured politics before 1948. At­ mount an effective protest against these tempts to radicalise the elite failed. It had privi­ measures. A new phenomenon- political parties leges and property to lose in the event of any - arose within Coloured politics during the 1960s radical restructuring of South Africa. Even the with the formation of the Federal Coloured working class Coloured was exemt from many People’s Party (FCCP) which supported apart­ restrictions place on Africans - the Pass Laws heid and which hoped to protect and advance being a case in point. Accordingly, Coloured Coloureds rights through loyal and public sup­ radicals found it increasingly difficult to con­ port for the ruling White National Party. (Hugo, vince Coloureds to commit themselves to Black 1978: pp 111-118) The rival Labour Party was unity and to confrontationist of non-collabora­ formed in response to it in 1966 since it was tionist policies. Added to this was the fact that feared that the FCCP would be seen to be rep­ Coloureds had more in common, culturally, with resenting Coloured majority opinion by default. Whites, than they had with Africans. It portrayed itself as a workers party and placed itself within the mainstream of past Coloured The elitist attitude blinded them to their own political organisations, revealing a combination elite status and concerns which separated them of principled opposition to segregation and a from the Coloured working class. They were un­ pragmatic willingness to work within the system able to involve themselves in practical grassroots for incremental reform towards its ultimate

29 goals. (Van der Ross, 1976: p 428) Despite the and because they openly expressed grave reser­ far-reaching conclutions of the Theron Com­ vations about the school boycotts. The Labour mission of Enquiry into the Coloured People, it Party (LP), although it retained a significant the took the wave of urban Black unrest of 1976 to support of a significant part of the adult com­ cause it to review its uncompromising stand to­ munity, found itself losing support amongst the ward the Coloured people. The scale of intens­ youth and increasingly isolated in its advocacy of ity of the mass school boycotts, demonstrations working within government-created institutions and work stayaways which characterised the re­ for reform. (Hugo, 1987: p.260) volt of the Black youth in 1976 transformed the 8.4 1980 Onwards nature of Black opposition politics. Many Black leaders rejected the tricameral sys­ In the Western Cape, the children of the rising tem and the African local government reforms urban Coloured middle classes came to play a as an attempt by the government to modernize prominent role in the unrest. They were too well and entrench, rather than abolish, apartheid. In aware of their poor education facilities and the 1983, the United Democratic Front (UDF) was limitations apartheid had placed on their social, formed as a loose coalition of broadly like- political and economic development. Measures minded interest groups, rather than tightly knit such as the Group Areas Act had affected them and ideologically uniform political bodies. The and their families directly. In addition, since UDF tends to follow Charterist lines, and 1948, the steady erosion of the Coloured elite’s stresses non-racialism, actively soliciting White position of relative privilege had reduced the support. It also emphasizes the “. .. primacy of material incentives for a separate Coloured the working class in the national democratic identity, and encouraged a feeling of shared op­ struggle”, but displays greater ambiguity on the pression with other Blacks. Manipulations of ar­ issue of the desirability of socialist alternatives. tificially imposed ’ethnic’ identities in the (Barrel, 1984: pp 7-9, pp 11-12) interest of White domination further encour­ The emerging Black trade union movement, aged a conscious rejection of any separate Col­ even more significant than the UDF in terms of oured identity. Hence the substantial degree of committed direct grassroots support and of co­ unity of interests and action amongst Coloured hesive organisation and industrial muscle, and African youth in the 1976 uprisings. preferred for the most part to remain apart from The 1976 unrest, with its politicising and mobi­ the UDF and to preserve its freedom of action. lizing effects, marked the start of the revival of The new trade union federations find themselves Black protest politics and political organisations perforce involved in ‘poliliaT issues to an in­ on a scale not seen since the 1950s. (Gerhardt, creasing extend and act as levers of increasing 1978: p.312) pressure on Government and white business to accommodate change. For the established Coloured political parties and organisations, the youth uprising left them In summary then, despit their growing militancy, more isolated than before from the mainstream the older themes of non-racialism and non-vi­ of Black political activity. Negative reactions by olence persist in the mainstream of Black poli­ teachers to Black Consciousness as a racist and tics, although they are under increasing pressure reactionary ideology caused support for tea­ as society polarizes. For the most part, organisa­ chers associations such as the CTPA to dwindle tions such as the UDF rely on the politics of

30 pressure, rather than those of revolution. At the oured labour force and their collective aspira­ local level, community leaders use campaigns tions. (Bendix, 1985: IR Texts, p.23) The non- such as school stayaways, work stayaways and racial labour movement holds that the primary- boycott tactics for payment of rents, or pressure polarization should not be between workers, but on White businesses to attempt to force local between workers and employers. A worker’s White authorities and business to concede to basic position in the Capital-Labour dichotomy their demands. is what counts, not his race. His relationship to management as a dependent wage earner and Since 1948, for all the reasons listed before, the his status as a worker are the other criteria con­ relevance of Coloured political organisations sidered important. A solution to the South Afri­ has declined and mainstream Coloured politics can industrial relations problem is, therefore, has become subsumed within the broader Black not seen in multi-racial and group-interest political movements. Any attempt at a separate terms, but as a complete non-racial and individ­ Coloured identity has been rejected. ual industrial enfranchisement. Carried through Since 1900, the contributions of specifically Col­ to its logical conclusion on the political plane, it oured political organisations have been felt in expresses itself in a general enfranchisement on the organisational structures, ideologies and a one man one vote basis and ultimately within strategies of the whole range of Black political the central assumption of Black majority rule in movements, whether the ANC of 1912 or the our earlier scenario for South Africa. UDF of today, the predominance of strategies In socio-economic terms it is, therefore, possible on non-collaboration, the use of the boycott tac­ to compare the position of Coloured labour with tic and the major roles of Coloured intellectuals that of its British and European counterparts at and leaders in South African Black politics today approximately the turn of the century. This as­ underscore the importance of this contribution. sumes that the colour issue in political terms is Despite the contemporary prevalence of non­ ignored for the present. collaborationist policies, however, the experi­ Developments there favoured the development ence of Black politics generally vindicated the of a ‘Labour Party’’ and Bendix (1985:1 R Texts, politics of negotiation combined with effective p.17) is of the opinion that the non racial labour pressure rather than those of principled with­ movement in terms of political aspirations will drawal as advocated by the New Unity Move­ transmute itself into ‘labour party’ affiliations. ment (NUM). (New Unity Movement, April He further contends that this non-racial move­ 1985) The key to mass support and effective ment will become the major platform of Col­ pressure for change lies with detailed attention oured aspirations in economic terms and that it and close responsiveness to grassroots member­ will transmit it itself into community-centered ship, and with specific and disciplined cam­ pressure group politics and into increased la­ paigns using effective pressure tactics to achieve bour activity on the industrial front. attainable goals.

8.5 The future of coloured labour relations 8.6 Summary The historical and current trends identified ear­ The Western Cape has as yet been relatively un­ lier have implicitly laid the basis in fact for sup­ touched by recent developments in the new la­ port of Bendix1s contention of the non-racial bour dispensation and, if the newer unions are labour movement and its attraction for the Col­ able to succeed in establishing strong shop floor

31 organisation, they may yet come to play a role in terests. A popular Marxist view espoused by labour relations in the area and may, at the same Lorwin was that with time, a requisite class con­ time, discard their overtly political image. (Ben­ sciousness would develop. Nations late to indus­ dix, 1985: I R Journal, p.46) trialise would be late to develop class-conscious parties. (Lorwin,1958: p.350) However, after a Given the aforegoing themes and events, it is century of industrial development in the West­ possible to conclude that the Western Cape ern World, the Marxian view is unsupported would be the first to enter a labour relations situ­ since it fails to account for the absence of a so­ ation different to that of the rest of the country cialist party in the largest industrial nation, the and more similar to the left-right position in United States, and for the apparently arrested traditional European Capital-Labour terms. state of growth of socialist parties in the most 8.7 Conclusion fully industrialised European nations. It is now The socialist working class party is the most fre­ possible to argue that the socialist working class quent to have mass membership and all socialist party is a product of a fairly early stage of indus­ parties that have become major political forces trialisation and of industrialisation in specifically have mass memberships. Good reason for this European socio-historical circumstances. Ep­ organisational character is that the only way a stein is of the opinion that large membership movement that challenged the existing economic working class parties are a product of circum­ order could seriously compete politically would stances and occur only at certain stages of social be for it to organise many of the class in whose development in certain nations, that these cir­ name and interests the challenge was being ad­ cumstances maybe receding, and therefore a so­ vanced. Patronage, even if customarily available, cialist working class party is not the inevitable would be too inaccessible to provide an organi­ wave of the future in every advanced nation. sational basis for a movement originating out­ (Epstein, 1967: p.132) side the orthodox political system, and What can be said generally of Europe is that its capitalists would be unlikely sources of funds. pre-modern, feudal past made for a pervasive The organisational problem is entirely analo­ consciousness of class before the development gous to that of trade unions, hence the conten­ of industrial society. While it may have been tion that such a movement in South Africa would equally true for Britain as for the rest of Europe, have its roots within the Black Trade Union it is possible to believe that the effects were movement. Only in large numbers can there be modified by other aspects of British Society. Re- strength. Dues cannot be too high and so must inhard Bendix (October, 1961: p.l 15) has sug­ come from many rather than few. And numer­ gested that the continental working class had no ous workers are also necessary to reach the still sense of recognized position in the civic com­ more numerous whose votes are needed. The munity in which to participate. Britain’s indus­ proletariat, as Michaels (1949: p. 46) has ob­ trial working class was created in a political served in his early studies of socialist parties, culture long based on class distinctions. Indus­ needs to organise in order to exert strength. trial workers were a new class in an old class so­ Two obvious prerequisites for a socialist work­ ciety. They were socially and politically unequal ing class party are a sizable industrial working to begin with. Most of them had first been un­ class and the felt need of that class to organise equal as peasants. Being underprivileged econ­ politically, as well as industrially, in its own in­ omically had always meant being under­

32 privileged socially and politically. this coalition, the socialists are nothing more than a member. The Labour Party, writes Ber­ Only the nature of the new employment and the nard Crick, “.. . is a coalition of diverse class, new urban life meant that organisation became union, regional ideological even ethnic interests.. a possiblity and this was fostered by the subcul­ . And socialism itself, except in a very broad sense, ture of the urban proletariat. It was natural for is only one element in this coalition... certainly workers to think of themselves as a class, virtualy subsidiary.” (Crick, 10 December 1960 : p.453) a nation, apart from the rest of the nation. Continuing the pluralist line of thought, ideology A particular residue of pre-modern Europe was or social philosophy is, therefore, unlikely to play the persistence of political inequality in the re­ a major role as a bond of unity in a party and as stricted franchise. Almost everywhere in Eu­ a source of program and policy. The origin of rope, industrialization came before the party policy is likely to be found in the wishes of franchise was extended to the workers and the ordinary voters and members. These wishes, de­ mass of the population. The working classes mands or goals orginate in and are shared by existed before they had the right to vote. In Bri­ members of groups and the initiative will come tain, the rise of the Labour Party at the turn of from groups. the century serves to illustrate the parallels with­ The history of Coloured politics reveals a strik­ in the developing Western Cape and South Af­ ing continued commitment to the principles on rican labour situation and the situation as it non-racialism, non-violence, and democracy, existed then. It arose in an old class/racial so­ despite severe testing from White governments ciety. The working class had only recently been which not infrequently ignored all three in their enfranchised, at least industrially, and it stood dealings with Blacks and in fact often trans­ far apart from the governing class-economically, formed policies formulated for the latter for dif­ politically, socially and educationally. To an fering conditions to the former when they did not extra-ordinary degree, political power had long apply. It bears testimony to the survival against been the monopoly of those raised in privileged great odds of the will to resist, but without re­ circumstances. While initial guidance and ideo­ sorting to the temptations of blind hatred and logical direction came from middle class intel­ total rejection. Whether this has proved to be lectuals, the real leaders of the party were and more or less effective than revolutionary cathar­ have been working class men. sis is beside the point. The hypothesis of Beer that the Labour party is What is clear is that mainstream Coloured a coalition of many interests and points of view leaders and organisations not only based their would find ready acceptance in its South African strategies on an appreciation of their material in­ context if one considers the disparate elements terests, or on a realistic appraisal of their limited within the UDF and their political leanings. He powers as opposed to those of the state, but also postulates that a similar coalition can emerge on the principles of morality and tolerance, from within the UDF. (Beer, 1969) If this plu­ whether those of Christianity or of the secular ralist point of view is followed, the Labour Party creeds of Cape liberalism, democracy and anti­ may, therefore, be thought of as a coalition that racism. includes various groups, such as trade unions and reformers with special concerns, each com­ The twentieth century in South Africa has seen ponent group aiming at its particular goal. In a wastage of talents, intellects and goodwill, as a

33 direct consequence of the exclusion and rejec­ higher than their proportion in the population tion of Black leaders and their organisations would merit. under the policies of segregation and apartheid, Within the Western Cape, it could be expected on a scale which no country, let alone one so that member organisations of the UDF which divided, can afford without lasting damage to its have solid roots within the community will domi­ future prospects. nate local governement. From this foundation, It is, therefore, for the reasons stated earlier that the coalition of interests referred to as the OUR the Coloured people are most likely to find a pol­ PARTY will contest at a national level for rep­ itical home and group identity within the coali­ resentation within the central government. This tion of interests that has generically been assumes that the Coloured people will play a referred to throughout as the OUR PARTY. major role within this coalition, given their his­ torical precedents. The role of Labour here It will, too, provide a home for the disparate would be to give support to the coalition in re­ groupings of varying political persuasions cur­ turn or safeguards for its position within society. rently grouped under the banner of the UDF and Implicit in this is the conviction that White mi­ provide coherence and legality to the overtly nority rule in South Africa cannot survive. How­ leftist political leanings of the Black trade union ever, Black control of the instruments of state movement. power is important and can be used as a means Should the assumptions expressed earlier hold for social mobilisation and regeneration: no bet­ good, then it is expected that a national unicam­ ter example can be found than the extra-ordi­ eral legislative assembly will emerge, perhaps nary rate of social mobility by Afrikaners within with protected seats in the short term for the the post-1948 South African state. Coloured, Indian and White minorities. Local The achievement of state power does not, how­ government, particularly in the townships, ever, dislodge imbedded social structures or would become more representative and more alter the economic 'facts of life.’ The achieve­ responsive to local needs. It is doubtful as to ment of Black majority signifies the legal and for­ whether the level of Black electoral support mal abolition of apartheid, not its end. The would be very high in the first election and the heritages of apartheid practices will not be so level of effective White representation in the easy to root out and destroy. central government is, therefore, likely to be

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