The Case of Bernstein and Engels
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The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx
Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 6 Issue 2 Article 3 2018 The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx Chris Wright Hunter College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wright, Chris (2018) "The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 6 : Iss. 2 , Article 3. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.6.2.008310 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol6/iss2/3 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx Abstract In this essay I explain both why Karl Marx remains an important thinker and why he is in some respects inadequate. I focus on the central issue of 'materialism vs. idealism,' and briefly explore ways in which contemporary intellectuals still haven't assimilated the insights of historical materialism. In the last section of the paper I examine the greatest weakness of Marxism, its theory of proletarian revolution, and propose an alternative conceptualization that both updates the theory for the twenty-first century and is more faithful to historical materialism than Marx's own conception was. Keywords Karl Marx, Marxism, socialism Creative Commons License This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. This article is available in Class, Race and Corporate Power: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/ classracecorporatepower/vol6/iss2/3 I often have occasion to think that, as an “intellectual,” I’m very lucky to be alive at this time in history, at the end of the long evolution from Herodotus and the pre-Socratic philosophers to Chomsky and modern science. -
Marx and the Politics of the First'international
This article was downloaded by: [York University Libraries] On: 07 September 2014, At: 15:14 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Socialism and Democracy Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/csad20 Marx and the Politics of the First International George C. Comninel Published online: 08 Aug 2014. To cite this article: George C. Comninel (2014) Marx and the Politics of the First International, Socialism and Democracy, 28:2, 59-82, DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2014.918451 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2014.918451 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. -
Relative Autonomy Reconstructed. Revised. PUB DATE Jan 83 NOTE 38P.; Paper Presented at the Sociology of Education Conference (Birmingham, England, January 3-5, 1983)
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 237 378 SO 014 962 AUTHOR Reynolds, Jim TITLE Relative Autonomy Reconstructed. Revised. PUB DATE Jan 83 NOTE 38p.; Paper presented at the Sociology of Education Conference (Birmingham, England, January 3-5, 1983). PUB TYPE Viewpoints (120) -- Speeches/Conference Papers (150) EDRS PRICE MF01/PCO2 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Comparative Analysis; Comparative Education; *Economic Change; Educational Objectives; Educational Practices; *Educational Sociology; Elementary Secondary Education; Government School Relationship; *School Role; *Social Change IDENTIFIERS Correspondence Theory; *Great Britain; Marxism; *Relative Autonomy Theory; United States ABSTRACT The British school system has relative autonomy, and therefore, could be,potentially transformative--used to change existing economic and social relations. The correspondence thesis, which states that the schobls perpetuate existing capitalist economic and social' relations and'serve as agents of reproduction, was the dominant paradigm of the last decade within the British sociology of education. This thesis has been bitterly contested', and, in recent years, substantially modified. Four developments within British social science over the last decade suggest a form of relative autonomy that grants considerable freedom to the educational system within British society to act either in a reproductive or tráns+formative fashion. The four developments are: (1) the lack of fit between what the educational system produces and the needs of the British economic structure, (2) recent findings in social policy studies, (3) the partial penetration of capitalism in Britain, and (4) the independence of the school. The relative autonomy theory may be a helpful method by which Marxists may cope with the empirical reality of the British educational system/economy relationship. -
Interpreting Marx's Theory of the State and Opposition to Anarchism
Interpreting Marx's Theory of the State and Opposition to Anarchism Though Marx intended to dedicate a volume of Capital to the question of 'the State', he died before he could even begin that work. We are, therefore, left to reconstruct the 'Marxist theory of the state' from scattered references littered throughout Marx and Engels' collected works. My analysis investigates the shifts and contradictions in their thought, as well as the utility these contradictions served in misrepresenting the anarchist alternative. By Matthew Crossin “… no state, howsoever democratic its forms, not even the reddest political republic… is capable of giving the people what they need: the free organisation of their own interests from below upward…" - Mikhail Bakunin, Statism and Anarchy, p. 24 “[With the abolition of classes] the power of the State, which serves to keep the great majority of the producers under the yoke of the numerically small exploiting minority, disappears, and the functions of government are transformed into simple administrative functions. [The anarchists] put matters the other way round…” - Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels, Fictitious Splits in the International, p. 74 1 Marxism, Anarchism, and the State The purpose of this essay is to reassess the views of Karl Marx, his close partner Friedrich Engels, and their anarchist contemporaries on the crucial question of ‘the State’.2 Specifically, I contend that dominant interpretations of Marx have unsatisfactorily addressed his varied and contradictory analysis of the State; its role (if any) in the construction of a socialist society; and the ways in which this has both overlapped and come into conflict with the anarchist view. -
Eduard Bernstein Speaks to the Fabians: a Turning-Point in Social Democratic Thought?
DOCUMENTS H. Kendall Rogers EDUARD BERNSTEIN SPEAKS TO THE FABIANS: A TURNING-POINT IN SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC THOUGHT? Of Eduard Bernstein's many writings surely few were as significant in the early development of revisionism as his speech to the London Fabian Society on January 29, 1897. In an October 1898 letter to August Bebel, Bernstein described the gradual metamorphosis that had led to his heterodox views. Until October 1896 he had sought to "stretch" Marxist theory to conform to social-democratic practice; finally he realized this was impossible. Bezeichnender od. auch begreiflicher Weise, wurde mir das Unmogliche dieses Vorhabens erst vollig klar, als ich vor anderthalb Jahren, im Verein der Fabier einen Vortrag darilber hielt, "Was Marx wirklich lehrte". Ich habe das Manuskript des Vortrages noch, es ist ein abschreckendes Beispiel wohlmeinenden "Rettungsversuchs". Ich wollte Marx retten, wollte zeigen, daB alles so gekommen was er gesagt, und, daB alles, was nicht so gekom- men, auch von ihm gesagt wurde. Aber als das Kunststiick fertig war, als ich den Vortrag vorlas, da zuckte es mir durch den Kopf: Du thust Marx Unrecht, das ist nicht Marx, was Du vorfuhrst. Und ein paar harmlose Fragen, die mir ein scharfsinniger Fabianer Hubert Bland nach dem Vor- trag stellte und die ich noch in der alten Manier beantwortete, gaben mir den Rest. Im Sullen sagte ich mir: so geht das nicht weiter.1 For some historians Bernstein's Fabian lecture was the point where he turned decisively against Marxism. For those who date Bernstein's repudiation of Marx from Engels's death, the address at least marked the point where Bernstein realized how thoroughly he had already broken with Marxist orthodoxy.2 And for all students of pre-war social-democratic 1 Bernstein to Bebel, October 20, 1898, in: Victor Adler, Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky, ed. -
1 Globalisation and Economic Determinism Luke Martell Abstract
Paper given at Global Studies Association conference, Challenging Globalization, Royal Holloway, London, September 2009 Globalisation and Economic Determinism Luke Martell Abstract There has been a reaction against economic determinist explanations of globalisation. This paper takes anti-economistic arguments in globalisation studies and argues that they unwittingly show the importance of the economy, or fail to undermine the importance of economic determinants in globalisation. The paper looks at meanings that economic determinism in globalisation studies is given and argues that economic determination is more complex than it is made out to be. It is politically important not to dismiss economic causality as out of date, reductionist or too determinist because structures of power and inequality in globalisation come from the economy. If the determinant role of the economy is pushed out then globalisation is made to look more benign, equal and democratic than it is and its darker sides are concealed. This paper argues that criticisms of economic determinism in globalisation studies are wrong to reduce the role of economics, and that economics plays a big role in globalisation. I am focusing on criticisms within the sociology of globalisation. The arguments here may be more applicable to British and European sociology than to sociology in other countries. In the USA, for example, a political economy approach within the sociology of globalisation is more common (see, for instance, Sassen, 2007, 2008). In the UK and other European countries it is more likely to be seen as out of date and crude. Nevertheless, my discussion does not apply only to sociology or the UK or Europe. -
April 17, 1958 Record of Conversation with Member of the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CCP CC, Deng Xiaoping
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 17, 1958 Record of Conversation with Member of the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CCP CC, Deng Xiaoping Citation: “Record of Conversation with Member of the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CCP CC, Deng Xiaoping,” April 17, 1958, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, RGANI (formerly Center for Preservation of Contemporary Documentation [TsKhSD]), f.5, op.49, d.131, ll.71-74. Translated by Benjamin Aldrich-Moodie. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/110467 Summary: Memorandum of Conversation between P.F. Iudin and Deng Xiaoping. Iudin and Xiaoping discussed the letter from the CC of the Union of Communists of Yugoslavia [UCY] to the CC CPSU. Deng expressed his support for the CC CPSU decisions regarding the Yugoslav affairs, showed no objections to the CC UCY's program, and favored the Yugoslavs in their development of Marxist thought. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document From the diary of P.F. IUDIN SECRET. Copy No. 2 Record of Conversation with Member of the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CCP CC, DENG XIAOPING 17 April 1958 I visited Deng Xiaoping and on instructions from the Center informed him of the letter from the CC of the Union of Communists of Yugoslavia [UCY] to the CC CPSU of 12 April of this year. During the translation of the Yugoslav letter, Deng Xiaoping expressed his indignation at the first sentence in the letter in which the Yugoslavs state that they were "surprised" by the CC CPSU's letter. -
The Socialist Calculation Debate and New Socialist Models in Light of a Contextual Historical Materialist Interpretation
THE SOCIALIST CALCULATION DEBATE AND NEW SOCIALIST MODELS IN LIGHT OF A CONTEXTUAL HISTORICAL MATERIALIST INTERPRETATION by Adam Balsam BSc [email protected] Supervised by Justin Podur BSc MScF PhD A Major Paper submitted to the Faculty of Environmental and Urban Change in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Environmental Studies York University, Toronto, Ontario, Canada December 11, 2020 Table of Contents The Statement of Requirements for the Major Paper ................................................................................. iii Abstract ........................................................................................................................................................ iv Foreword ...................................................................................................................................................... vi Section I: Introduction, Context, Framework and Methodology .................................................................. 1 Preamble ............................................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................... 4 Context of this Investigation ................................................................................................................. 5 The Possibilities of Socialist Models .................................................................................................. -
Mode of Production and Mode of Exploitation: the Mechanical and the Dialectical'
DjalectiCalAflthropologY 1(1975) 7 — 2 3 © Elsevier Scientific Publishing Company, Amsterdam — Printed in The Netherlands MODE OF PRODUCTION AND MODE OF EXPLOITATION: THE MECHANICAL AND THE DIALECTICAL' Eugene E. Ruyle In the social production of their life, men enter into definite relations that are indispensable and independent of their will, relations of production which correspond to a definite stage of development of their material produc- tive forces. The sum total of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which rises a legal and political superstruc- ture and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production of material life conditions the social, political and intellectual life process in general. It is not the consciousness of men that deter- mines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness.2 The specific economic form, in which unpaid surplus labor is pumped out of the direct producers, determines the relation of rulers and ruled, as it grows immediately out of production itself and in turn reacts upon it as a determining agent. .. It is always the direct relation of the owners of the means of production to the direct producers which reveals the innermost secret, the hidden foundation of the entire social structure.3 In the first of these two passages, Marx in crypto-Marxist bourgeois social science, and appears to be arguing for the sort of techno- then by exploring the possibilities of supple- economic determinism which has become menting the "mode of production" approach increasingly fashionable in bourgeois social with a "mode of exploitation" analysis. -
Towards a Unified Theory Analysing Workplace Ideologies: Marxism And
Marxism and Racial Oppression: Towards a Unified Theory Charles Post (City University of New York) Half a century ago, the revival of the womens movementsecond wave feminismforced the revolutionary left and Marxist theory to revisit the Womens Question. As historical materialists in the 1960s and 1970s grappled with the relationship between capitalism, class and gender, two fundamental positions emerged. The dominant response was dual systems theory. Beginning with the historically correct observation that male domination predates the emergence of the capitalist mode of production, these theorists argued that contemporary gender oppression could only be comprehended as the result of the interaction of two separate systemsa patriarchal system of gender domination and the capitalist mode of production. The alternative approach emerged from the debates on domestic labor and the predominantly privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power under capitalism. In 1979, Lise Vogel synthesized an alternative unitary approach that rooted gender oppression in the tensions between the increasingly socialized character of (most) commodity production and the essentially privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power. Today, dual-systems theory has morphed into intersectionality where distinct systems of class, gender, sexuality and race interact to shape oppression, exploitation and identity. This paper attempts to begin the construction of an outline of a unified theory of race and capitalism. The paper begins by critically examining two Marxian approaches. On one side are those like Ellen Meiksins Wood who argued that capitalism is essentially color-blind and can reproduce itself without racial or gender oppression. On the other are those like David Roediger and Elizabeth Esch who argue that only an intersectional analysis can allow historical materialists to grasp the relationship of capitalism and racial oppression. -
Gramsci on Hegemony - Not Even Past
Gramsci on Hegemony - Not Even Past BOOKS FILMS & MEDIA THE PUBLIC HISTORIAN BLOG TEXAS OUR/STORIES STUDENTS ABOUT 15 MINUTE HISTORY "The past is never dead. It's not even past." William Faulkner NOT EVEN PAST Tweet 73 Like THE PUBLIC HISTORIAN Gramsci on Hegemony Making History: Houston’s “Spirit of the by Juan Carlos de Orellana Confederacy” Antonio Gramsci was an Italian Marxist intellectual and politician, who can be seen as the perfect example of the synthesis of theoretician and politician. He was not only a thinker involved in the revision and development of Marxism, who wrote in several socialist and communist Italian journals, but also a politically active militant. The fascist government of Benito Mussolini imprisoned him between 1926 and 1937. May 06, 2020 Gramsci’s political activities were not only related to his publications. His actions as a politician, activist, and intellectual were consistent with his ideas. He believed that the proletariat More from The Public Historian needed “organic” intellectuals (described below) to become a hegemonic class, and during his lifetime, he himself assumed BOOKS such a role. As a member of the Socialist Party and, later, the Communist Party, he wrote in several journals seeking to reach a wide audience and indoctrinate it in the basic ideas and principles of the proletariat and social struggle. While incarcerated, and away from mass media, he wrote his most America for Americans: A History of celebrated and influential theoretical contributions to Marxist theory. Among these, two concepts would Xenophobia in the United States by Erika Lee (2019) become most important to scholars of different disciplines: hegemony and historical bloc. -
Maoist’ Group
The Marxist Volume XXI, No. 4 October-December 2005 Anil Biswas ‘Maoism’: An Exercise in Anarchism In recent times, some areas of West Bengal have witnessed activities of the ‘Maoist’ group. The group has tried to draw attention to itself through committing several grisly murders and by triggering some explosions. They are engaged in setting up ‘bases’ in the remote and relatively inaccessible locales of West Bengal that border Bihar-Jharkhand. They seek a foothold in some other districts of the state as well. A section of the corporate media has also been encouraging them, by legitimising the Maoists’ killing of CPI (M) leaders and workers in districts like Bankura, Purulia, and Midnapore west. The CPI (M-L)-People’s War and the Maoist Communist Centre, two groups of the Naxalite persuasion, came together on 21 September 2004 to form a new party, the CPI (Maoist). As with the two erstwhile constituents, the Maoists are active in selected areas of Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Bihar, and Jharkhand. Because of the secretive style of their working, their political outlook and activities are largely unknown to the mass of the people. The name of the CPI (Maoist) has been associated with violent acts and spreading terror. Going by their programme and ideological stand, the party is a violent anarchist outfit. Anarchy can cause harm to the democratic struggle and Left movement. The CPI (M) will counter this party politically and ideologically. The CPI (M) formed after a long ideological debate in 1964, and a new Party Programme was adopted. Sectarian and ultra-left adventurist trends arose in the ongoing struggle against revisionism and reformism.