DFAT COUNTRY INFORMATION REPORT TURKEY 10 September 2020
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Mitigating Risks for Syrian Refugee Youth in Turkey's Şanlıurfa
Mitigating Risks for Syrian Refugee Youth in Turkey’s Şanlıurfa Europe Report N°253 | 11 February 2019 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 149 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Risks Facing Syrian Refugee Youth in Şanlıurfa .............................................................. 4 A. Crime and Criminal Networks ................................................................................... 4 1. A triple threat: smuggling, sexual exploitation and drugs ................................... 5 2. Criminal exploitation in the camps ...................................................................... 7 B. Jihadist and Other Militant Groups .......................................................................... 8 C. Exploitative Marriages ............................................................................................... 11 III. What Makes Youth Vulnerable ........................................................................................ 12 A. An Incomplete Register ............................................................................................. 12 B. School-related Challenges ........................................................................................ -
4 International Symposium on Ombudsman Institutions “Migration
THE GRAND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF TURKEY OMBUDSMAN INSTITUTION 4th International Symposium on Ombudsman Institutions “Migration and Refugees” March 2-3, 2017 - Ankara 2 March 2017, Thursday Grand Ankara Hotel 09.00 Registration Ombudsmen Forum Migration and Refugees: Implementation and Challenges 09.00 - Keynote Speeches: 12.00 Mr. Şeref Malkoç – Chief Ombudsman Mr. Christian Berger – Head of Delegation of the European Union to Turkey (Ambassador) Forum of Participating Ombudsmen 12.00 - 13.15 Lunch Grand Ankara Hotel 13.15 Departure to Presidential Complex Opening Ceremony 2 March 2017, Thursday Beştepe People’s Culture and Congress Center of the Presidential Complex 14.30- 17.00 The Ombudsman Institution of Turkey – Introduction Keynote Speeches: Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan – President of the Republic of Turkey Mr. İsmail Kahraman – Speaker of the Parliament Mr. Binali Yıldırım – Prime Minister Mr. Şeref Malkoç – Chief Ombudsman Family Photo 1 THE GRAND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF TURKEY OMBUDSMAN INSTITUTION 17.30 Departure to Hotel 19.00 Visit to the Parliament 3 March 2017, Friday Grand Ankara Hotel Session I Migration and Refugee Policies 09.00- 10.45 Featured Address: Mr. Süleyman Soylu – Minister of Interior Session Chair: Dr. Fuat Oktay – Undersecretary of the Prime Ministry Speakers: Ms. Tatyana Moskalkova – High Commissioner for Human Rights in Russia Mr. Justice Naser Seraj – President of the General Inspection Organisation of Iran Mr. Milos Jankovic – Deputy Protector of Citizens of Serbia (tbc) Mr. Mete Çubukçu – Journalist Topics: Importance of Ombudsmen in Policies on Migration and Refugees Refugee Policy of Turkey as the Country with the Highest Ratio of Migration Refugee Policies and Practices of the Countries 10.45-11.00 Coffee Break Session II Vulnerable Groups in Refugees: Women and Children 11.00-12.45 Featured Address: Ms. -
The Possible Effects of Irrigation Schemes and Irrigation Methods on Water Budget and Economy in Atatürk Dam of South-Eastern Anatolia Region of Turkey
The possible effects of irrigation schemes and irrigation methods on water budget and economy in Atatürk dam of south-eastern Anatolia region of Turkey Huseyin Demir1, Ahmet Zahir Erkan2, Nesrin Baysan2, Gonca Karaca Bilgen2 1 GAP Şanlıurfa Tünel Çıkış Ağzı 2 GAP Cankaya, Ankara, Turkey Abstract. The South-eastern Anatolia Project (GAP) has been implemented in the southeast part of Turkey, covering 9 provinces and the two most important rivers of Turkey. The main purpose of this gorgeous project is to uplift the income level and living standards of people in the region, to remove the inter-regional development disparities and to contribute to the national goals of economic development and social stability. The cost of the project is 32 billion USD consisting of 13 sub-projects in the river basins of Euphrates and Tigris. The project has evolved over time and has become multi sectoral, integrated and human based on the sustainable regional development. Upon the fully completion of the project, 1.8 Million hectares of land will be able to be irrigated in Euphrates and Tigris Basins through surface and underground water resources. From 1995 until now, 273.000 ha. of land have already been irrigated within the GAP Project. Roughly 739,000 ha. of this land will be irrigated from Atatürk Dam, the largest dam of GAP Project. At present, nearly ¼ of this area is under irrigation. Some technological developments have been experienced in the Project area, ranging from upstream controlled schemes having trapezoidal section, lined or unlined, to upstream controlled schemes having high pressurized piped system; and from conventional methods to drip irrigation method. -
World Bank Document
• INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT ASSOCIATION 1818 H STREET, N.W., WASHIJ'.JGTON 25. 0. C. 'TELEPHONE: EXE"CUTIVE3-6360 Public Disclosure Authorized IDA Press Release No. G+/14 Subject: $24 million credit to Tui--key July 14, 1964 for electric power The International Development Association (IDA), an aft':iliate of the World Bank, today extended a credit equivalent to $24 million to Turkey to help finance a.n expansion program being carried out by the <;ukurova Electric Company. The pro gram will quadruple the Company's generating capacity and will increase the supply of power to the 9ukurova plain, an important agricultural region in southern Turkey, Public Disclosure Authorized and to Hatay Province, which contains Iskenderun, Turkey's most important Medi terranean port. The 9ukurova Electric Company, established in 1956, i~ the only power company -- in Turkey owned mostly by private shareholders; 56% of its stock is privately held, while the balance is owned by the Etibank, a governmental institution which plays a large role in Turke~'s electric ppwer industry. Public Disclosure Authorized The Company now supplies power to its service area on the 9ukurova plain from a single plant, the 36,000-kilowatt hydroelectric station on the Seyhan River near Adana. The plain lies between the Taurus mountains and the Mediterranean, and con tains the towns of Adana, Tarsus and Mersin. The region is characterized by a vigorous and rapidly expanding agricultural economy. Nearly a third of Turkey's cotton crop is grown here and processed locally in many yarn, textile and cotton seed oil mills. Over 70"/o of the Company' s power sales are to these and other processing industries. -
Ust Dergi Sayi 17 Layout 1
THE MAKING OF THE RHODOPEAN BORDERS AND CONSTRUCTION OF THE POMAK IDENTITIES IN THE BALKANS Cengiz HAKSÖZ Ph.D. Candidate Department of Anthropology University of Pittsburgh Ph.D. Candidate Department of Sociology Middle East Technical University Abstract: Nation-state borders are a phenomenon became part of the international relations as well as the everyday lives of people. Even though borders, in theory, are constructed entities state borders directly or indirectly influence identity formation of communities. The Pomaks are Slavic-speaking Muslim population living historically in the 47 Rhodope Mountains region on the Bulgarian-Greek border. In Bulgarian, Greek, and Turkish nation-building processes, Pomak identity was continuously contested by all the three states. For the Bulgarian state, the Pomaks are ethnic Bulgarians who forcefully converted to Islam. Thus, if this process can be reversed, they can become “real” Bulgarians, again. For the Greek state, the Pomaks are descendants of Hellenic tribes who were assimilated by more populous Slavic-speaking populations in the region. In Turkey, the Pomaks are regarded as descendants of pre-Ottoman Turkic tribes, such as Kumans and Pechenegs, who later assimilated by Slavic-speaking populations. This paper discusses how the modern Rhodopean borders were created and how their creation influenced and shaped the construction of Pomak identity in Bulgaria, Greece, and Turkey. The first part focuses on the making of the modern Rhodope Mountains borders between Bulgaria and Greece. The second part evaluates the identity construction processes of Pomaks in Bulgaria, Greece, and Turkey. Finally, the paper discusses how the making of state borders, directly and indirectly, influenced the construction of Pomak identity boundaries in Bulgaria, Greece, and Turkey. -
Genealogy of the Concept of Securitization and Minority Rights
THE KURD INDUSTRY: UNDERSTANDING COSMOPOLITANISM IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY by ELÇIN HASKOLLAR A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School – Newark Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Global Affairs written under the direction of Dr. Stephen Eric Bronner and approved by ________________________________ ________________________________ ________________________________ ________________________________ Newark, New Jersey October 2014 © 2014 Elçin Haskollar ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Kurd Industry: Understanding Cosmopolitanism in the Twenty-First Century By ELÇIN HASKOLLAR Dissertation Director: Dr. Stephen Eric Bronner This dissertation is largely concerned with the tension between human rights principles and political realism. It examines the relationship between ethics, politics and power by discussing how Kurdish issues have been shaped by the political landscape of the twenty- first century. It opens up a dialogue on the contested meaning and shape of human rights, and enables a new avenue to think about foreign policy, ethically and politically. It bridges political theory with practice and reveals policy implications for the Middle East as a region. Using the approach of a qualitative, exploratory multiple-case study based on discourse analysis, several Kurdish issues are examined within the context of democratization, minority rights and the politics of exclusion. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews, archival research and participant observation. Data analysis was carried out based on the theoretical framework of critical theory and discourse analysis. Further, a discourse-interpretive paradigm underpins this research based on open coding. Such a method allows this study to combine individual narratives within their particular socio-political, economic and historical setting. -
Turkey 2020 Human Rights Report
TURKEY 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Turkey is a constitutional republic with an executive presidential system and a unicameral 600-seat parliament (the Grand National Assembly). In presidential and parliamentary elections in 2018, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe observers expressed concern regarding restrictions on media reporting and the campaign environment, including the jailing of a presidential candidate that restricted the ability of opposition candidates to compete on an equal basis and campaign freely. The National Police and Jandarma, under the control of the Ministry of Interior, are responsible for security in urban areas and rural and border areas, respectively. The military has overall responsibility for border control and external security. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over law enforcement officials, but mechanisms to investigate and punish abuse and corruption remained inadequate. Members of the security forces committed some abuses. Under broad antiterror legislation passed in 2018 the government continued to restrict fundamental freedoms and compromised the rule of law. Since the 2016 coup attempt, authorities have dismissed or suspended more than 60,000 police and military personnel and approximately 125,000 civil servants, dismissed one-third of the judiciary, arrested or imprisoned more than 90,000 citizens, and closed more than 1,500 nongovernmental organizations on terrorism-related grounds, primarily for alleged ties to the movement of cleric Fethullah Gulen, whom the government accused of masterminding the coup attempt and designated as the leader of the “Fethullah Terrorist Organization.” Significant human rights issues included: reports of arbitrary killings; suspicious deaths of persons in custody; forced disappearances; torture; arbitrary arrest and continued detention of tens of thousands of persons, including opposition politicians and former members of parliament, lawyers, journalists, human rights activists, and employees of the U.S. -
1 Introduction the General Experiences of Australian Prisoners
Introduction The general experiences of Australian prisoners of war in World War I have been neglected in both official and general war histories and accounts of the Anzac tradition. Even more neglected however are the experiences of Australian soldiers captured in theatres of war throughout the Ottoman Empire, including those captured at Gallipoli. Most examples of prisoner of war (POW) writing have concentrated on World War II POWs and the Japanese experience in particular.1 In the Australian War Memorial’s (AWM) collection dealing with Australian war captivity, for example, almost two thirds are concerned with World War II prisoners of the Japanese. Only ‘a tiny one percent’ is devoted to prisoners of the Turks.2 In the event that prisoners of war in Turkey are acknowledged, few sources are consulted. Selected memoirs and autobiographies are used uncritically without corroboration of other historical sources, particularly Turkish sources, to produce an overall picture of unrelieved brutality. It has been suggested that this historical neglect of prisoners of war can be explained by their representations of military failure, creating a sense of national shame. The fact that they have been captured suggests failure of leadership and planning at the highest level and also calls into question ‘the notion which has long been central to our national self-image, that our soldiers are especially competent fighters’.3 It is noteworthy in this context that the source of the Anzac tradition – the Gallipoli campaign – has not produced a scholarly study of the 1 See the following for an assessment of writers on prisoners of war (hereafter POWs): R. -
CIRCASSIANS of UZUNYAYLA, TURKEY Eiji
MEMORY POLITICS: CIRCASSIANS OF UZUNYAYLA, TURKEY Eiji Miyazawa A dissertation submitted for the degree of PhD. Department of Anthropology and Sociology Faculty of Arts and Humanities School of Oriental and African Studies University of London MEMORY POLITICS: CIRCASSIANS OF UZUNYAYLA, TURKEY BY EIJI MIYAZAWA ABSTRACT This thesis explores social memories among Circassians in Turkey. It is based on eighteen months’ field research in the Uzunyayla plateau, Pınarbaşı district of Kayseri province, central Turkey. The Circassians (Çerkez) settled there are the descendants of refugees who fled from the Russian invasion of the Caucasus in the mid nineteenth century. “Memory” here is used in a broad sense to include the experiences and expressions of historical consciousness in everyday interactions, as well as articulated historical narratives. By interweaving them, the present work aims to analyse the political process involved in the production of knowledge about history and society. In efforts to reproduce a community in their new homeland, Circassians emphasise their history and collective identity. The local elites from noble (worq) families dominate such conservative, essentialist discourses, stressing their status superiority over ex-slave families. They recognise historical significance and identify the driving forces of their history by reference to specific social themes, such as the opposition between the two status groups. They monopolise history as a resource by excluding ex-slaves from the production of authoritative knowledge. Here, memory politics, consisting of space construction, control over interpersonal exchanges, and hierarchized personhood, plays a crucial role. In that process, ex-slaves become muted, made passively to embody a “feudal” past. By contrast, in Karakuyu, an affluent village also known as “Slave Village”, male comrades produce social relations different from elite representations by committing themselves to alcohol drinking. -
Dogan and Others V Turkey 29Jun04
CONSEIL COUNCIL DE L’EUROPE OF EUROPE COUR EUROPÉENNE DES DROITS DE L’HOMME EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS THIRD SECTION CASE OF DOGAN AND OTHERS v. TURKEY (Applications nos. 8803-8811/02, 8813/02 and 8815-8819/02) JUDGMENT STRASBOURG 29 June 2004 This judgment will become final in the circumstances set out in Article 44 § 2 of the Convention. It may be subject to editorial revision. DOGAN AND OTHERS v. TURKEY JUDGMENT 1 In the case of Dogan and Others v. Turkey, The European Court of Human Rights (Third Section), sitting as a Chamber composed of: Mr G. RESS, President, Mr I. CABRAL BARRETO, Mr L. CAFLISCH, Mr R. TÜRMEN, Mr J. HEDIGAN, Mrs M. TSATSA-NIKOLOVSKA, Mrs H.S. GREVE, judges, and Mr V. BERGER, Section Registrar, Having deliberated in private on 12 February and 10 June 2004, Delivers the following judgment, which was adopted on the last-mentioned date: PROCEDURE 1. The case originated in fifteen applications (nos. 8803/02, 8804/02, 8805/02, 8806/02, 8807/02, 8808/02, 8809/02, 8810/02, 8811/02, 8813/02, 8815/02, 8816/02, 8817/02, 8818/02 and 8819/02) against the Republic of Turkey lodged with the Court under Article 34 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“the Convention”) by fifteen Turkish nationals, Mr Abdullah Dogan, Mr Cemal Dogan, Mr Ali Riza Dogan, Mr Ahmet Dogan, Mr Ali Murat Dogan, Mr Hasan Yildiz, Mr Hidir Balik, Mr Ihsan Balik, Mr Kazim Balik, Mr Mehmet Dogan, Mr Müslüm Yildiz, Mr Hüseyin Dogan, Mr Yusuf Dogan, Mr Hüseyin Dogan and Mr Ali Riza Dogan (“the applicants”), on 3 December 2001. -
Mehmet Yuksel the Representative to The
MEHMET YUKSEL THE REPRESENTATIVE TO THE UNITED STATES OFFICE PEOPLE’S DEMOCRATIC PARTY (HDP) IN TURKEY. HOUSE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPE, EURASIA, AND EMERGING THREATS HEARING: “TURKEY’S DEMOCRACY UNDER CHALLENGE” APRIL 5, 2017 Dear Honorable Chairman Dana Rohrabacher and distinguished members of the House Subcommittee, It is an honor for me to testify today on a crucial development in Turkey. I would like to discuss a few major threats to democracy and rule of law in Turkey. The constitutional amendments that are proposed by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the ruling AK Party projects an authoritarian system of governance, whereby absolute power is held by a single person. Even though the proposed constitutional amendments have not been legally accepted, the amendments have been implemented and practiced under the State of Emergency Rule. Let me enlist several indications of this extralegal, single-person rule: Since the failed coup attempt in July 2016, the immunity of 55 out of 59 HDP law makers has been removed. Following this, 11 HDP deputies have been arrested, including the Co-Chair Selahattin Demirtas and Co-Chair Figen Yüksekdag. The freedom of speech that democracy supports and Turkey’s Constitution guarantees is the basic allegation against Co-Chair Demirtas for what he is subjected to over 500 years of detention. Between July 22, 2015, and March, 27 2017, 8,930 HDP members were detained; and 2782 party members have been imprisoned. 494 HDP offices have been attacked; burned or vandalized, including the party headquarters. HDP rallies were attacked and law enforcement’s support for these attacks have been widely documented, even on social media. -
A Survey of Turkish Politics Spring 2018 Türkiye'de Siyasetin
European Union This project is co-funded by the European Union, Norwegian MFA, and Irish Aid / Bu proje Avrupa Birliği, Norveç Dışişleri Bakanlığı, ve Irlanda Yardım tarafından ortaklaşa finanse edilmektedir A Survey of Turkish Politics Spring 2018 Türkiye’de Siyasetin Topografyası Bahar 2018 Ali Bayramoğlu May/Mayıs 2018 This project is co-funded by the European Union, Norwegian MFA, and Irish Aid / Bu proje Avrupa Birliği, Norveç Dışişleri Bakanlığı, ve Irlanda Yardım tarafından ortaklaşa finanse edilmektedir European Union This project is co-funded by the European Union, Norwegian MFA, and Irish Aid / Bu proje Avrupa Birliği, Norveç Dışişleri Bakanlığı, ve Irlanda Yardım tarafından ortaklaşa finanse edilmektedir A Survey of Turkish Politics Spring 2018 Türkiye’de Siyasetin Topografyası Bahar 2018 Ali Bayramoğlu May/Mayıs 2018 3 Published by / Yayınlayan Democratic Progress Institute – Demokratik Gelişim Enstitüsü 11 Guilford Street London WC1N 1DH www.democraticprogress.org [email protected] + 44 (0) 20 7405 3835 First published / İlk Baskı, 2018 ISBN - 978-1-911205-22-7 © DPI – Democratic Progress Institute / Demokratik Gelişim Enstitüsü DPI – Democratic Progress Institute is a charity registered in England and Wales. Registered Charity No. 1037236. Registered Company No. 2922108 DPI – Demokratik Gelişim Enstitüsü İngiltere ve galler’de kayıtlı bir vakıftır. Vakıf kayıt No. 1037236. Kayıtlı Şirket No. 2922108 This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee or prior permission for teaching purposes, but not for resale. For copying in any other circumstances, prior written permission must be obtained from the publisher, and a fee may be payable. Bu yayının telif hakları saklıdır, eğitim amacıyla telif ödenmeksizin yada önceden izin alınmaksızın çoğaltılabilir ancak yeniden satılamaz.