Turkey's Elections 2018
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Against All Winds: the Populism–Nationalism Axis in the Rhetoric of the Nationalist Action Party
2020, Vol. 1(1), 81-105 Accepted: 03.07.2020 © The Author(s) 2020 Emre Erdoğan* and Pınar Uyan Semerci** Against All Winds: The Populism–Nationalism Axis in the Rhetoric of the Nationalist Action Party - 81 Abstract The rise of radical right populist parties in Europe has made it essential for students of political science to understand this amalgam of populism and nationalism.Textbook examples of new actors on the political scene are characterized by a strong populist discourse and a significant nationalist/nativist ideology. The Nationalist Action Party of Turkey ranks high in the list of populist actors (Inglehart & Norris, 2016), and we demonstrate the divergent and convergent points in the populism–nationalism axis, with an emphasis on the rhetoric of Devlet Bahçeli, the leader of the Nationalist Action Party. Öz Avrupa’da radikal sağ populist partilerin yükselişi, siyaset bilimi çalışanların milliyetçilik ve popülizm arasındaki bu kaynaşmanın nedenlerini tartışmaya itti. Popülizm konusundaki çalışmaların tipik örnekleri olan partilerin kuvvetli bir populist söylemin yanısıra milliyetçi/etnikçi ideolojilere de sahip olmaları çok defa vurgulandı. Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi (MHP) Inglehart ve Norris (2016) gibi karşılaştırmalı çalışma yapanlar tarafından oluşturulan listelerde en üst sıralarda gösterilmektedir. Bu yazıda MHP lideri Devlet Bah- çeli’nin konuşmalarındaki söyleme odaklanarak popülizm-milliyetçilik ekseninde ortak ve farklı noktaları göstermeyi amaçlıyoruz. Keywords Nationalism, populism, the Nationalist Action Party, Turkey Milliyetçilik, popülizm, Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi, Türkiye * Istanbul Bilgi University, [email protected], ORCID: 0000-0001-8352-4990 ** Istanbul Bilgi University, [email protected], ORCID: 0000-0001-9679-9029 Emre Erdoğan & Pınar Uyan Semerci Nationalism, nativism and the radical right, are closely related three terms, and the differ- ences between them are particularly hard to distinguish and explain in the foggy atmosphere created by populist politics. -
Ceramics Lab for People with Special Needs
FEBRUARY 27, 2021 MMirror-SpeirTHEror-SpeARMENIAN ctator Volume LXXXXI, NO. 32, Issue 4674 $ 2.00 NEWS The First English Language Armenian Weekly in the United States Since 1932 IN BRIEF Erdogan to Attend Grey Wolves School Groundbreaking in Shushi ISTANBUL (PanARMENIAN.Net) — Turkish and Azerbaijani Presidents Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Ilham Aliyev, respectively, are expected to attend the groundbreak ceremony for a school funded by Grey Wolves leader Devlet Bahçeli in Shushi, an Armenian city in Nagorno-Karabakh that has come under Azerbaijan's control in the recent 44-day war, media reports from Turkish reveal. Yusuf Ziya Günaydın, an aide to Bahçeli, broke the news last week, Hurriyet reports. The Grey Wolves are closely linked to the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), which has a political alliance with Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP). The Grey Wolves are regarded as the militant wing of the MHP and are known for causing havoc throughout the world. Prosecutors in Turkey To Strip Immunity of MPs, Including Paylan A throng of demonstrators on Saturday, February 20 ANKARA (Bianet) — The Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office has prepared summaries of pro- Dozens Detained at Anti-Government Protest in Yerevan ceedings for nine lawmakers from the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), seeking to lift their leg- islative immunity. YEREVAN (RFE/RL) — Dozens of members and supporters of The high-rise was cordoned off in the morning by scores of riot The HDP lawmakers, along with 99 other defen- an Armenian opposition alliance were detained on Tuesday, police that kept protesters at bay and enabled Pashinyan to enter dants, are facing life sentences for having allegedly February 23, as they attempted to stop Prime Minister Nikol it and hold a meeting with senior officials from the Armenian organized the deadly “Kobane protests” in Kurdish- Pashinyan from entering a government building in Yerevan. -
Yet Another Turkish Election
Yet Another Turkish Election In February of 2019, districts in the Turkish cities of Ankara and Istanbul began selling produce directly to consumers at local markets in an effort to bypass retailers, who had been characterized by President Recep Tayyip Erdoǧan as “terrorizing” society for private gain. Over the course of 2018 inflation had skyrocketed as the value of the Turkish lira plummeted; the decision to set up subsidized municipal markets followed a 31 percent year-on-year surge in food prices in January 2019. In Istanbul’s Bayrampaşa district, crowds waited for an hour to purchase items selling at half the private market prices. Many were well aware that the state-run markets were a new manifestation of what are called “election economics” in Turkey—government policies of tax breaks or increasing welfare benefits just prior to elections to increase votes. The opening of the subsidized markets in early 2019 just happened to precede municipal elections scheduled for March 31. It was also clearly no accident that the urban markets were established only in Ankara and Istanbul. Residents of the nation’s two largest cities both voted “No” in a 2017 constitutional referendum to make Turkey an executive system, a blow to the apparent hegemony (if not political power—the referendum succeeded) of Erdoǧan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP). Selling basic necessities at reduced prices while lambasting the greed of individual vendors would, it was hoped, encourage enough electors to cast their votes for AKP mayoral candidates in March. The opening of the produce markets was ironic considering the government’s release of the New Economic Program, a three-year plan unveiled in September by Finance Minister (and Erdoǧan son-in-law) Berat Albayrak. -
Erdogan's Snap Election Gamble
Erdoğan’s Snap Election Gamble: Too Little, Too Late? © 2018 IAI by Sinan Ekim Turkish President Recep Tayyip This rush to usher in the new system is Erdoğan announced on 18 April that in many ways a telling sign of weakness Turkey’s elections would be pushed on behalf of the Turkish president. If ISSN 22532-6570 forward by eighteen months. With the Erdoğan had waited, the vote might date set for 24 June, the vote will include not have worked in his favour. Yet, both parliamentary and presidential recent developments show that fast- elections, a first in the history of the forwarding the elections may not yield Turkish Republic. the expected results either. The vote will also complete Turkey’s After rising to power in 2002, Erdoğan’s political transition underway since the Justice and Development Party (AKP) constitutional referendum of April 2017, tripled the Turkey’s GDP by 2011, which sanctioned several amendments winning successive national elections to Turkey’s constitution. These will with an increased vote-share ever effectively institutionalize a populist, since. Indeed, a more robust economy one-man system of government that and nationwide improvements in jeopardizes legislative and judicial welfare standards were hallmarks of the independence and consolidates powers party’s earlier years in power. in the office of the president.1 The new system would have entered into Today, Turkish finances are again force in November 2019, but will now coming under severe strain. effectively take shape after the elections Government liquidity is barely enough a few weeks from now. to keep the economy afloat for another four months.2 Turkey’s economy is 1 Sinan Ekim and Kemal Kirişci, “The Turkish constitutional referendum, explained”, in Order from Chaos, 13 April 2017, http://brook. -
Nationalism and Syrian Refugees in Turkey
HOW DOES THE LEFT EITHER EXCLUDE OR INCLUDE? NATIONALISM AND SYRIAN REFUGEES IN TURKEY By Cemre Aydoğan Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations Supervisor: Dr. Erin K. Jenne Word Count: 15487 Budapest, Hungary 2019 CEU eTD Collection ABSTRACT Since the beginning of the Syrian civil war (2011), Turkey received huge number of the Syrian refugees. Expectedly, the influx of refugees caused a dissonance among the political parties of Turkey and their migration policies. In this research, I analyze why two left-wing parties might respond in an opposite manner to a refugee influx, with different levels of inclusion. Also, I demonstrate the dissonance between minority and majority party status. I trace minority party politics as inclusive for refugees. This is a rational strategy for minority parties to maximize their constituencies. On the other side, majority party politics demonstrates that ideology is not enough to interpret the migration policies of the political parties. In other words, there are other reasons to see different level of inclusion within the party politics. I refer to historical nationalism as a source of exclusion of the left for their electoral considerations. The method of analysis relies on minority party, political party, and nationalism literature. Hence, in this research, the comparison between ideologically inclusive parties, CHP and HDP, aims to show the failure of scholars who argue conflictual, destabilizing, and polarizer role of minority parties by demonstrating a certain degree of inclusion in a minority party. CEU eTD Collection i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Firstly, I would like to thank my supervisor Erin Jenne because I discovered my passion on nationalism and ethnic politics thanks to her endless support and guidance. -
The Ideological Discourse of the Islamist Humor Magazines in Turkey: the Case of Misvak
THE IDEOLOGICAL DISCOURSE OF THE ISLAMIST HUMOR MAGAZINES IN TURKEY: THE CASE OF MISVAK A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY NAZLI HAZAL TETİK IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF MEDIA AND CULTURAL STUDIES JULY 2020 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Yaşar Kondakçı Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Barış Çakmur Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Prof. Dr. Necmi Erdoğan Supervisor Examining Committee Members Assist. Prof. Dr. Özgür Avcı (METU, PADM) Prof. Dr. Necmi Erdoğan (METU, PADM) Prof. Dr. Lütfi Doğan Tılıç (Başkent Uni., ILF) PLAGIARISM I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name: Nazlı Hazal Tetik Signature: iii ABSTRACT THE IDEOLOGICAL DISCOURSE OF THE ISLAMIST HUMOR MAGAZINES IN TURKEY: THE CASE OF MISVAK Tetik, Nazlı Hazal M.S., Department of Media and Cultural Studies Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Necmi Erdoğan July 2020, 259 pages This thesis focuses on the ideological discourse of Misvak, one of the most popular Islamist humor magazines in Turkey in the 2000s. -
“We Can't Complain”
“WE CAN’T COMPLAIN” TURKEY’S CONTINUING CRACKDOWN ON DISSENT OVER ITS MILITARY OPERATION “PEACE SPRING” IN NORTHEAST SYRIA Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2019 Cover photo: Police preventing members of parliament from the opposition Peoples' Democratic Party Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons and others from reading out a statement criticizing 'Operation Peace Spring', Diyarbakır, 20 October (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. 2019 © Bilal Güldem, Mesopotamia Agency. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2019 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: EUR 44/1335/2019 November 2019 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS CRUSHING DISSENT OVER TURKEY’S MILITARY OFFENSIVE 4 A DEEPENING CRACKDOWN -
New Political Parties and the Reconfiguration of Turkey's Political Landscape
NO. 22 MAY 2020 Introduction New Political Parties and the Reconfigu- ration of Turkey’s Political Landscape Salim Çevik The recent emergence of two splinter parties from the Justice and Development Party (AKP) points to a deepening crisis within the party and growing discontent toward party leader and president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Although the leaders of the two new parties, Ali Babacan and Ahmet Davutoğlu, are both former high-ranking AKP politicians, they differ significantly in their style of politics and ideological leanings. Babacan is trying to position himself at the center of Turkey’s ideological spectrum and emphasize issues of good governance and the rule of law. Davutoğlu is aiming for the more conservative voters, focusing on the moral shortcomings of the current regime. Davutoğlu’s strategy has better chances in the short term, whereas Babacan is poised for a long game. The importance of both parties relies on their potential to attract votes from the AKP base. In a country that is deeply divided into two almost equal-sized camps that support Erdoğan and oppose him, even a small fraction of votes shifting from the AKP to the opposition can be a game changer. On March 11, former Deputy Prime Minis- The launching of the new parties fell ter Ali Babacan announced the formation short of expectations in terms of raising of his long-awaited political party. Former the public’s interest. Particularly DEVA President Abdullah Gül is known to be sup- attracted little attention on the day of its portive of the party, even though he and his founding. -
Post-ISIS States by Dr
Background Report VII: September 5, 2017 - April 30, 2018 Post-ISIS States By Dr. Gina Lennox Kurdish Lobby Australia Email: [email protected] Website: www.kurdishlobbyaustralia.com ©2018 Kurdish Lobby Australia You are welcome to share this report but please do not make changes without permission from Kurdish Lobby Australia. 1 Table of Contents Table of Figures ............................................................................................................................ 3 Acronyms ........................................................................................................................................ 4 Summary ................................................................................................................................ 5 Why what is happening in the Middle East is relevant to Australia .......................... 9 What the Australian Government Can Do ........................................................................... 9 Overview ............................................................................................................................. 10 ISIS................................................................................................................................................... 10 Cost of War ................................................................................................................................... 11 Reconciliation and Reconstruction ..................................................................................... 14 -
1 the Last Ottoman? : 2019 Local Elections in Turkey
1 The Last Ottoman? : 2019 local elections in Turkey Written by Leo Sikharulidze 04.04.2019 After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the subsequent unbarring of the border between Georgia and Turkey, Georgia’s southwestern neighbor once again emerged as an active geopolitical entity in the context of the newly regained independence of our nation. A number of key aspects underline the importance of maintaining good relations for Georgia with Turkey, more precisely, Turkey is the only neighboring state of Georgia with whom the official demarcation of the state border has been successfully agreed upon.1 Turkey is the second largest trading partner of Georgia, taking up to 8.7% of the total Georgian exports reaching 202.5 million US Dollars.2 Finally yet importantly, Turkey is the only NATO member state bordering Georgia. The above mentioned is a clear indicator that Georgia should closely follow the political developments in Turkey. The opposition in Turkey, after a long dominance of President Erdogan and his proposed political agenda, has finally reached an electoral breakthrough, however how effective this breakthrough will be depends on both sides future actions. The configuration between the main political forces for the 2019 local elections was somewhat similar to the composition for the 2018 general elections, more precisely, the ruling AKP remained faithful to its “People’s Alliance” with the Pan-Turkist MHP. The oppositional coalition of “Nation Alliance” engaged the 2019 local elections with a slightly altered anatomy, namely only the CHP and IYI remain in the coalition from the initial four (CHP, IYI, SP and DP) founding political parties. -
Turkey's Presidential System After Two and a Half Years. an Overview Of
SWP Research Paper Sinem Adar and Günter Seufert Turkey’s Presidential System after Two and a Half Years An Overview of Institutions and Politics Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 2 April 2021, Berlin Abstract ∎ Turkey’s new Presidential System has failed to realise the goals that it was said to achieve with its introduction despite the disapproval of half the population. ∎ Contrary to the ruling party’s claims in favour of the new governance system, two and a half years after its introduction, parliament is weaker, separation of powers is undermined, the judiciary is politicised, institu- tions are crippled, economic woes are mounting and authoritarian prac- tices prevail. ∎ Despite the almost unlimited and unchecked power that the new system grants to the President over institutions, his space for political manoeuvre is, surprisingly, narrower than it was in the parliamentary system. ∎ Providing the otherwise divided opposition a joint anchor of resistance, the Presidential System unintentionally breathed life into the inertia of Turkey’s political party setting. ∎ The formation of splinter parties from the ruling party, primarily address- ing the same conservative electorate, alongside the changing electoral logic with the need to form alliances to win an election, poses a serious challenge to the ruling party and its leader – the President. ∎ Despite the oppositional alliance’s electoral victory in 2019 local elec- tions, it is at the moment unclear whether the forming parties share a common vision for steps towards democratic repair. ∎ Together with the institutional havoc caused by the Presidential System, the blurry outlook of the opposition requires caution about an easy and rapid positive transformation. -
Turkey's Changing Media Landscape
GETTY IMAGES/SERHAT CAGDAS GETTY IMAGES/SERHAT Turkey’s Changing Media Landscape By Andrew O’Donohue, Max Hoffman, and Alan Makovsky June 2020 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG Turkey’s Changing Media Landscape By Andrew O’Donohue, Max Hoffman, and Alan Makovsky June 2020 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 3 Deep distrust and rapid change 6 The fragmentation of Turkey’s media landscape 11 Political implications 16 Policy recommendations and conclusion 19 About the authors 19 Acknowledgments 20 Endnotes Introduction and summary A dominant narrative that has come out of Turkey in recent years highlights how President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has consolidated control over the news media. Numerous human rights reports document how the Turkish government has sought to muzzle the press, whether by imprisoning journalists, eliminating news outlets, or overseeing the purchase of media brands by pro-government conglom- erates.1 As the watchdog organization Reporters Without Borders writes, the regime has been “tightening the vice on what little is left of pluralism,” and Turkey is now “the world’s biggest jailer of professional journalists.”2 Despite this heavy censorship, two key trends have undercut President Erdoğan’s efforts to control the media landscape: rising distrust toward the media and increasing fragmentation in the ways that Turks get their news. The coronavirus outbreak in Turkey clearly illustrates these dynamics. Many Turks, doubting the integrity of traditional media, have viewed rosy coverage of Turkey’s response to the pandemic with skepticism