Towards a Unified Theory Analysing Workplace Ideologies: Marxism And

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Towards a Unified Theory Analysing Workplace Ideologies: Marxism And Marxism and Racial Oppression: Towards a Unified Theory Charles Post (City University of New York) Half a century ago, the revival of the womens movementsecond wave feminismforced the revolutionary left and Marxist theory to revisit the Womens Question. As historical materialists in the 1960s and 1970s grappled with the relationship between capitalism, class and gender, two fundamental positions emerged. The dominant response was dual systems theory. Beginning with the historically correct observation that male domination predates the emergence of the capitalist mode of production, these theorists argued that contemporary gender oppression could only be comprehended as the result of the interaction of two separate systemsa patriarchal system of gender domination and the capitalist mode of production. The alternative approach emerged from the debates on domestic labor and the predominantly privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power under capitalism. In 1979, Lise Vogel synthesized an alternative unitary approach that rooted gender oppression in the tensions between the increasingly socialized character of (most) commodity production and the essentially privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power. Today, dual-systems theory has morphed into intersectionality where distinct systems of class, gender, sexuality and race interact to shape oppression, exploitation and identity. This paper attempts to begin the construction of an outline of a unified theory of race and capitalism. The paper begins by critically examining two Marxian approaches. On one side are those like Ellen Meiksins Wood who argued that capitalism is essentially color-blind and can reproduce itself without racial or gender oppression. On the other are those like David Roediger and Elizabeth Esch who argue that only an intersectional analysis can allow historical materialists to grasp the relationship of capitalism and racial oppression. Both of these perspectives are based on the simplistic and unrealistic notion that capitalist competition and accumulation produce homogeneous labor-processes, profit rates and wage rates within and between branches of production. The paper presents an alternative and realistic approach, based on the work of Anwar Shaikh and Howard Botwinick, that understands that capitalist accumulation and competition necessarily produce heterogeneous labor-processes, profit rates and wage rates. Put another way, real capitalist accumulation and competition create the matrix in which racial oppression is constantly produced and reproduced by both capital and labor. The paper then assesses how ideologies that naturalize inequality (gender as biological sex, race) are indispensable to capitalism and how race emerges historically and is reproduced under capitalism. Analysing Workplace Ideologies: Marxism and the Psychology of Work Daria Saburova (Universit Paris Nanterre) The research into the multiple ways in which work is central to our existences (anthropologically, socially, politically, etc.) is partly informed by problems raised by the critique of ideology. The connection between these different modalities cannot be reduced to a simplistic distinction between a supposedly objective economic base and a subjective ideological superstructure. The concept of productive forces, which strongly emphasises the technological aspect of work, does not take into account the full reality of the labour process, including its intrinsic social, political and ideological aspects. The labour process cannot be identified with the notion of a purely instrumental relationship between man and nature. Thus, when confronted with an apparent acceptance of exploitation or various forms of self-exploitation on the part of workers typical of the neoliberal labour regime we should seek not only to understand how the ideological content produced in other fields of human interaction is capable of influencing the experience of work, but also try to account for the ideologies specifically related to and embedded in the labour process. For instance, we should not only inquire as to the effects upon working subjects of political or managerial discourses of autonomy and responsibility (usually seen as classical elements of neoliberal ideology), but also investigate work-place organisation and practices that fragment worker collectivity, generate competition and isolation, and produce representations and beliefs that could be called ideological. In his most famous work, Manufacturing Consent (1979), the American sociologist Michael Burawoy examines the way in which specific rules that govern the labour process can function as rules of the game of making out where consent rests upon is constructed through playing the game. Drawing on Althussers definition of ideology as structures and systematizations of lived experience rather than narratives consciously constructed in order to manipulate dominated classes Burawoy seeks to understand the ideological dimensions of work organisation. More recently, the French psychoanalyst Christophe Dejours has studied so-called ideologies of defence that are developed by workers confronted with excessive pressure, risks and suffering, in order to preserve both the cohesiveness of work collectives and the mental health of its individual members. At the same time, these ideologies operate as mechanisms of voluntary servitude that suppress critical awareness. Ultimately, then, my paper seeks to broaden the conception of work beyond a narrowly technical, apolitical set of purely objective processes, whilst highlighting the ways in which ideology is firmly embedded in the labour process. Flying Through the City: The Precarious Labour of Food Delivery Service in Cairo Maha Abdelrahman (POLIS/CAMBRIDGE) Spatially-determined marginality has received wide attention from scholars who have examined the creation of marginalised communities and social categories on the basis of uneven integration into capitalist systems of accumulation and redistribution. This body of scholarship includes critical examination of rural/urban divides, regional investment biases, unequal forms of urban development and the larger questions of core-periphery relations. Similar attention has also been devoted to the temporal dimension of capitalist production. Scholarly agreement on time-space compression as a characteristic of global capitalism and the near consensus that the logic of capital is essentially temporal have been reflected in literature which emphasises the effect of changing temporal patterns on labour regimes and the organisation of work. The last few decades have seen increasing research on just-in-time production, use of new technology in creating the anytime, anywhere availability of workers and of services. Less studied, however, are the mechanisms through which the creation and reproduction of marginalised groups and social categories are determined by these temporal practices. The constant restructuring of temporal dimensions of labour is creating conditions which on one hand guarantee the inclusion of groups of labour into the circle of capitalist production while on the other increase their precariousness and, in ways, their exclusion from other social relations and opportunities. This paper takes the case of fast food delivery workers or tayareen (which literally means pilots) in Cairo to show how their shift work serves profit making and consumption patterns 24 hours a day. The paper also examines how spatial and temporal rhythms of the tayareens work intersect with and diverges from those of the city and its residents. Seemingly connecting and connected to the city on their flying motorcycles, those pilots experience increasing forms of isolation from formal institutions, social relations and economic opportunities thus furthering their vulnerability and marginalisation. They Say It Is Love, We Say It Is Unpaid Work: Emotional Labour And Gendered Subjectivity Alva Gotby (University of West London) This paper explores the gendered dimension of emotional labour. While the term emotional labour is often used to denote a particular aspect of service work, or been used without any conceptual specification, I want to centre womens unwaged emotional labour, as well as the continuities between unwaged labour and the service sector. Drawing on the writings of the Wages for Housework movement and more recent developments in Marxist feminism, I will argue that emotional labour is increasingly important for understanding gendered subjectivity and heterosexuality. Using the terms labour and exploitation to theorise gendered and sexual systems of domination is part of a Marxist feminist strategy to denaturalise gender. Furthermore, the concept of emotional labour suggests that gendered forms of exploitation are integral to our sense of self. I will explore how the subjectivity created by emotional labour constitutes a structural complement to possessive individualism, which is the hegemonic form of subjectivity in capitalist economies. Emotional labour is thus invisible but necessary to maintain the social relations of capital. It forms part of a continuity with other forms of reproductive labour, yet it is more closely linked to white, heterosexual and middle class articulations of femininity than for example cleaning. A politics of emotional labour thus cannot simply affirm this work, nor dismiss it completely. Rather, we must seek to understand its position within the reproduction of capitalism as well as its emancipatory
Recommended publications
  • Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
    harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY.
    [Show full text]
  • HES Book of Abstracts
    45th Annual Meetings of the History of Economics Society Book of Abstracts Loyola University Chicago Chicago, Illinois June 14 - 17, 2018 1 Abstracts of Papers to be Presented at the 2018 History of Economics Society Annual Conference Loyola University Chicago, Chicago, Illinois June 14 - 17, 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS Friday, June 15 FRI Plenary Session: Douglas Irwin, "The Rise and Fall of Import Substitution" .................. 3 FRI1A Session: “Smith and his Intellectual Milleu (IASS)” .............................................................. 3 FRI1B Session: “Remembering Craufurd Goodwin” .......................................................................... 5 FRI1C Session: “American Political Economy” ..................................................................................... 5 FRI1D Session: “Constitutional Economics” .......................................................................................... 7 FRI1E Session: “European Issues" ............................................................................................................. 9 FRI1F Session: “Biology” .............................................................................................................................11 FRI2A Session: “Smith and his Contemporary Issues (IASS)” ......................................................14 FRI2B Session: “Archival Round Table” ................................................................................................15 FRI2C Session: “French Economics in the Long 19th Century” ...................................................16
    [Show full text]
  • The Socialist Minority and the Paris Commune of 1871 a Unique Episode in the History of Class Struggles
    THE SOCIALIST MINORITY AND THE PARIS COMMUNE OF 1871 A UNIQUE EPISODE IN THE HISTORY OF CLASS STRUGGLES by PETER LEE THOMSON NICKEL B.A.(Honours), The University of British Columbia, 1999 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of History) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 2001 © Peter Lee Thomson Nickel, 2001 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Hi'sio*" y The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date AkgaS-f 30. ZOO I DE-6 (2/88) Abstract The Paris Commune of 1871 lasted only seventy-two days. Yet, hundreds of historians continue to revisit this complex event. The initial association of the 1871 Commune with the first modern socialist government in the world has fuelled enduring ideological debates. However, most historians past and present have fallen into the trap of assessing the Paris Commune by foreign ideological constructs. During the Cold War, leftist and conservative historians alike overlooked important socialist measures discussed and implemented by this first- ever predominantly working-class government.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarcho-Communists, Platformism, and Dual Power Innovation Or Travesty?
    The Anarchist Library (Mirror) Anti-Copyright Anarcho-Communists, Platformism, and Dual Power Innovation or Travesty? Lawrence Jarach Lawrence Jarach Anarcho-Communists, Platformism, and Dual Power Innovation or Travesty? www.geocities.com from Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed usa.anarchistlibraries.net power discourse is concerned with government, with how to cre- ate and maintain a set of institutions that can pull the allegiance of the governed away from the existing state. Unless the partisans of dual power have worked out a radically different understand- ing of what power is, where its legitimacy comes from, how it is Contents maintained, and — more importantly — how anarchists can possi- bly exercise it within a framework that is historically statist, the discussion of “anarchist dual power” is a mockery of the anarchist What is “anarchist dual power”? .............. 8 principle of being against government. Love & Rage and the influence and legacy of Leninism . 13 18 3 rity, a curio from anarchist history, something to titillate the trivia- minded. What made it worth rediscovering? The anarcho-communism of the Platformists is eerily similar to the authoritarian communism of various Leninist gangs. From a cursory examination of their published rhetoric, it is difficult not to conclude that they have taken the “successful” aspects of a Lenin- ist program, a Leninist vision, and Lenino-Maoist organizing, and more or less removed or modified the vocabulary of the more ob- viously statist parts. The promoters of this hybridized anarchism — should it be called anarcho-Leninism? — draw on the Platform the same way that the writers of the Platform drew on Leninism.
    [Show full text]
  • German Hegemony and the Socialist International's Place in Interwar
    02_EHQ 31/1 articles 30/11/00 1:53 pm Page 101 William Lee Blackwood German Hegemony and the Socialist International’s Place in Interwar European Diplomacy When the guns fell silent on the western front in November 1918, socialism was about to become a governing force throughout Europe. Just six months later, a Czech socialist could marvel at the convocation of an international socialist conference on post- war reconstruction in a Swiss spa, where, across the lake, stood buildings occupied by now-exiled members of the deposed Habsburg ruling class. In May 1923, as Europe’s socialist parties met in Hamburg, Germany, finally to put an end to the war-induced fracturing within their ranks by launching a new organization, the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), the German Communist Party’s main daily published a pull-out flier for posting on factory walls. Bearing the sarcastic title the International of Ministers, it presented to workers a list of forty-one socialists and the national offices held by them in Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Poland, France, Sweden, and Denmark. Commenting on the activities of the LSI, in Paris a Russian Menshevik émigré turned prominent left-wing pundit scoffed at the new International’s executive body, which he sarcastically dubbed ‘the International Socialist Cabinet’, since ‘all of its members were ministers, ex-ministers, or prospec- tive ministers of State’.1 Whether one accepted or rejected its new status, socialism’s virtually overnight transformation from an outsider to a consummate insider at the end of Europe’s first total war provided the most striking measure of the quantum leap into what can aptly be described as Europe’s ‘social democratic moment’.2 Moreover, unlike the period after Europe’s second total war, when many of socialism’s basic postulates became permanently embedded in the post-1945 social-welfare-state con- European History Quarterly Copyright © 2001 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
    individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism.
    [Show full text]
  • The Trade Union Movement in Belgium
    INTERNATIONAL'TRADE UNION LIBRARY • No.1 THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT IN BELGIUM By C, MERTENS General Secretary or tne -Relgian Trade Union Commissiort . 1925 PUBLISHED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS 31TESSELSCHADESTRAAT,AMSTERDAM (1) INTRODUCTION. This 'brief account does not claim to be a history of the Beh1;ian Trade Union movement; its aim is more modest. It confines itself to of.iering the reader an opportunity of getting some idea of the way in which the movement first began, how it has developed, 'What its lactivities and structure are, the success it has achieved; and finally, what we may hope an{\ expect for the future. We have of course dealt more .particulady with thelrad~ Union Commission (1) and the organisations connested with it. It has been a great honour to us to be able to aoare in the establishment of an organisation which, we may assE;rt without f.ear of exaggeration land with legitimate ·pride, constitutes one of the finest bodies in the international army of \ organised workers of the 1. f. T. U., which has its headquarters at Amsterdam. I We trust that our booklet wiU help to make 1IIiIl~ BelgiaA Trade Union movement better known3.!lJQ1J~~rreign com­ rades. Ifor the more we get to-tnowa'!'vut ,our nei·ghbours and the better we learn to un{\erstand on;: .lllother, the stronger will :become the tiee;: of comradeship wh~ch unite the organised workers throu~;!Out the world; and thus one day shaUthe new society vhich we are making patient and strenuous efforts to construct be fully realised.
    [Show full text]
  • Che Guevara's Final Verdict on the Soviet Economy
    SOCIALIST VOICE / JUNE 2008 / 1 Contents 249. Che Guevara’s Final Verdict on the Soviet Economy. John Riddell 250. From Marx to Morales: Indigenous Socialism and the Latin Americanization of Marxism. John Riddell 251. Bolivian President Condemns Europe’s Anti-Migrant Law. Evo Morales 252. Harvest of Injustice: The Oppression of Migrant Workers on Canadian Farms. Adriana Paz 253. Revolutionary Organization Today: Part One. Paul Le Blanc and John Riddell 254. Revolutionary Organization Today: Part Two. Paul Le Blanc and John Riddell 255. The Harper ‘Apology’ — Saying ‘Sorry’ with a Forked Tongue. Mike Krebs ——————————————————————————————————— Socialist Voice #249, June 8, 2008 Che Guevara’s Final Verdict on the Soviet Economy By John Riddell One of the most important developments in Cuban Marxism in recent years has been increased attention to the writings of Ernesto Che Guevara on the economics and politics of the transition to socialism. A milestone in this process was the publication in 2006 by Ocean Press and Cuba’s Centro de Estudios Che Guevara of Apuntes criticos a la economía política [Critical Notes on Political Economy], a collection of Che’s writings from the years 1962 to 1965, many of them previously unpublished. The book includes a lengthy excerpt from a letter to Fidel Castro, entitled “Some Thoughts on the Transition to Socialism.” In it, in extremely condensed comments, Che presented his views on economic development in the Soviet Union.[1] In 1965, the Soviet economy stood at the end of a period of rapid growth that had brought improvements to the still very low living standards of working people.
    [Show full text]
  • The Marxist Vol
    The Marxist Vol. XII, No. 4, October-December 1996 On the occasion of Lenin’s 125th Birth Anniversary Marxism Of The Era Of Imperialism E M S Namboodiripad The theoretical doctrines and revolutionary practices of Vladymir Illyich Lenin (whose 125th birth anniversary was recently observed by the Marxist-Leninists throughout the world), have well been called “Marxism of the Era of imperialism.” For, not only was Lenin a loyal disciple of Marx and Engels applying in practice their theory in his own homeland, but he also further developed the theory and practices of the two founders of Marxism. EARLY THEORETICAL BATTLES Born in Tsarist Russia which was seeped in its feudal environment, he noticed that capitalism was slowly developing in his country. He fought the Narodniks who advocated the doctrine of the irrelevance and no-applicability of Marxism to Russian conditions. His first major theoretical work was the Development of Capitalism in Russia where he proved that, though in feudal environment, capitalism was rapidly developing in Russia. He thus established the truth of Marxist theory of the working class being the major political force in the development of society. Further, an alliance of peasantry under working class leadership will form the core of the revolutionary forces in the conditions of backward feudal Russia. Having thus defeated the Narodniks, he proceeded to demolish the theory of “legal Marxists” according to whom Marxism was to be applies in perfectly legal battles against capitalism. He asserted the truth that the preparation for the social transformation in Russia should be based on the sharpening class struggle culminating in the proletarian revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • Exodus General Idea of the Revolution in the XXI Century
    Exodus General Idea of the Revolution in the XXI Century Kevin A. Carson 2021 Contents Reviews 5 Abstract 6 Preface 7 Part One: Background 8 Chapter One: The Age of Mass and Maneuver 9 I. A Conflict of Visions .................................... 9 II. The Triumph of Mass in the Old Left .......................... 15 III. The Assault on Working Class Agency ......................... 42 IV. Workerism/Laborism .................................. 49 Chapter Two: Transition 52 I. Drastic Reductions in Necessary Outlays for the Means of Production . 52 II. The Network Revolution and the Imploding Cost of Coordination . 57 III. The Impotence of Enforcement, and Superiority of Circumvention to Resistance . 70 IV. Superior General Efficiency and Low Overhead .................... 74 V. Conclusion ......................................... 78 Part Two. The Age of Exodus 79 Chapter Three: Horizontalism and Self-Activity Over Vanguard Institutions 80 Introduction ......................................... 80 I. The New Left ........................................ 81 II. Autonomism ........................................ 90 III. The 1968 Movements and the Transition to Horizontalist Praxis . 98 IV. The Post-1994 Movements ................................ 100 Chapter Four: The Abandonment of Workerism 115 I. The Limited Relevance of Proletarianism in the Mass Production Age . 115 II. Technology and the Declining Relevance of Proletarianism . 116 III The Abandonment of Proletarianism by the New Left . 117 IV. The Abandonment of Workerism in Praxis . 127 Chapter Five: Evolutionary Transition Models 131 Introduction and Note on Terminology . 131 2 I. Comparison to Previous Systemic Transitions . 132 II. The Nature of Post-Capitalist Transition . 146 Chapter Six: Interstitial Development and Exodus over Insurrection 157 Introduction ......................................... 157 I. The Split Within Autonomism .............................. 159 II. The Shift From the Factory to Society as the Main Locus of Productivity .
    [Show full text]
  • Class Struggle As the Impact of Capitalism Seen Through Faction in Veronica Roth’S Divergent
    PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI CLASS STRUGGLE AS THE IMPACT OF CAPITALISM SEEN THROUGH FACTION IN VERONICA ROTH’S DIVERGENT AN UNDERGRADUATE THESIS Presented as Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Sarjana Sastra in English Letters By MENTARI HANDOKO Student Number: 124214129 ENGLISH LETTERS STUDY PROGRAM DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH LETTERS FACULTY OF LETTERS SANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY YOGYAKARTA 2016 PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI CLASS STRUGGLE AS THE IMPACT OF CAPITALISM SEEN THROUGH FACTION IN VERONICA ROTH’S DIVERGENT AN UNDERGRADUATE THESIS Presented as Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Sarjana Sastra in English Letters By MENTARI HANDOKO Student Number: 124214129 ENGLISH LETTERS STUDY PROGRAM DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH LETTERS FACULTY OF LETTERS SANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY YOGYAKARTA 2016 ii PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI A Sarjana Sastra Undergraduate Thesis CLASS STRUGGLE AS THE IMPACT OF CAPITALISM SEEN THROUGH FACTION IN VERONICA ROTH'S DIVERGENT By MENTARI HANDOKO Student Number: 124214129 Approved by ~~putu~, Ni Luh S.S., M.Hum. November 15,2016 Advisor ~i~Ltu i S.Pd. M.Hum November 15, 2016 Co-Advisor 111 PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI A Sarjana Sastra Undergraduate Thesis CLASS STRUGGLE AS THE IMPACT OF CAPITALISM SEEN THROUGH FACTION IN VERONICA ROTH'S DIVERGENT By MENTARI HANDOKO Student Number: 124214129 Defended before the Board ofExaminers On November 28, 2016 And Declared Acceptable BOARD OF EXAMINERS Name Chairperson : Dr. F.X. Siswadi, M.A Secretary : AB. Sri Mulyani, M.A, Ph.D. Member 1 : Dr. Gabriel Fajar Sasmita Aji, M.Hum. Member 2 : Ni Luh Putu Rosiandani, S.S., M.Hum.
    [Show full text]
  • Critical Race Theory's Attack on the Promises of Liberalism Jeffrey J
    Boston College Law Review Volume 40 Issue 3 Association Of American Law Schools Program Article 6 On Race & Criminal Justice 5-1-1999 Race, Equality and the Rule of Law: Critical Race Theory's Attack on the Promises of Liberalism Jeffrey J. Pyle [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr Part of the African American Studies Commons, Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Ethnic Studies Commons, Inequality and Stratification Commons, Law and Society Commons, and the Race and Ethnicity Commons Recommended Citation Jeffrey J. Pyle, Race, Equality and the Rule of Law: Critical Race Theory's Attack on the Promises of Liberalism, 40 B.C.L. Rev. 787 (1999), http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/bclr/vol40/iss3/6 This Notes is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RACE, EQUALITY AND THE RULE OF LAW: CRITICAL RACE THEORY'S ATTACK ON THE PROMISES OF LIBERALISM I NTRODUCTION In recent years, critical race theory ("CRT") has come to occupy a conspicuous place in American law schools.' The theory holds that despite the great victories of the civil rights movement, liberal legal thought2 has consistently failed African Americans and other minori- I See generally Stephanie 14. Goldberg, The Law, a New Theory Holds, Has a White Voice, N.Y. TIMES, July 17, 1992, at A23 (describing critical race theory as having had "all undeniable impact on legal education"); Neil A.
    [Show full text]