Turkey's Nationalist Course: Implications for the U.S.-Turkish Strategic Partnership and the U.S. Army

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Turkey's Nationalist Course: Implications for the U.S.-Turkish Strategic Partnership and the U.S. Army TURKEY’S NATIONALIST COURSE Implications for the U.S.-Turkish Strategic Partnership and the U.S. Army Stephen J. Flanagan, F. Stephen Larrabee, Anika Binnendijk, Katherine Costello, Shira Efron, James Hoobler, Magdalena Kirchner, Jeffrey Martini, Alireza Nader, Peter A. Wilson C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR2589 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0141-0 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2020 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: Rouhani, Putin, and Erdogan: Tolga Bozoglu/AP. Erdogan Stoltenberg: AP. Istanbul: Kivanc Turkalp/Getty Images/iStockphoto. Cover design by Rick Penn-Kraus Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report documents research and analysis conducted as part of a project entitled Turkey’s Volatile Dynamics—Implications for the U.S.-Turkish Strategic Partnership and the U.S. Army, sponsored by the Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff, G-3/5/7, U.S. Army. The purpose of the project was to analyze trends in Turkish internal, foreign, and defense policies and assess their implications for U.S. defense strategy and force planning. This research was conducted within RAND Arroyo Center’s Strategy, Doctrine, and Resources Program. RAND Arroyo Center, part of the RAND Corporation, is a federally funded research and development center (FFRDC) sponsored by the United States Army. RAND operates under a “Federal-Wide Assurance” (FWA00003425) and com- plies with the Code of Federal Regulations for the Protection of Human Subjects Under United States Law (45 CFR 46), also known as “the Common Rule,” as well as with the implementation guidance set forth in U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) Instruc- tion 3216.02. As applicable, this compliance includes reviews and approvals by RAND’s Institutional Review Board (the Human Subjects Protection Committee) and by the U.S. Army. The views of sources utilized in this study are solely their own and do not represent the official policy or position of DoD or the U.S. Government. iii Contents Preface ................................................................................................. iii Figures, Tables, and Boxes ......................................................................... ix Summary .............................................................................................. xi Acknowledgments .................................................................................xxix Abbreviations ...................................................................................... xxxi CHAPTER ONE Introduction ........................................................................................... 1 Stephen J. Flanagan Managing a Troubled Partnership ................................................................... 1 Methodology ........................................................................................... 2 Organization of This Report ......................................................................... 3 CHAPTER TWO Turkey at a Crossroads ............................................................................... 5 Stephen J. Flanagan, Magdalena Kirchner, and F. Stephen Larrabee Deepening Authoritarianism and Instability ....................................................... 5 An Enduring Battle of Two Visions .................................................................. 6 The AKP and the “New Turkey” .................................................................... 9 The Authoritarian Drift Deepens Under Growing Nationalism ................................12 A Short-Lived Opening to the Kurds .............................................................. 22 Implications for Civil-Military Relations and Military Capabilities ............................25 Old and New Security Threats at Home ...........................................................32 Foreign and Defense Policy: From “Zero Problems” to “Precious Loneliness” ............... 36 The 2018 and 2019 Elections and Turkey’s Future Course ......................................39 CHAPTER THREE Turkey’s Relations with Iran and Iraq: Enduring Rivals or a New Modus Vivendi? ....49 Alireza Nader Iranian Interests Fueling Rivalry and Cooperation with Turkey ............................... 50 Views from Baghdad and Erbil on Relations with Turkey .......................................57 v vi Turkey’s Nationalist Course: Implications for the U.S.-Turkish Strategic Partnership and the U.S. Army Turkey’s Opening to the Kurdistan Regional Government ..................................... 60 Turkey’s Future Relations with Iran and Iraq .....................................................62 Conclusion and Implications for the United States .............................................. 64 CHAPTER FOUR Turkey and the Arab World: Mixed Views and Interests .....................................67 Jeffrey Martini Arab State Perspectives of Turkey ...................................................................67 Interest Convergence Between Turkey and the Arab States .................................... 68 Interest Divergence Between Turkey and the Arab States ........................................70 Special Cases of Egypt and Qatar ...................................................................72 Future Outlook for the Arab States’ Relationships with Turkey ................................75 Conclusion and Implications for the United States ...............................................78 CHAPTER FIVE Wary Partners: The Future of Israeli-Turkish Relations .....................................81 Shira Efron A History of Ups and Downs in Bilateral Relations ..............................................82 Normalization Achieved After a Six-Year Process ................................................ 86 Post-Reconciliation Status of Israeli-Turkish Relations ...........................................89 Israeli-Turkish Ties Face Formidable Challenges ................................................ 100 Conclusion and Implications for the United States ............................................ 104 CHAPTER SIX The Russian-Turkish Bilateral Relationship: Managing Differences in an Uneasy Partnership ........................................................................... 107 Anika Binnendijk Historical Context .................................................................................. 108 A Lasting Partnership? .............................................................................. 110 Economic Ties ...................................................................................... 111 Russian Efforts to Undermine Western Institutions ........................................... 116 Consolidation of Domestic Power and Mutual Support for Authoritarianism .............. 118 Uneasy Partnership in the Black Sea .............................................................. 123 Middle East Ambitions ............................................................................. 126 Conclusion and Implications for the United States ............................................. 129 CHAPTER SEVEN Turkey’s Relations with the Caucasus and Central Asia: Unrealized Ambitions ...... 133 James Hoobler Domestic Forces Driving Regional Policy ....................................................... 135 Turkey and the Caucasus ........................................................................... 138 Turkey and Central Asia ........................................................................... 145 Conclusion and Implications for the United States ............................................. 148 Contents vii CHAPTER EIGHT Turkey’s Relations with Europe, the European Union, and NATO: Reaching an Inflection Point ........................................................................... 151 Magdalena Kirchner and Stephen J. Flanagan Relations with the European Union .............................................................. 152 NATO-Turkey Relations ........................................................................... 167 Conclusion and Implications for U.S. and Allied Interests .................................... 175 CHAPTER NINE Implications for the U.S.-Turkish Partnership and the U.S. Army ....................... 179 Stephen J. Flanagan and Peter A. Wilson Turkey’s Uncertain Trajectory ....................................................................
Recommended publications
  • Télécharger Le COI Focus
    COMMISSARIAT GÉNÉRAL AUX RÉFUGIÉS ET AUX APATRIDES COI Focus LIBAN La situation sécuritaire 7 août 2018 (Mise à jour) Cedoca Langue du document original : néerlandais DISCLAIMER: Ce document COI a été rédigé par le Centre de documentation et de This COI-product has been written by Cedoca, the Documentation and recherches (Cedoca) du CGRA en vue de fournir des informations pour le Research Department of the CGRS, and it provides information for the traitement des demandes d’asile individuelles. Il ne traduit aucune politique processing of individual asylum applications. The document does not contain ni n’exprime aucune opinion et ne prétend pas apporter de réponse définitive policy guidelines or opinions and does not pass judgment on the merits of quant à la valeur d’une demande d’asile. Il a été rédigé conformément aux the asylum application. It follows the Common EU Guidelines for processing lignes directrices de l’Union européenne pour le traitement de l’information country of origin information (April 2008). sur le pays d’origine (avril 2008) et il a été rédigé conformément aux The author has based the text on a wide range of public information selected dispositions légales en vigueur. with care and with a permanent concern for crosschecking sources. Even Ce document a été élaboré sur la base d’un large éventail d’informations though the document tries to Even though the document tries to cover all the publiques soigneusement sélectionnées dans un souci permanent de relevant aspects of the subject, the text is not necessarily exhaustive. If recoupement des sources. L’auteur s’est efforcé de traiter la totalité des certain events, people or organisations are not mentioned, this does not aspects pertinents du sujet mais les analyses proposées ne visent pas mean that they did not exist.
    [Show full text]
  • Draft Minutes
    EU-TURKEY JOINT PARLAMENTARY COMMITTEE 74th Meeting 10-11 April 2014 European Parliament Brussels DRAFT MINUTES Thursday, 10 April 09.00 -12.30 Ms Hélène FLAUTRE, Co-Chair of the EU-Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) in the Chair Opening remarks The meeting opened on Thursday, 10 April 2014 at 9.00, with Ms Hélène FLAUTRE, Co-Chair of the European Union-Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (EU- Turkey JPC) in the Chair. Ms FLAUTRE welcomed the participants of the meeting and made a short introduction on the latest developments in the EU-Turkey relations, drawing particular attention to widespread concerns in the European Parliament (EP) about the directions the Turkish Government was taking and its attitude towards the European norms in the democratisation process. Following this short introduction Ms FLAUTRE gave the floor to Mr Afif DEMIRKIRAN, Co-Chair of the EU-Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) who made his opening remarks and expressed his optimism that relations between the two parliaments will be no less constructive and could be even strengthened in the next legislature. 1. Adoption of the draft agenda. It was agreed to start with the first working session and to discuss the draft agenda after the presentations on the EU-Turkey relations. 2. EU-Turkey relations and the state of play of the accession negotiations Mr Stefan FÜLE, European Commissioner for Enlargement started his intervention by emphasising that the timing was perfect for an exchange of views on this subject. The Commissioner noted a renewed momentum in the EU-Turkey relations (opening of Chapter 22, signing of the readmission agreement and developments in the dialogue on visa liberalisation, enhanced energy cooperation, trade relations and the strategic dialogue and cooperation in foreign policy), which lasted until the end of 2013.
    [Show full text]
  • Erdogan's Islamist Foreign Policy at the Crossroads Kushal Agrawal
    MP-IDSA Issue Brief Erdogan's Islamist Foreign Policy at the Crossroads Kushal Agrawal March 17, 2021 Summary Even as he continues to work towards reviving the Ottoman glory and 'Ittihad-I Islam' ('Unity of Islam'), there are significant limitations and vulnerabilities in Erdogan pursuing his Islamist approach to statecraft abroad. The Turkish President will have to choose between a pragmatic and an Islamist foreign policy. If the Turkish economy returns to high growth rates, Erdogan's domestic position will be strengthened and he might still return to his pet Islamist adventures overseas. ERDOGAN’S ISLAMIST FOREIGN POLICY AT THE CROSSROADS In his quest to become the leader of the Muslim world, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has in the recent past vehemently opposed the European Union (EU) governments as well as West Asian and North African countries for their policy positions on Islamic issues. Erdogan, for instance, went on an offensive against French President Emmanuel Macron for the latter’s perceived Islamophobic stance in the aftermath of beheading of Samuel Paty on October 16, 2020 in Paris. On October 24, 2020, Erdogan spoke against German authorities for raiding the Mevlana mosque in Berlin, closely associated with the Turkish Milli Gorus movement. Turkey’s relations with key Muslim countries like Saudi Arabia and Egypt have also been fraught, given Erdogan’s support for the Muslim Brotherhood. Since December 2020, however, Erdogan has been trying to reach out to the European Union and the West, in a possible effort to transform his pan-Islamist foreign policy outlook to a pro-Western Kemalist worldview.
    [Show full text]
  • Volume XIII, Issue 21 October 30, 2015
    VOLUME XIII, ISSUE 21 u OCTOBER 30, 2015 IN THIS ISSUE: BRIEFS ............................................................................................................................1 THE SWARM: TERRORIST INCIDENTS IN FRANCE By Timothy Holman .........................................................................................................3 CAUGHT BETWEEN RUSSIA, THE UNITED STATES AND TURKEY, Cars continue to burn SYRIAN KURDS FACE DILEMMA after a suicide attack By Wladimir van Wilgenburg .........................................................................................5 by the Islamic State in Beirut. THE EVOLUTION OF SUNNI JIHADISM IN LEBANON SINCE 2011 By Patrick Hoover .............................................................................................................8 Terrorism Monitor is a publication of The Jamestown Foundation. BANGLADESH ATTACKS SHOW INCREASING ISLAMIC STATE The Terrorism Monitor is INFLUENCE designed to be read by policy- makers and other specialists James Brandon yet be accessible to the general public. The opinions expressed within are solely those of the In the last six weeks, Bangladesh has been hit by a near-unprecedented series of Islamist authors and do not necessarily militant attacks targeting foreigners and local Shi’a Muslims. On September 28, an reflect those of The Jamestown Italian NGO worker, who was residing in the country, was shot and killed by attackers Foundation. on a moped as he was jogging near the diplomatic area of capital city Dhaka (Daily Star [Dhaka], September
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations
    Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations Updated November 9, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R41368 SUMMARY R41368 Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations November 9, 2020 U.S.-Turkey tensions have raised questions about the future of bilateral relations and have led to congressional action against Turkey, including informal holds on major new Jim Zanotti arms sales (such as upgrades to F-16 aircraft) and efforts to impose sanctions. Specialist in Middle Nevertheless, both countries’ officials emphasize the importance of continued U.S.- Eastern Affairs Turkey cooperation and Turkey’s membership in NATO. Observers voice concerns about the largely authoritarian rule of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Clayton Thomas Turkey’s polarized electorate could affect Erdogan’s future leadership. His biggest Analyst in Middle Eastern challenge may be structural weaknesses in Turkey’s economy—including a sharp Affairs decline in Turkey’s currency—that have worsened since the Coronavirus Disease 2019 pandemic began. The following are key factors in the U.S.-Turkey relationship. Turkey’s strategic orientation and U.S./NATO basing. Traditionally, Turkey has relied closely on the United States and NATO for defense cooperation, European countries for trade and investment, and Russia and Iran for energy imports. A number of complicated situations in Turkey’s surrounding region—including those involving Syria, Libya, Nagorno-Karabakh (a region disputed by Armenia and Azerbaijan), and Eastern Mediterranean energy exploration—affect its relationships with the United States and other key actors, as Turkey seeks a more independent role. President Erdogan’s concerns about maintaining his parliamentary coalition with Turkish nationalists may partly explain his actions in some of the situations mentioned above.
    [Show full text]
  • Is Turkey's Foreign Policy Moving East?
    University of New Orleans ScholarWorks@UNO Senior Honors Theses Undergraduate Showcase 12-2013 Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East? James Brodie LeBlue University of New Orleans Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation LeBlue, James Brodie, "Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East?" (2013). Senior Honors Theses. 50. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/50 This Honors Thesis-Unrestricted is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by ScholarWorks@UNO with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Honors Thesis-Unrestricted in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. This Honors Thesis-Unrestricted has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East? An Honors Thesis Presented to the Department of Political Science of the University of New Orleans In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts, with University Honors and Honors in Political Science by James Brodie LeBlue December 2013 Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank the incredible support system of friends and family for getting me through not only the last four years of undergrad, but also the times in writing this thesis when I thought I was just moments away from ripping my hair out because of constant rewrites.
    [Show full text]
  • Could Turkey's New Parties Change the Political Balance?
    POLICY BRIEF EUROPE IN THE WORLD PROGRAMME 13 MARCH 2020 Could Turkey’s new parties Amanda Paul Senior Policy Analyst European Policy Centre change the Demir Murat Seyrek Senior Policy Advisor political balance? European Foundation for Democracy New political trends are unfolding in Turkey. Recently of these two parties, coupled with the success of the established political parties have raised hopes for change opposition in the 2019 municipal elections, shows that in the country, impacting the political balance between Turkish democracy is not dead and buried. The EU must the government and the opposition. While this is not a continue to engage with and support those that are foregone conclusion, it is a development worth watching fighting for democratic change. closely, including for the EU. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) has dominated BACKGROUND – DWINDLING AKP SUPPORT Turkish politics for over 17 years. Nevertheless, with mounting domestic headaches and a moribund economy, Just at the time when Erdoğan consolidated power the AKP seems to be running out of steam. Support for through the adoption of an executive presidential system, the party is at an all-time low, while President Recep following the 2017 constitutional referendum, he lost Tayyip Erdoğan’s popularity is also in decline. the ability to rule without alliances, due to the need for an absolute majority to be elected. That forced the AKP, which until 2017 did not need political alliances, to join forces with Devlet Bahçeli’s Nationalist Movement Party Turkish democracy is not dead and (MHP) and form the People’s Alliance. buried. The EU must continue to engage This alliance was successful in securing victory in both and support those that are fighting for the constitutional referendum and subsequent 2018 democratic change.
    [Show full text]
  • Curbing Irans Missile Program a Dream That Will Never Come True Page 2 |No
    Mehr Vision|No.10|July 2018 Ayatollah Khamenei: Curbing Irans missile program a dream that will never come true Page 2 |No. 10| July 2018 MEHR NEWSAGENCY Contents Limitation on Iran’s missile program dream never to come true 4 Trump rips up JCPOA to reduce Iran regional importance, foster... 5 Brazilian govt. to help businesses continue trade with Iran 8 We would immediately establish diplomatic ties with Syria 11 We are not the PKK’s political wing: Selahattin Demirtaş 12 No individual positions among EU on Iran nuclear deal 14 Interview Trump’s strategy toward Iran at expense of US credibility: Costello 17 Pompeo speech an exercise in idiocy: Prof. Zonis 18 EU-US conflict; temporal or permanent? 20 Trade war intensified between US, Europe 21 US-adopted tactics to contain EU as ‘regionalism model’ 23 US strategy in cybercrime operations 24 Will Europe give in to Washington’s demands? 25 Is Europe really struggling to maintain JCPOA? 26 Mehr Vision The story of Elysees Palace andnuclear deal with Iran 27 Pompeo’s special mission, shadow of US secret diplomacy over Europe 28 Opinion Managing Director: Ali Asgari Saudi Arabia’s desperate alliance moves 29 US-EU possible soft tactic to contain Iran 30 Editorial Board: Seyed Amir Hassan Dehghani, Merkel lost the game! 31 Mohammad Ghaderi, Two politicians and three cases 32 Payman Yazdani Editorial Coordinator: Lachin Rezaian TSE index hit 50-year record high of 102,000 points 34 Contributors: Some media have held a feast of lies about Nicaragua protests: envoy 35 Payman Yazdani, Mohammad Ghaderi, Lachin Rezaian, Marjohn Sheikhi, What does Saudi Arabia want from Lebanon? 37 Hanif Ghaffari, Javad Heirannia, Sajad Report World Bee Day;what’s the ‘buzz’ about? 38 Abedi, Mohammad Ali Haqshenas, Global refugee compact to mobilize support for protracted refugee..
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties and Welfare Associations
    Department of Sociology Umeå University Political parties and welfare associations by Ingrid Grosse Doctoral theses at the Department of Sociology Umeå University No 50 2007 Department of Sociology Umeå University Thesis 2007 Printed by Print & Media December 2007 Cover design: Gabriella Dekombis © Ingrid Grosse ISSN 1104-2508 ISBN 978-91-7264-478-6 Grosse, Ingrid. Political parties and welfare associations. Doctoral Dissertation in Sociology at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå University, 2007. ISBN 978-91-7264-478-6 ISSN 1104-2508 ABSTRACT Scandinavian countries are usually assumed to be less disposed than other countries to involve associations as welfare producers. They are assumed to be so disinclined due to their strong statutory welfare involvement, which “crowds-out” associational welfare production; their ethnic, cultural and religious homogeneity, which leads to a lack of minority interests in associational welfare production; and to their strong working-class organisations, which are supposed to prefer statutory welfare solutions. These assumptions are questioned here, because they cannot account for salient associational welfare production in the welfare areas of housing and child-care in two Scandinavian countries, Sweden and Norway. In order to approach an explanation for the phenomena of associational welfare production in Sweden and Norway, some refinements of current theories are suggested. First, it is argued that welfare associations usually depend on statutory support in order to produce welfare on a salient level. Second, it is supposed that any form of particularistic interest in welfare production, not only ethnic, cultural or religious minority interests, can lead to associational welfare. With respect to these assumptions, this thesis supposes that political parties are organisations that, on one hand, influence statutory decisions regarding associational welfare production, and, on the other hand, pursue particularistic interests in associational welfare production.
    [Show full text]
  • Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances
    SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber (Eds.) Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances RP 5 June 2015 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2015 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They express exclusively the personal views of the authors. SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3­4 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 Translation by Meredith Dale (Updated English version of SWP-Studie 7/2015) Table of Contents 5 Problems and Recommendations 7 Jihadism in Africa: An Introduction Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 13 Al-Shabaab: Youth without God Annette Weber 31 Libya: A Jihadist Growth Market Wolfram Lacher 51 Going “Glocal”: Jihadism in Algeria and Tunisia Isabelle Werenfels 69 Spreading Local Roots: AQIM and Its Offshoots in the Sahara Wolfram Lacher and Guido Steinberg 85 Boko Haram: Threat to Nigeria and Its Northern Neighbours Moritz Hütte, Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 99 Conclusions and Recommendations Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 103 Appendix 103 Abbreviations 104 The Authors Problems and Recommendations Jihadism in Africa: Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances The transnational terrorism of the twenty-first century feeds on local and regional conflicts, without which most terrorist groups would never have appeared in the first place. That is the case in Afghanistan and Pakistan, Syria and Iraq, as well as in North and West Africa and the Horn of Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Eastern Mediterranean in Uncharted Waters
    EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN IN UNCHARTED WATERS EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN IN UNCHARTED WATERS Perspectives on Emerging Geopolitical Realities Perspectives on Emerging Geopolitical Realities Perspectives ISBN: 978-605-4679-18-8 EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN IN UNCHARTED WATERS Perspectives on Emerging Geopolitical Realities Edited by Prof. Michaël Tanchum Published by Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. All rights reserved. This publication reflects the views of the authors only which had the freedom to choose any terminology they wanted to express their free opinion. Konrad–Adenauer–Stiftung Derneği Türkiye Temsilciliği Ahmet Rasim Sokak No: 27 06690 Çankaya-Ankara/TÜRKİYE Tel. : +90 312 440 40 80 Faks : +90 312 440 32 48 E-mail : [email protected] Web : www.kas.de/tuerkei ISBN : 978-605-4679-18-8 Designed & Printed by: OFSET FOTOMAT +90 312 395 37 38 Ankara, 2021 5 | Preface Walter Glos 7 | Introduction Ercan Çitlioğlu 11 | The Geopolitics Of The Eastern Mediterranean Crisis: A Regional System Perspective on the Mediterranean’s New Great Game Michaël Tanchum 27 | TRNC-RoC Cooperation: A Critical Missing Piece for Eastern Mediterranean Stability Mustafa Çıraklı 38 | The Eastern Mediterranean as an Emerging Crisis Zone: Greece and Cyprus in a Volatile Regional Environment Ioannis N. Grigoriadis 47 | Turkey in an Increasingly Complex Eastern Mediterranean: How Turkey Can Defend its Interests and Alleviate its Isolation in the Region Yelda Ongun 59 | Escalating Complexity in Libya’s Ongoing Conflict Mohamed Eljarh 69 | Egypt’s Energy
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey 2020 Human Rights Report
    TURKEY 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Turkey is a constitutional republic with an executive presidential system and a unicameral 600-seat parliament (the Grand National Assembly). In presidential and parliamentary elections in 2018, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe observers expressed concern regarding restrictions on media reporting and the campaign environment, including the jailing of a presidential candidate that restricted the ability of opposition candidates to compete on an equal basis and campaign freely. The National Police and Jandarma, under the control of the Ministry of Interior, are responsible for security in urban areas and rural and border areas, respectively. The military has overall responsibility for border control and external security. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over law enforcement officials, but mechanisms to investigate and punish abuse and corruption remained inadequate. Members of the security forces committed some abuses. Under broad antiterror legislation passed in 2018 the government continued to restrict fundamental freedoms and compromised the rule of law. Since the 2016 coup attempt, authorities have dismissed or suspended more than 60,000 police and military personnel and approximately 125,000 civil servants, dismissed one-third of the judiciary, arrested or imprisoned more than 90,000 citizens, and closed more than 1,500 nongovernmental organizations on terrorism-related grounds, primarily for alleged ties to the movement of cleric Fethullah Gulen, whom the government accused of masterminding the coup attempt and designated as the leader of the “Fethullah Terrorist Organization.” Significant human rights issues included: reports of arbitrary killings; suspicious deaths of persons in custody; forced disappearances; torture; arbitrary arrest and continued detention of tens of thousands of persons, including opposition politicians and former members of parliament, lawyers, journalists, human rights activists, and employees of the U.S.
    [Show full text]