Could Turkey's New Parties Change the Political Balance?
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Is Turkey's Foreign Policy Moving East?
University of New Orleans ScholarWorks@UNO Senior Honors Theses Undergraduate Showcase 12-2013 Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East? James Brodie LeBlue University of New Orleans Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation LeBlue, James Brodie, "Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East?" (2013). Senior Honors Theses. 50. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/50 This Honors Thesis-Unrestricted is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by ScholarWorks@UNO with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Honors Thesis-Unrestricted in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. This Honors Thesis-Unrestricted has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East? An Honors Thesis Presented to the Department of Political Science of the University of New Orleans In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts, with University Honors and Honors in Political Science by James Brodie LeBlue December 2013 Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank the incredible support system of friends and family for getting me through not only the last four years of undergrad, but also the times in writing this thesis when I thought I was just moments away from ripping my hair out because of constant rewrites. -
PAPPA – Parties and Policies in Parliaments
PAPPA Parties and Policies in Parliament Version 1.0 (August 2004) Data description Martin Ejnar Hansen, Robert Klemmensen and Peter Kurrild-Klitgaard Political Science Publications No. 3/2004 Name: PAPPA: Parties and Policies in Parliaments, version 1.0 (August 2004) Authors: Martin Ejnar Hansen, Robert Klemmensen & Peter Kurrild- Klitgaard. Contents: All legislation passed in the Danish Folketing, 1945-2003. Availability: The dataset is at present not generally available to the public. Academics should please contact one of the authors with a request for data stating purpose and scope; it will then be determined whether or not the data can be released at present, or the requested results will be provided. Data will be made available on a website and through Dansk Data Arkiv (DDA) when the authors have finished their work with the data. Citation: Hansen, Martin Ejnar, Robert Klemmensen and Peter Kurrild- Klitgaard (2004): PAPPA: Parties and Policies in Parliaments, version 1.0, Odense: Department of Political Science and Public Management, University of Southern Denmark. Variables The total number of variables in the dataset is 186. The following variables have all been coded on the basis of the Folketingets Årbog (the parliamentary hansard) and (to a smaller degree) the parliamentary website (www.ft.dk): nr The number given in the parliamentary hansard (Folketingets Årbog), or (in recent years) the law number. sam The legislative session. eu Whether or not the particular piece of legislation was EU/EEC initiated. change Whether or not the particular piece of legislation was a change of already existing legislation. vedt Whether the particular piece of legislation was passed or not. -
February 2, 2015 To: Prof. Dr. Ahmet Davutoğlu Prime Minister of The
February 2, 2015 To: Prof. Dr. Ahmet Davutoğlu Prime Minister of the Republic of Turkey CC: Deputy Prime Minister Ali Babacan, Deputy Undersecretary for Turkish Treasury Cavit Dağdaş, Ambassador Feridun Sinirlioğlu, and G20 Finance Ministers RE: Implementation of G20 Commitment to Phase-out Fossil Fuel Subsidies Dear Prime Minister Davutoğlu, In the spirit of your G20 Presidency’s outreach efforts with civil society, we – representing 39 civil society organizations – are writing in support of the Turkish Presidency’s “2015 Year of Implementation.” We share the Turkish government’s concern that G20 commitments are characterized by long delayed implementation. We were very pleased to see that the Turkish G20 Presidency Priorities for 2015 included discussions on the G20’s commitment to phase out inefficient fossil fuel subsidies and for the recognition that 2015 is a crucial year for climate change with the UNFCCC negotiations set to make a global agreement in December. We strongly agree that 2015 is the time to increase action on climate change. Thus, we request the following G20 outcomes towards implementing the phase out of fossil fuel subsidies: Agree to immediately eliminate all subsidies for fossil fuel exploration. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and the International Energy Agency (IEA), in order to meet the internationally agreed goal of limiting global average temperature increase to 2 degrees Celsius, at least two-thirds of already existing reserves of fossil fuels need to be left in the ground. A recent assessment found that G20 governments are spending approximately $88 billion a year on finding new oil, gas and coal reserves.1 The report shows that with rising costs for hard-to-reach reserves, and falling coal and oil prices, generous public subsidies are propping up fossil fuel exploration, which would otherwise be deemed uneconomic. -
Presidential Elections in Turkey Erdogan’S “New Turkey” and “New Challenges”
AMERICAN INSTITUTE FOR CONTEMPORARY GERMAN STUDIES n THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY AICGSISSUEBRIEF FEBRUARY 2015 Presidential Elections in Turkey Erdogan’s “New Turkey” and “New Challenges” 48BY M. MURAT ERDOGAN What are the implications Turkey’s election on 10 August 2014 was historic. After victories in three general elections of Turkey’s historic 2014 (2002, 2007, 2011), three local elections (2004, 2009, 2014), and two referenda (2007, elections for the future of 2010), Recep Tayyip Erdogan, leader of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), won the the country? country’s first direct presidential election, receiving 51.79 percent of the vote in the first round. After twelve years as prime minister, Erdogan will spend the next five years as the pres- ident of Turkey. Combining the prestige of being elected by popular vote and his political style, How will Erdogan’s Erdogan’s presidency is expected to exceed the symbolic borders of the classical parlia- political style and mentary system and usher in a de facto presidential/semi-presidential system. Thus, the elec- leadership shape the tion was not simply a presidential election but, rather, a selection of the regime that eventually role of the presidency? will have a significant impact on both domestic and foreign policies in Turkey. A direct presidential election is unusual in parliamentary democracies. In Turkey, however, the election is the result of democratic resistance to the political control exercised by the military- civilian bureaucracy established in the 1960s. The natural consequence of this was to control democracy via the state; in other words, the establishment of political tutelage. -
Dealing with a Rising Power
Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU Svante Cornell, Gerald Knaus, Manfred Scheich Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU Svante Cornell, Gerald Knaus, Manfred Scheich CREDITS Centre for European Studies Cover design: RARO S.L. Layout: Victoria Agency Printed in Belgium by Drukkerij Jo Vandenbulcke Centre for European Studies Rue du Commerce 20 Brussels, BE – 1000 The Centre for European Studies (CES) is the political foundation of the European People’s Party (EPP) dedicated to the promotion of Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. For more information please visit: www.thinkingeurope.eu This publication receives funding from the European Parliament. © Centre for European Studies 2012 Photos used in this publication: Centre for European Studies 2012 The European Parliament and the Centre for European Studies assume no responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication or their subsequent use. Sole responsibility lies on the author of this publication. 2 Dealing with a Rising Power: Turkey’s Transformation and its Implications for the EU About the CES The Centre for European Studies (CES), established in 2007, is the political foundation of the European People’s Party (EPP). The CES embodies a pan-European mindset, promoting Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. It serves as a framework for national political foundations linked to member parties of the EPP, with 25 foundations currently members. The CES takes part in the preparation of EPP political platforms and programmes. -
Partisan Influence on Immigration: the Case of Norway
ISSN 0080–6757 Doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9477.2010.00250.x © 2010 The Author(s) Journal compilation © 2010 Nordic Political Science Association Partisan Influence on Immigration: The Case of Norwayscps_250 248..270 Frøy Gudbrandsen* Do governments decide the size of immigration? This article analyses partisan impact on refugee immigration to Norway.The first part maps party positions on refugee immigration and demonstrates that the views of Norwegian parties are far from consensual. The second part tests whether the number of refugees admitted has been affected by changes of government by way of a panel analysis covering the period 1985–2005 and 143 sending countries. Controlling for other determinants of immigration both in receiving and sending countries, the analysis suggests that that the number of refugees admitted to Norway has been significantly lower during Conservative rule. Among parties with government experience, the Conservative Party also has adopted the most restrictive stand in its manifestoes. No significant differences between Labour Party and centre governments were found, even though the centre parties express more liberal preferences. The partisan influence on immigration remains uncertain. Scholars come to diverging conclusions, both on the validity of the partisan theory in general (see, e.g., Blais et al. 1993; Imbeau et al. 2001) and on states’ capacity to control immigration (see, e.g., Sassen, 1996, 2000; Guiraudon & Lahav 2000). Although some studies reject a partisan effect on national economic indicators, many find strong empirical support for the hypoth- esis (e.g., Huber & Stephens 2000; Cusack 1997; Reed 2006; Pettersson- Lidbom 2004). Yet what about immigration? Do governments control it, or is it determined entirely by external determinants? Not only scholars, but politicians, too, disagree on their influence on immigration. -
Fact Sheet on "Political System of Norway"
Legislative Council Secretariat FSC49/13-14 FACT SHEET Political system of Norway 1. Overview 1.1 Norway is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary democratic system of governance. The king is the head of state, while the Prime Minister is the head of government. According to the Constitution, the government structure consists of three branches, which are: (a) the Executive Branch, (b) the Legislative Branch (known as Stortinget which is a unicameral legislature established by the Constitution), and (c) the Judicial Branch. This fact sheet provides an overview of the three branches in Norway. 2. The monarchy 2.1 In Norway, the king has a tangible influence as the symbol of national unity. The current monarch is King Harald V who was crowned on 17 January 1991. In practice, the king performs largely ceremonial functions and is empowered to: (a) appoint the Ministers of the Council of State (the Cabinet); (b) preside over the Council of State; (c) sign acts into law and those acts shall be countersigned by the Prime Minister; (d) host official visits by foreign heads of state and pay state visits abroad; and (e) serve as the Commander-in-Chief. Research Office page 1 Legislative Council Secretariat FSC49/13-14 3. Executive Branch 3.1 Although the Constitution grants the important executive powers to the monarch, these are almost always exercised by the Council of State in the name of the king (i.e. King's Council). The Council of State consists of the Prime Minister and at least seven other Ministers. The current Prime Minister is Erna Solberg, the second woman to hold the position. -
Political Parties in the Empire 1871 – 1918 the Imperial Constitution
HISTORICAL EXHIBITION PRESENTED BY THE GERMAN BUNDESTAG ____________________________________________________________________________________________________ Political parties in the Empire 1871 – 1918 The Imperial Constitution made no reference to political parties, whose activities were governed by the law on associations. Indeed, prior to 1908 political parties were subject to the legislation of the individual federal states regulating the activities of associations, but in that year the statutory provisions governing associations were standardised throughout the Empire, and this codification was accompanied by a liberalisation of the right of association and the right of assembly, which lifted existing restrictions whereby women could not normally become members of associations, and public political gatherings in enclosed spaces required authorisation by the police. The dominant type of political party in the Empire was an elite-based party, in which all of the crucial party-political functions were performed by small groups of personalities whose role as leading representatives of their respective sections of society gave them an exalted position. Party organisations were still in their infancy and only existed at the constituency level. After 1871 the way in which parties were led and organised began to change, and during the Empire the Centre and the Social Democratic Party became the first mass-membership parties of the modern type. The five-party landscape may be said to have prevailed throughout the duration of the Empire, as the various splinter parties never came to exert any real influence. Each of the five large political camps was largely linked with a particular milieu. The model of the people’s party, drawing support from various milieux, was still in its infancy. -
January 29, 2016 Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu Office of The
January 29, 2016 Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu Office of the Prime Minister Başbakanlık 06573 Ankara, Turkey Via Email: [email protected] We write on behalf of more than 12,000 members of the American Sociological Association to express our grave concern about the actions that the Turkish government has taken against signatories to the Academics for Peace statement. The American Sociological Association has a long-standing position of supporting the free exchange of ideas across national, state, cultural, and social borders that is consistent with Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that “[e]veryone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression [including the right] to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impact information and ideas through any media regardless of frontiers.” The Academics for Peace statement, which calls for a halt to military action in the southeastern region of Turkey, a lifting of curfews in some Kurdish-majority cities, and the development of a roadmap to lasting peace, has been falsely depicted as supporting terrorism. The supporters were derided as traitors. We understand the Turkish government has arrested some of the scholars who signed the statement (charging them with treason) and filed a lawsuit against all those who signed, and that the Higher Education Council (YÖK) in Turkey has launched investigations into scholars who signed the statement with the stated purpose of removing those people from their university positions. This overall atmosphere of intimidation has culminated in a public campaign involving violent threats against the signatories. These actions are a violation of Turkey’s responsibility to protect freedom of thought, expression, and assembly as a member state of the Council of Europe, and as a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights as well as the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. -
Political Platform for the Norwegian Government, Formed by the Conservative Party, the Progress Party, the Liberal Party and the Christian Democratic Party
Political platform for the Norwegian Government, formed by the Conservative Party, the Progress Party, the Liberal Party and the Christian Democratic Party Granavolden, 17 January 2019 1 – Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 3 16 – Foreign and development policy ..................................................................................................... 6 2 1 – Introduction Safeguarding Norway for the future - a sustainable welfare-based society The aim of the Norwegian Government formed by the Conservative Party, the Progress Party, the Liberal Party and the Christian Democratic Party is to ensure that people can live free and independent lives. The Government firmly believes that when you show confidence in people, they take responsibility. A free society with respect for human rights, democracy and the rule of law is not created and maintained on its own. We are dependent on well-functioning communities, and common values and institutions such as the rule of law, protection of privacy, freedom of speech, mutual trust, independent media, the market economy, property rights and voluntary activities. Our Christian and humanist heritage and traditions have given us values such as human dignity, compassion and stewardship and ideals such as equality, freedom, responsibility for oneself and others, and respect for the natural environment. The Government will defend these values and protect the institutions that underpin -
The Six Roles of the Anti-Immigration Parties in Scandinavian Immigration Press Debate 1970–2016
Mjelde, H. 2020. The Six Roles of the Anti-Immigration Parties in Scandinavian Immigration Press Debate 1970–2016. Nordic Journal of Migration Research, 10(3), pp. 1–14. DOI: https://doi.org/10.33134/njmr.355 RESEARCH The Six Roles of the Anti-Immigration Parties in Scandinavian Immigration Press Debate 1970–2016 Hilmar Mjelde University of Bergen, Bergen, NO [email protected] This article analyzes through qualitative content analysis what role the populist radical right parties have had in Scandinavian immigration debate in the press from 1970 to 2016. The press may highlight other dimensions of these parties’ relation- ship with the immigration issue than party programs and statements. I identify six distinct roles the parties have performed in the debate: the radical traditionalist, the deviant, the extremist, the powerful (against the little guy), the persecuted, and the policy innovator. Showing that the populist radical right parties are not just exchanging the same set of familiar arguments with their political opponents over and over again, this analysis adds to our understanding of how these parties debate immigration and the kinds of criticism they draw, and it shows that the immigration issue can actually lead to highly unfavorable media coverage that goes beyond their policy radicalism, which I suggest could hurt their electoral prospects. Keywords: Immigration debate; Populist radical right parties; Anti-immigration parties; Immigration press debate; Scandinavian immigration Introduction Existing research shows that opposition to immigration is a defining attribute of populist radical right parties—according to Ivarsflaten (2007), it is the only common denominator of those that are electorally successful and the primary reason voters support them (Arzheimer 2018). -
Turkish Foreign Policy Towards the Balkans: a Europeanised Foreign Policy in a De-Europeanised National Context?
JOURNAL OF BALKAN AND NEAR EASTERN STUDIES 2015, VOL. XX, NO. X, 1–17 http:/dx.doi.org/10.1080/XXXXXXXX.2015.XXXX Turkish foreign policy towards the Balkans: A Europeanised foreign policy in a de-europeanised national context? Birgül Demirtaş Department of International Relations, TOBB University of Economics and Technology, Söğütözü Cad. No: 43, Söğütözü, 06560, Ankara, Turkey ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY There has been and increasing number of studies in international Received 30 March 2015 relations literature discussing the rising salience of regionalism and Accepted 31 March 2015 regional powers in global politics. Due to its economic prowess, geographical size, demographic credentials as well as foreign policy activism Turkey can be considered as one of the contemporary regional actors. This article critically examines the impact of Europeanisation process on Turkish foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states and its rising status in regional politics. It argues that although Turkey is currently experiencing de-europeanisation in its domestic politics, the impact of Europeanisation on its Balkans policy continues. This article shows, among others, that not the internalisaton, but the instrumentalisation of ‘Europe’ has been the driving force of domestic and external foreign policy of Turkey. Introduction Following his party’s grandiose triumph at the local elections on March 30, 2014, despite all the turmoil in internal politics and allegations of wide-scale corruption, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the then Prime Minister of Turkey and leader of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) made a phone call to the mayor of Mamuşa, a village in Kosovo, populated mainly by Muslims. ‘I am sending all of you my greetings from İstanbul, dear people of Mamuşa’ he said at the beginning of his speech which was live transmitted to all the Turkish origin people in the village who came together to celebrate JDP’s victory.