Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations
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The Mujahedin in Nagorno-Karabakh: a Case Study in the Evolution of Global Jihad
The Mujahedin in Nagorno-Karabakh: A Case Study in the Evolution of Global Jihad Michael Taarnby 9/5/2008 WP 20/2008 The Mujahedin in Nagorno-Karabakh: A Case Study in the Evolution of Global Jihad Michael Taarnby Summary The current volume of publications dealing with Islamist militancy and terrorism defies belief in terms of its contents. The topic of this paper is a modest attempt to direct more attention and interest towards the much overlooked sub-field of historical research within Jihadi studies. Introduction The current volume of publications dealing with Islamist militancy and terrorism defies belief in terms of its contents. This can be perceived as part of a frantic effort to catch up for the lack of attention devoted to this phenomenon during the 1980s and 1990s, when this field of research field was considerably underdeveloped. The present level of research activity is struggling to keep pace with developments. Thus, it is primarily preoccupied with attempting to describe what is actually happening in the world right now and possibly to explain future developments. This is certainly a worthwhile effort, but the topic of this paper is a modest attempt to direct more attention and interest towards the much overlooked sub-field of historical research within Jihadi studies. The global Jihad has a long history, and everyone interested in this topic will be quite familiar with the significance of Afghanistan in fomenting ideological support for it and for bringing disparate militant groups together through its infamous training camps during the 1990s. However, many more events have been neglected by the research community to the point where most scholars and analysts are left with an incomplete picture, that is most often based on the successes of the Jihadi groups. -
The New Sultan and the Crisis of Modern Turkey by Soner Cagaptay Tuesday, July 31, 2018
Issue 52 » The New Sultan and the Crisis of Modern Turkey by Soner Cagaptay Tuesday, July 31, 2018 The failed coup of July 15, 2016 has irreversibly transformed Turkish politics. Although the coup attempt was thankfully thwarted, the path that Erdogan chose to take after the coup—using the state of emergency powers he was given to go specifically after coup plotters, to embark instead on a much broader campaign against all dissidents, many of whom possessed no ties to the coup in any form— highlights an unfortunate truth about the country: Turkey is in a deep crisis. The country is polarized between supporters and opponents of Erdogan, who has won successive elections in Turkey since 2002 on a platform of right-wing populism. Erdogan has demonized and cracked down on electoral constituencies that are not likely to vote for him, a strategy that has Image credit: Poster Collection, Cairo Punch 0111, Hoover dramatically worsened polarization in Turkey, which is now sharply split between pro- and anti-Erdogan Institution Archives. camps: the former, a conservative and Turkish-nationalist right-wing coalition, believes that the country is paradise; the latter, a loose group of leftists, secularists, liberals, and Kurds, thinks that it lives in hell. More alarmingly, terror groups such as the hard-leftist Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the jihadist Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) are taking advantage of this chasm in Turkey, adding bloodshed and sharpening the divide even further. Between summer 2015 and the end of 2016 alone, Turkey suffered 33 major ISIS and PKK terror attacks, which killed almost 550 people. -
Draft Minutes
EU-TURKEY JOINT PARLAMENTARY COMMITTEE 74th Meeting 10-11 April 2014 European Parliament Brussels DRAFT MINUTES Thursday, 10 April 09.00 -12.30 Ms Hélène FLAUTRE, Co-Chair of the EU-Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) in the Chair Opening remarks The meeting opened on Thursday, 10 April 2014 at 9.00, with Ms Hélène FLAUTRE, Co-Chair of the European Union-Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (EU- Turkey JPC) in the Chair. Ms FLAUTRE welcomed the participants of the meeting and made a short introduction on the latest developments in the EU-Turkey relations, drawing particular attention to widespread concerns in the European Parliament (EP) about the directions the Turkish Government was taking and its attitude towards the European norms in the democratisation process. Following this short introduction Ms FLAUTRE gave the floor to Mr Afif DEMIRKIRAN, Co-Chair of the EU-Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) who made his opening remarks and expressed his optimism that relations between the two parliaments will be no less constructive and could be even strengthened in the next legislature. 1. Adoption of the draft agenda. It was agreed to start with the first working session and to discuss the draft agenda after the presentations on the EU-Turkey relations. 2. EU-Turkey relations and the state of play of the accession negotiations Mr Stefan FÜLE, European Commissioner for Enlargement started his intervention by emphasising that the timing was perfect for an exchange of views on this subject. The Commissioner noted a renewed momentum in the EU-Turkey relations (opening of Chapter 22, signing of the readmission agreement and developments in the dialogue on visa liberalisation, enhanced energy cooperation, trade relations and the strategic dialogue and cooperation in foreign policy), which lasted until the end of 2013. -
Erdogan's Islamist Foreign Policy at the Crossroads Kushal Agrawal
MP-IDSA Issue Brief Erdogan's Islamist Foreign Policy at the Crossroads Kushal Agrawal March 17, 2021 Summary Even as he continues to work towards reviving the Ottoman glory and 'Ittihad-I Islam' ('Unity of Islam'), there are significant limitations and vulnerabilities in Erdogan pursuing his Islamist approach to statecraft abroad. The Turkish President will have to choose between a pragmatic and an Islamist foreign policy. If the Turkish economy returns to high growth rates, Erdogan's domestic position will be strengthened and he might still return to his pet Islamist adventures overseas. ERDOGAN’S ISLAMIST FOREIGN POLICY AT THE CROSSROADS In his quest to become the leader of the Muslim world, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has in the recent past vehemently opposed the European Union (EU) governments as well as West Asian and North African countries for their policy positions on Islamic issues. Erdogan, for instance, went on an offensive against French President Emmanuel Macron for the latter’s perceived Islamophobic stance in the aftermath of beheading of Samuel Paty on October 16, 2020 in Paris. On October 24, 2020, Erdogan spoke against German authorities for raiding the Mevlana mosque in Berlin, closely associated with the Turkish Milli Gorus movement. Turkey’s relations with key Muslim countries like Saudi Arabia and Egypt have also been fraught, given Erdogan’s support for the Muslim Brotherhood. Since December 2020, however, Erdogan has been trying to reach out to the European Union and the West, in a possible effort to transform his pan-Islamist foreign policy outlook to a pro-Western Kemalist worldview. -
Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, and FUTURE by Andrew Watkins
PEACEWORKS Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, AND FUTURE By Andrew Watkins NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 Making Peace Possible NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 ABOUT THE REPORT This report examines the phenomenon of insurgent fragmentation within Afghanistan’s Tali- ban and implications for the Afghan peace process. This study, which the author undertook PEACE PROCESSES as an independent researcher supported by the Asia Center at the US Institute of Peace, is based on a survey of the academic literature on insurgency, civil war, and negotiated peace, as well as on interviews the author conducted in Afghanistan in 2019 and 2020. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Andrew Watkins has worked in more than ten provinces of Afghanistan, most recently as a political affairs officer with the United Nations. He has also worked as an indepen- dent researcher, a conflict analyst and adviser to the humanitarian community, and a liaison based with Afghan security forces. Cover photo: A soldier walks among a group of alleged Taliban fighters at a National Directorate of Security facility in Faizabad in September 2019. The status of prisoners will be a critical issue in future negotiations with the Taliban. (Photo by Jim Huylebroek/New York Times) The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. An online edition of this and related reports can be found on our website (www.usip.org), together with additional information on the subject. © 2020 by the United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Avenue NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Peaceworks No. -
UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order Online
UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order online Table of Contents Acknowledgments Introduction Glossary 1. Executive Summary The 1999 Offensive The Chain of Command The War Crimes Tribunal Abuses by the KLA Role of the International Community 2. Background Introduction Brief History of the Kosovo Conflict Kosovo in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo in the 1990s The 1998 Armed Conflict Conclusion 3. Forces of the Conflict Forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Yugoslav Army Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Paramilitaries Chain of Command and Superior Responsibility Stucture and Strategy of the KLA Appendix: Post-War Promotions of Serbian Police and Yugoslav Army Members 4. march–june 1999: An Overview The Geography of Abuses The Killings Death Toll,the Missing and Body Removal Targeted Killings Rape and Sexual Assault Forced Expulsions Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions Destruction of Civilian Property and Mosques Contamination of Water Wells Robbery and Extortion Detentions and Compulsory Labor 1 Human Shields Landmines 5. Drenica Region Izbica Rezala Poklek Staro Cikatovo The April 30 Offensive Vrbovac Stutica Baks The Cirez Mosque The Shavarina Mine Detention and Interrogation in Glogovac Detention and Compusory Labor Glogovac Town Killing of Civilians Detention and Abuse Forced Expulsion 6. Djakovica Municipality Djakovica City Phase One—March 24 to April 2 Phase Two—March 7 to March 13 The Withdrawal Meja Motives: Five Policeman Killed Perpetrators Korenica 7. Istok Municipality Dubrava Prison The Prison The NATO Bombing The Massacre The Exhumations Perpetrators 8. Lipljan Municipality Slovinje Perpetrators 9. Orahovac Municipality Pusto Selo 10. Pec Municipality Pec City The “Cleansing” Looting and Burning A Final Killing Rape Cuska Background The Killings The Attacks in Pavljan and Zahac The Perpetrators Ljubenic 11. -
FEATURE Yemeni Activist on Her Homeland, Politics, Terror, Democracy FEATURE Daily Sabah > Life > Feature Yemeni Activist on Her Homeland, Politics, Terror, Democracy
2/21/2018 Yemeni activist on her homeland, politics, terror, democracy - Daily Sabah FEATURE Yemeni activist on her homeland, politics, terror, democracy FEATURE Daily Sabah > Life > Feature Yemeni activist on her homeland, politics, terror, democracy HILAL KAPLAN @hilal_kaplan ISTANBUL Published February 14, 2018 Nobel Peace Prize laureate Tawakkol Karman of Yemen smiles during a news conference as part of the Nobel Women’s Initiative to gather a firsthand account of the ongoing violence against women, Tegucigalpa, Honduras, Oct. 24, 2017. Activist, politician, journalist and Nobel Peace Prize laureate are only some of the terms used to describe Tawakkol Karman, who dares to stand against unjust interventions of the United Arab Emirates in Yemen nown as the "Mother of the Revolution," Yemen's Tawakkol K Karman is one of the most influential women in the Arab world. She was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2011, at the age of 32, in recognition of her work in nonviolent struggle for the safety of women, women's rights and for her full participation in peacebuilding work in Yemen. Daily Sabah columnist Hilal Kaplan met with Karman to talk about the United Arab Emirates' influence and policies in Yemen as well as Saudi officials' remarks on President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey's stance regarding the status of Jerusalem, Operation Olive Branch, the coup attempt of the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) and Turkey's fight for democracy. Daily Sabah: Ms. Karman, you have stated that the United Arab Emirates is destabilizing Yemen. You have even gone further to say that "the UAE is only a collapsible paper tower." Can you explain how you see the UAE's role in Yemen? Tawakkol Karman: Every step taken in Yemen by the UAE is against Yemen's interest. -
Sustainability Report 2009-2010
For a better world Sustainability Report 2009 - 2010 1st Half Zorlu Energy 2009 - 2010 1st Half Sustainability Report About This Report The scope and limits of this report The reporting period This is the first sustainability report published by the Zorlu Unless otherwise indicated, this report covers the period Energy Group. The material topics of this study, which deals beginning on 1 January 2009 and ending on 30 June 2010. with the sustainability performance of the Zorlu Energy The data and other information provided within this report Group along the primary axes of environment, employees, will serve as benchmarking criteria for sustainability reports stakeholders in the broadest sense, and social responsibility, which the Zorlu Energy Group may publish in the future. were identified as a result of interviews and studies carried out at the Zorlu Energy Group with members of middle and The reporting cycle senior management employing a methodology that was both systematic and open to international review. The Zorlu The Zorlu Energy Group intends to issue its sustainability Energy Group Board of Directors has been provided with reports at 18-month intervals. The Group therefore expects detailed information about this report and its publication. to publish its next sustainability report in the first quarter of 2012. A valuable data base and reference points for this report were provided by findings which GRI indicators pertain to the ordinary, day-to-day relations of the Group with those who make up the This report has been prepared within the guidelines of the Global Reporting Initiative (GRI) G3 international reporting Group’s stakeholders and who consist of: standard. -
Kazakhstan Missile Chronology
Kazakhstan Missile Chronology Last update: May 2010 As of May 2010, this chronology is no longer being updated. For current developments, please see the Kazakhstan Missile Overview. This annotated chronology is based on the data sources that follow each entry. Public sources often provide conflicting information on classified military programs. In some cases we are unable to resolve these discrepancies, in others we have deliberately refrained from doing so to highlight the potential influence of false or misleading information as it appeared over time. In many cases, we are unable to independently verify claims. Hence in reviewing this chronology, readers should take into account the credibility of the sources employed here. Inclusion in this chronology does not necessarily indicate that a particular development is of direct or indirect proliferation significance. Some entries provide international or domestic context for technological development and national policymaking. Moreover, some entries may refer to developments with positive consequences for nonproliferation. 2009-1947 March 2009 On 4 March 2009, Kazakhstan signed a contract to purchase S-300 air defense missile systems from Russia. According to Ministry of Defense officials, Kazakhstan plans to purchase 10 batteries of S-300PS by 2011. Kazakhstan's Air Defense Commander Aleksandr Sorokin mentioned, however, that the 10 batteries would still not be enough to shield all the most vital" facilities designated earlier by a presidential decree. The export version of S- 300PS (NATO designation SA-10C Grumble) has a maximum range of 75 km and can hit targets moving at up to 1200 m/s at a minimum altitude of 25 meters. -
Turkey 2020 Human Rights Report
TURKEY 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Turkey is a constitutional republic with an executive presidential system and a unicameral 600-seat parliament (the Grand National Assembly). In presidential and parliamentary elections in 2018, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe observers expressed concern regarding restrictions on media reporting and the campaign environment, including the jailing of a presidential candidate that restricted the ability of opposition candidates to compete on an equal basis and campaign freely. The National Police and Jandarma, under the control of the Ministry of Interior, are responsible for security in urban areas and rural and border areas, respectively. The military has overall responsibility for border control and external security. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over law enforcement officials, but mechanisms to investigate and punish abuse and corruption remained inadequate. Members of the security forces committed some abuses. Under broad antiterror legislation passed in 2018 the government continued to restrict fundamental freedoms and compromised the rule of law. Since the 2016 coup attempt, authorities have dismissed or suspended more than 60,000 police and military personnel and approximately 125,000 civil servants, dismissed one-third of the judiciary, arrested or imprisoned more than 90,000 citizens, and closed more than 1,500 nongovernmental organizations on terrorism-related grounds, primarily for alleged ties to the movement of cleric Fethullah Gulen, whom the government accused of masterminding the coup attempt and designated as the leader of the “Fethullah Terrorist Organization.” Significant human rights issues included: reports of arbitrary killings; suspicious deaths of persons in custody; forced disappearances; torture; arbitrary arrest and continued detention of tens of thousands of persons, including opposition politicians and former members of parliament, lawyers, journalists, human rights activists, and employees of the U.S. -
Cultural Diplomacy and Conflict Resolution
Cultural Diplomacy and Conflict Resolution Introduction In his poem, The Second Coming (1919), William Butler Yeats captured the moment we are now experiencing: Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world, The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere The ceremony of innocence is drowned; The best lack all conviction, while the worst Are full of passionate intensity. As we see the deterioration of the institutions created and fostered after the Second World War to create a climate in which peace and prosperity could flourish in Europe and beyond, it is important to understand the role played by diplomacy in securing the stability and strengthening the shared values of freedom and democracy that have marked this era for the nations of the world. It is most instructive to read the Inaugural Address of President John F. Kennedy, in which he encouraged Americans not only to do good things for their own country, but to do good things in the world. The creation of the Peace Corps is an example of the kind of spirit that put young American volunteers into some of the poorest nations in an effort to improve the standard of living for people around the globe. We knew we were leaders; we knew that we had many political and economic and social advantages. There was an impetus to share this wealth. Generosity, not greed, was the motivation of that generation. Of course, this did not begin with Kennedy. It was preceded by the Marshall Plan, one of the only times in history that the conqueror decided to rebuild the country of the vanquished foe. -
Turkey: Background and U.S
Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations Updated August 31, 2018 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R41368 Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Turkey, a NATO ally since 1952, significantly affects a number of key U.S. national security issues in the Middle East and Europe. U.S.-Turkey relations have worsened throughout this decade over several matters, including Syria’s civil war, Turkey-Israel tensions, Turkey-Russia cooperation, and various Turkish domestic developments. The United States and NATO have military personnel and key equipment deployed to various sites in Turkey, including at Incirlik air base in the southern part of the country. Bilateral ties have reached historic lows in the summer of 2018. The major flashpoint has been a Turkish criminal case against American pastor Andrew Brunson. U.S. sanctions on Turkey related to the Brunson case and responses by Turkey and international markets appear to have seriously aggravated an already precipitous drop in the value of Turkey’s currency. Amid this backdrop, Congress has actively engaged on several issues involving Turkey, including the following: Turkey’s possible S-400 air defense system acquisition from Russia. Turkey’s efforts to acquire U.S.-origin F-35 Joint Strike Fighter aircraft and its companies’ role in the international F-35 consortium’s supply chain. Complex U.S.-Turkey interactions in Syria involving several state and non- state actors, including Russia and Iran. Over strong Turkish objections, the United States continues to partner with Syrian Kurds linked with Kurdish militants in Turkey, and Turkey’s military has occupied large portions of northern Syria to minimize Kurdish control and leverage.