Competing Marxist Theories on the Temporal Aspects of Strike Waves: Silver’S Product Cycle Theory and Mandel’S Long Wave Theory
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Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M. -
Referendum Move
THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL, SUNDAY, JUNE 8, 1913. 43 MANY ANSWER TO SAN MATEO ORGANIZES SPLENDID BAND FOR 1915 EXPOSITION. TARIFF FIGHT IS CALL OF VACATION NEAR TO CRISIS Streams of Summer Travel Senate Committee Will Give Bound for Springs, Shore Underwood Bill Severe and Mountain Test Before Caucus j Cuts Sched- Exodus From City to Re- Threatened in sorts and Country Is ules Indicate Struggle in Fairly Under Way Party Conference ' WASHINGTON, June 7.?B***for*» tns With fairly with us, the I'i the.summer tariffbill gets to the. senate streams /of travel to mountain and democratic?: caucus, where it be submitted to seashore may already be fully dis- .will the. most severe test It must meet be- cerned. \u25a0;-'\u25a0;"\u25a0?"''\u25a0 ;/:?.';> ,-; fore passage? it will have a?prelim< A familiar sight at the ticket offices its ; mary tryout .before the _senate finance is. father, with his fishing rod and the grips, medley committee that promises to be almost mother with' her of bun- equally? rigid.' '"."\u25a0, dles and (in many cases) big and little y Although v the subcommittees * have brother or sister tagging along with j been at .work' on -various schedules .'a; are to finish their baby to make up the family group, ; all month? and about work, said tonight that there their to school, it? was with- backs turned of- would \u25a0'". be opposition'\u25a0* byy democrats on f fice and workshop. " Diieclor Alois and his band of 40 pieces, organized under the auspices \u25a0of San Mateo merchants ,for the purpose of giving free 'open air concerts to ; the city's residents. -
Fictitious Capital and the Elusive Quest in Understanding Its Implications: Illusions and Paradoxes*
CADMUS, Volume 2, No.3, October 2014, 55-65 Fictitious Capital and the Elusive Quest in Understanding its Implications: Illusions and Paradoxes* Joanílio Rodolpho Teixeira Fellow, World Academy of Art & Science; Emeritus Professor, University of Brasilia, Brazil Paula Felix Ferreira Post-graduate Student, Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain Abstract This paper deals with the interaction between fictitious capital and the neoliberal model of growth and distribution, inspired by the classical economic tradition. Our renewed interest in this literature has a close connection with the recent international crisis in the capitalist economy. However, this discussion takes as its point of departure the fact that standard eco- nomic theory teaches that financial capital, in this world of increasing globalization, leads to new investment opportunities which improve levels of growth, employment, income distribu- tion, and equilibrium. Accordingly, it is said that such financial resources expand the welfare of people and countries worldwide. Here we examine some illusions and paradoxes of such a paradigm. We show some theoretical and empirical consequences of this vision, which are quite different and have harmful constraints. 1. Introduction There is an extensive controversy concerning traditional models of economic equi- librium and new development paradigms based on an interdisciplinary, broader study of economics. When faced with the harmful effects of misguided directives in an economic and global sense, theorists have the obligation not only to explain their causes, but also to offer a practical solution or alternate thinking. After all, consistent levels of poverty, unemploy- ment and low growth are results which were not expected in orthodox economic models of equilibrium and should be dealt with instead of being thrown aside as a politically restricted issue. -
Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. -
Marxism, Sociology and Poulantzas's Theory of the State
Marxism, Sociology and Poulantzas's Theory of the State Simon Clarke 1 Introduction Political developments in the last ten years have led to a very considerable re- newal of interest in Marxist economic and political analysis, and to a concerted attempt to reinvigorate Marxist theory as a revolutionary force. The focus of this movement is the attempt to develop a Marxist critique of Stalinist dogma- tism and of post-Stalinist revisionism. Its material conditions are the end of the long wave of post-war capitalist expansion and the reappearance of capitalist crisis, on the one hand, and the development of working class resistance to the domination of capital independently of the orthodox Communist Parties, on the other. This Marxist renaissance is taking place in conditions which make it ex- tremely vulnerable to absorption into the frame of reference of bourgeois ideol- ogy. Since 1930 Marxist theory has been positively or negatively dominated by the official Marxism of the orthodox Communist Parties (which I shall refer to as `dogmatism'). Those Marxists who were not prepared to subordinate themselves to dogmatism were not able to challenge it either. The period of cold war and the absence of independent working class resistance to capital meant that there was no basis on which such a challenge could be mounted. The independence of such Marxism was maintained by its diversion of attention from political and economic concerns. It was dominated by the attempt to explain the ap- parent solidity of bourgeois domination by reference to specific superstructural features which varied from one country to another, thus constituting various na- tional schools of `Western Marxism', which borrowed heavily from the dominant bourgeois cultural theories in the various countries. -
The Role and Application of the Union Defence Force in the Suppression of Internal Unrest, 1912 - 1945
THE ROLE AND APPLICATION OF THE UNION DEFENCE FORCE IN THE SUPPRESSION OF INTERNAL UNREST, 1912 - 1945 Andries Marius Fokkens Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Military Science (Military History) at the Military Academy, Saldanha, Faculty of Military Science, Stellenbosch University. Supervisor: Lieutenant Colonel (Prof.) G.E. Visser Co-supervisor: Dr. W.P. Visser Date of Submission: September 2006 ii Declaration I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously submitted it, in its entirety or in part, to any university for a degree. Signature:…………………….. Date:………………………….. iii ABSTRACT The use of military force to suppress internal unrest has been an integral part of South African history. The European colonisation of South Africa from 1652 was facilitated by the use of force. Boer commandos and British military regiments and volunteer units enforced the peace in outlying areas and fought against the indigenous population as did other colonial powers such as France in North Africa and Germany in German South West Africa, to name but a few. The period 1912 to 1945 is no exception, but with the difference that military force was used to suppress uprisings of white citizens as well. White industrial workers experienced this military suppression in 1907, 1913, 1914 and 1922 when they went on strike. Job insecurity and wages were the main causes of the strikes and militant actions from the strikers forced the government to use military force when the police failed to maintain law and order. -
Transformations in Capital Accumulation
Transformations in capital accumulation: From the national production of an universal labourer to the international fragmentation of the productive subjectivity of the working-class Juan Iñigo Carrera Buenos Aires, 2002 CICP CENTRO para la INVESTIGACION como CRITICA PRACTICA [email protected] Transformations in capital accumulation: From the national production of an universal labourer to the international fragmentation of the productive subjectivity of the working-class Juan Iñigo Carrera 1. The starting point The revolutionary action of the working-class needs to organise itself through the awareness of its concrete determinations. Since we are focusing on a process characterised by international integration and fragmentation, it could seem that the most concrete approach is that circumscribed to the economic policies that prevailed in the different national processes of capital accumulation involved.1 Still, this approach ends up by bringing down all historically-specific necessity to the immediate action of those that personify capital. Thus, apologetics of capitalism presents national capitalists and state-bureaucrats as the social subjects whose abstract will rules the historical movement. Opposite to this sterility it could seem that the starting point lies in capitalism’s global unity, once this unity is represented as the movement of accumulation regimes, their rise, ‘failure’ and fall. Still, then, the subject of historical change seems to have vanished, as if this were ‘a process without a subject’.2 Once again, abstraction has displaced the concrete. It could seem, then, that the answer lies on circumscribing the global unity of accumulation to its concrete manifestation: class struggle. Still, considered in itself, class struggle comes down to a series of confrontations in which, now the working-class prevails and advances, now it is defeated and retreats, at the rhythm imposed by the development of working-class consciousness. -
Collective Violence and the Agrarian Origins of South African Apartheid, 1900–1948 John Higginson Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-04648-1 - Collective Violence and the Agrarian Origins of South African Apartheid, 1900–1948 John Higginson Index More information Index aankoord , 40 and 1914 Rebellion, 345 African agriculture, 6 and Afrikaner youth, 354 African irregulars and the “shirt” movements, 26 , 346 African soldiers fi ghting under British or apartheid government of 1948, 137 their own leaders during South African Apartheid Manifesto, 341 War, 33 , 37 , 46 , 49 , 50 , 59 , 61 , 65 , 66 , 74 , as a “network of rackets,” 351 77 , 96 , 99 , 101 , 114 , 350 “grand apartheid,” 20 African peasant smallholders, 31 , 37 , 58 , 102 protracted demise, 358 African peasants arme blankedom . See bywoners: during 1914 Rebellion, 164 poor whites during aftermath of South African War, Armeburgersfonds Applikasie Boek 84 , 101 Poor Burgher Relief, 44 during South African War, 62 , 65 , 67 , 68 Atkins, Keletso, 4 African protest, 4 Afrikaanse Ekonomiese Boere Verbond , 185 Baden-Powell, R. S. S. General, 52 , 53 , 55 , 57 , Afrikaanse Nasionale Studentbond , 321 58 , 97 , 319 Alberts, Sarel Francois formation of South African captured at Swartsruggens in December Constabulary, 68 1914, 173 speculation on future of South African early planner of 1914 Rebellion, 165 Constabulary, 97 fl ight to rebel stronghold Steenbokfontein, Bailey, Abe Sir, 294 November 1914, 172 bangziekte or “shell shock,” 46 leader of 1914 Rebellion, 161 Barnard, Willem, 65 Nationalist M. P. from Magaliesberg in adolescent guerrilla soldier and murderer of 1932, 291 African transport rider Franz, December on trial with Grobler and van Broekhuizen 1900, 63 in 1915, 180 Barnato, Barney, 36 sold farm in Thabazimbi, June 1905, 92 Barrett, E. -
Towards a Unified Theory Analysing Workplace Ideologies: Marxism And
Marxism and Racial Oppression: Towards a Unified Theory Charles Post (City University of New York) Half a century ago, the revival of the womens movementsecond wave feminismforced the revolutionary left and Marxist theory to revisit the Womens Question. As historical materialists in the 1960s and 1970s grappled with the relationship between capitalism, class and gender, two fundamental positions emerged. The dominant response was dual systems theory. Beginning with the historically correct observation that male domination predates the emergence of the capitalist mode of production, these theorists argued that contemporary gender oppression could only be comprehended as the result of the interaction of two separate systemsa patriarchal system of gender domination and the capitalist mode of production. The alternative approach emerged from the debates on domestic labor and the predominantly privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power under capitalism. In 1979, Lise Vogel synthesized an alternative unitary approach that rooted gender oppression in the tensions between the increasingly socialized character of (most) commodity production and the essentially privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power. Today, dual-systems theory has morphed into intersectionality where distinct systems of class, gender, sexuality and race interact to shape oppression, exploitation and identity. This paper attempts to begin the construction of an outline of a unified theory of race and capitalism. The paper begins by critically examining two Marxian approaches. On one side are those like Ellen Meiksins Wood who argued that capitalism is essentially color-blind and can reproduce itself without racial or gender oppression. On the other are those like David Roediger and Elizabeth Esch who argue that only an intersectional analysis can allow historical materialists to grasp the relationship of capitalism and racial oppression. -
Report on the Winnipeg General Strike of 19191
Report on the Winnipeg General Strike of 19191 HUGH AMOS ROBSON ROYAL COMMISSION TO ENQUIRE INTO AND REPORT UPON THE CAUSES AND EFFECTS OF THE GENERAL STRIKE WHICH RECENTLY EXISTED IN THE CITY OF WINNIPEG FOR A PERIOD OF SIX WEEKS, INCLUDING THE METHODS OF CALLING AND CARRYING ON SUCH STRIKE. REPORT OF H. A. ROBSON, K.C., COMMISSIONER. To His Honour, The Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba. BY LETTERS PATENT, dated the Fourth of July, 1919, the undersigned was directed to enquire into and report upon the causes and effects of the General Strike which recently existed in the City of Winnipeg, for a period of six weeks, including the methods of calling and carrying on such a Strike. 1 This report is a verbatim republication from Robson’s original report, “Manitoba, Royal Commission to Enquire into and Report Upon the Causes and Effects of the General Strike Which Recently Existed in the City of Winnipeg for a Period of Six Weeks, Including the Methods of Calling and Carrying on Such Strike” (6 November 1919), Winnipeg: The Commission, 1919, Manitoba Legislative Library. 100 Report on the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919 The undersigned accordingly after due notice publicly given commenced open sitting at the City of Winnipeg. Sittings were held on the following days: July 16th, 22nd, 23rd, 24th, 29th, 30th, and 31st; August 1st; September 2nd, 8th and 10th. Numerous witnesses were examined. Independent enquiries were made. The Commission was assisted by Mr. C. P. Wilson, K.C., and Mr. C. H. Locke. Mr. T. J. Murray appeared on behalf of certain of the Labour interests. -
The Rate of Turnover in Karl Marx's Analysis of Capitalist Valorisation
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Capital’s Pons Asinorum: the Rate of Turnover in Karl Marx’s Analysis of Capitalist Valorisation Passarella, Marco and Baron, Hervé University of Leeds, Università dell’Insubria 20 May 2013 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/48306/ MPRA Paper No. 48306, posted 17 Jul 2013 08:35 UTC CAPITAL’S PONS ASINORUM: THE RATE OF TURNOVER IN KARL MARX’S ANALYSIS OF CAPITALIST VALORISATION * Marco [VERONESE] PASSARELLA and Hervé BARON† Version: 3.2. Last updating: July 14th, 2013 Abstract. This article aims to shed light on the role played by the ‘rate of turnover’ of capital within the Marxian analysis of the working laws of capitalism. Oddly enough, that concept has been neglected by the most part of Karl Marx’s scholars and exegetes, as is demonstrated proved by the small number of scientific works dealing with it. Yet, the rate of turnover plays a crucial role in Marx’s economic thought, since it allows Marx to address the impact of the improvement in finance, transportation and means of communication on the capitalist process of creation (and realization) of surplus-value. As we are going to show, the new manuscripts from the MEGA2 philological edition of Marx’s writings may provide some useful insights. Against this background, the goal of the paper is twofold: first, to bridge the gap in the literature concerning the economic thought of Marx; second, to provide a rigorous (and general) definition of the notion of the ‘rate of turnover’ of capital. This will also allow us: to redefine the concept of the ‘annual rate of profit’; to define a new linked concept – that is, the ‘temporal composition of capital’; and to add a further element in the debate on the counter- tendencies to the law of the tendential fall in the general rate of profit. -
Le Solidarity Movement Et La Restructuration De L'activisme Afrika
Université de Montréal « Un peuple se sauve lui-même » Le Solidarity Movement et la restructuration de l’activisme afrikaner en Afrique du Sud depuis 1994 par Joanie Thibault-Couture Département de science politique, Faculté des Arts et des Sciences Thèse présentée en vue de l’obtention du grade de doctorat en science politique Janvier 2017 © Joanie Thibault-Couture 2017 Résumé Malgré la déliquescence du nationalisme afrikaner causée par la chute du régime de l’apartheid et la prise du pouvoir politique par un parti non raciste et non ethnique en 1994, nous observons depuis les années 2000, un renouvèlement du mouvement identitaire afrikaner. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc de comprendre l’émergence de ce nouvel activisme ethnique depuis la transition démocratique. Pour approfondir notre compréhension du phénomène, nous nous posons les questions suivantes : comment pouvons-nous expliquer le renouvèlement de l’activisme afrikaner dans la « nouvelle » Afrique du Sud ? Comment sont définis les nouveaux attributs de la catégorie de l’afrikanerité ? Comment les élites ethnopolitiques restructurent-elles leurs stratégies pour assurer la pérennité de la catégorie dans l’Afrique du Sud post-apartheid ? Qu’est-ce que la résurgence d’une afrikanerité renouvelée nous apprend sur l’état de la cohésion sociale en Afrique du Sud et sur la mobilisation ethnolinguistique en général ? La littérature sur le mouvement post-apartheid fait consensus sur la disparition du nationalisme afrikaner raciste, mais offre peu d’analyses empiriques et de liens avec les nombreux écrits sur le mouvement nationaliste afrikaner pour comprendre les dynamiques de ce nouveau phénomène et effectue peu de liens avec les nombreux écrits sur le mouvement nationaliste afrikaner.