RULES ADOPTED BY THE BOARD OF REGENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII NOV. 8, 1955 WITH REGARD TO THE REPRODUCTION OF GRADUATE THESES (a) No person or corporation may publish or reproduce in any manner, without the consent of the Graduate School Council, a graduate thesis which has been submitted to the University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for an advanced degree. (b) No individual or corporation or other organization may publish quotations or excerpts from a graduate thesis without the consent of the author and of the Graduate School Council. MAORI WOMEN IN TRADITIONAL FAMILY

AND TRIBAL LIFE

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE

UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT

OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS IN

ANTHROPOLOGY

JUNE 1966

By

Berys N. Rose Heuer

Thesis Committee:

Katharine Luomala, Chairman Robert R. Jay Charles E. Osgood 677556 7? ,r*4

We certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is satisfactory in scope and quality as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in Anthro­ pology.

THESIS COMMITTEE

Q — € Chairman

v V c-r // U- 13*^ CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

The Maori people about whom this thesis is written are xhe original Polynesian inhabitants of New Zealand, to which they Journeyed from a legendary tropical Hawaiki several cen­ turies ago. Canoe legends, at present being re-evaluated, and telling of Journeys from Hawaiki, have been utilized to date a major migration to the islands in the mid-fourteenth century, although its importance appears somewhat exaggerated.

Transition climatically to a temperate zone necessitated con­

siderable adjustment in material culture; social organization, however, remained fundamentally unaltered and the Maori retained

the customary Polynesian patterns of emphasis upon kinship ties, both unilineal and lateral, and upon primogeniture as a deter­ minant of rank. The economic basis of the society was one of mutual assistance and group activity.

The considerable amount of ethnographic information on

traditional Maori culture as it existed into the mid-nineteenth

century makes the Maori '‘one of the most documented of the world's primitive peoples."^ However, this information is

largely unsystematic and incoherent, with no endeavor to

organize the data in terms of cultural universale, until

recently. To make such data meaningful they must be extracted,

collated, and then analyzed within the context of the whole

society, so that the structure and function of the various

institutions can be understood as working systems, and can be

made intelligible in the light of modern anthropological

concepts. 2.

This thesis endeavors to reconstruct the role of women

in traditional family and tribal life by collating and ana­ lyzing the many references scattered throughout the ethno­ graphic literature. As it follows the aims of recent mono- 2 graphs, one by Biggs focusing upon marriage, and a second 3 by ^ayda, upon warfare, in traditional culture, it will in­ corporate relevant data from these, particularly in regard to marriage.

The period to which this thesis refers extends from 1769» when Captain James Cook rediscovered the islands, to approxi­ mately 1840, when New Zealand formally became a British colony.

Maori life changed rapidly subsequent to this date with the introduction of a wide range of European goods, especially of clothing, weapons and tools of types previously unknown to the

Maori. The more powerful weapons increased intertribal and interracial strife, resulting in substantial alterations in population, in the balance of tribal power, and eventually in the composition and customs of the society. The adoption of

Christianity and the concomitant rejection of old beliefs no longer supported by an integral magico-religious system like­ wise contributed to such change.

Available information falls under three headings. Firstly, there are reports based on observation of life as it existed in this period; oustanding observers include Captain James

Cook, Samuel Marsden, and James Polack. My assessment of

these reports will be according to customary anthropological 3. criteria of consistency, reliability, and directness of obser­ vation.

Secondly, there is a wealth of data recorded later in order to preserve knowledge of the rapidly disappearing customs of the past. This was collected from tribal elders by people such as Tlsdon Best, James Cowan, and S. Percy Smith. The

Maori texts they obtained will be used in this study wherever available. All these writings constitute an invaluable nucleus of reliable evidence from which to draw out systematically organized concepts.

Thirdly, there is indirect evidence of the value system and attitudes as these are revealed by the narrators of myths, classical songs, proverbs and tribal histories recorded in the

Maori language by Sir George Grey, Sir Apirana Ngata, and others.

Land Court records, not available for present purposes, reveal additional information of practices and beliefs. Much of the evidence obtainable from these indirect sources is fragmentary and not to be accepted without corroboration} it can, however, serve in many instances to supply clarification and illustra­ tion, and to indicate further possibilities for investigation.

In the evaluation of the collated material, consistency and frequency of mention will be used as basic criteria for including information. Employing such a procedure is not intended to devaluate the diversity apparent in different tribal areas, nor to exclude without consideration practices which have not received plentiful documentation. Methodological presentation follows closely the precepts 4 laid out by Biggs and Vayda in the monographs previously cited.

My thesis will be confined primarily to the results of my research and to decisions reached after the final evaluation of evidence, with the exception of controversial topics where a more detailed presentation of the evidence is demanded. This procedure will avoid the badly-balanced account which would otherwise result from giving full documentation for each state­ ment, Sources and illustrations substantiating statements will be supplied in footnotes.

Maori Social Organization

As a background against which to view the position of women in traditional Maori life it is necessary to sketch briefly the nature of Maori social organization; it is not intended that this outline should be a detailed investigation.

The subject of social organization is treated more effectively 5 fi 7 by Buck, Firth,' Best’ and others; their writings form the basis for the following summary.

The smallest social unit in Maori society was the whanau. or family group, a unit with great social cohesion extending over three or four generations and bound togexher by extremely close kinship ties. For ordinary social and economic affairs the whanau functioned as the fundamental unit directed by the head man of the group. After a few generations when the whanau increased in numbers it became known as a hapu, or extended family group, which maintained a blood tie uniting the families for cooperation in activities and defense. This group was usually named after an ancestor of note, male or female, or after some special incident. Frinoiples of membership affilia­ tion have led to the hapu being described as ambilateral in nature. Numerically, the hapu would usually comprise several hundred members, and active membership depended upon maintaining residence claims in hapu territory.

The largest Maori kinship group was the tribe, the iwi.

This consisted of a number of related hapu having a common ancestor, recognizing common blood descent, and uniting when­ ever occasion arose. Throughout the whole of Maori sooiety the principle of descent from a common ancestor was important and its ramifications extended through economic, social, and political grouping. Kinship ties were recorded in genealogies

preserved as "family registers"; recitation of these was used

to determine the relationship between any two individuals and

the behavior consequent on the connection.

Accompanying the Polynesian emphasis upon kinship ties

through common descent is an emphasis upon primogeniture, pre­

dominantly, but not exclusively, in the male line. As a rule

a person preferred to have his main line of descent from his most important ancestor following through males alone; however,

names of women occur in genealogies of persons even of highest

rank, ibctreme deference was paid to the firstborn of a family,

male or female; the firstborn male child sucoeeded his father

in rank and power and this transmission of seniority continued in direct genealogical line unless physical or mental incapac­ ity overrode descent. The position of the female firstborn will be considered in greater detail later.

Theoretically there may be said to have been three classes in Maori society: chiefs, commoners and slaves. These divisions were, however, never clearly defined and precise, and must be understood as being points upon a minutely shaded continuumof social differentiation. Since all members of a group trace their ancestry back to the same person, the main differences in rank reflect directly the position and order of birth. No exaggerated forms of respect marxed the social differentiation, although the chief was the leader of the society, and greater deference was paid to the opinion he expressed at tribal gatherings. Slaves were well treated, being thought inferior only for having lost tabu by capture. 7.

FOOTNOTES

1. Biggs 1960:2$ Also Firth 1929:xx.

2. Biggs I960.

3. Vayda I960.

4. Biggs I960i5-11 gives the most detailed account.

5. Buck 1949.

6. Firth 1959.

7. Best 1924:1, 339ff. 8.

CHAPTER II

CULTURAL ATTITUDES TOWARDS WOMEN

To understand fully the patterns of behavior influenced by differences in sex it is first necessary to consider the cultural attitudes and beliefs pertaining to sex. Sex per­ meated all aspects of life, and is particularly manifested in symbolic mythology. Natural objects such as trees, stones, stars, and even points of the compass were frequently personi­ fied in both esoteric and popular accounts.^ Several legends tell of mountains quarreling over "love affairs" and the de- 2 feated one moving elsewhere; to ratify a peace treaty, when women were given in marriage, a mountain in the defeated tribe’s territory might be married to a prominent peak in the victor’s homeland.^ Waters along the East Coast, relatively safe for traveling, were known as tai-hoenga-tamahine (girl-paddling sea) or tai-tamawahine (womanly waters), whereas the rougher and more dangerous West Coast waters were known as tai-tama- tane (male waters).^ East and north winds were similarly regarded as feminine, west and south as masculine. Were a child to be born during the former winds it would be female, 5 during the latter, male.

Symbolic sexual representation was commonly found in carving motifs. Houses and fortifications were decorated with figures representing men and women with grotesquely dis­ torted sexual organs;^ a female figure with children was 7 particularly common. Bones of distinguished chiefs and 9. their wives and children were placed after exhumation in caskets ornamented with appropriate sexual symbols and tattoo designs,

fcany of the restrictions upon the activities of women, and, correspondingly, many of their special roles, are only to be understood in the light of the mythological origin of women. Tane, eldest son of Rangi-nui (Sky-father) and Papa-tua- nuku (Earth-mother), sought to create a race of mortals to dwell on earth; this necessitated his finding a nonsuper- 9 natural woman. Legend tells of his search for the female element (uha) in all realms and regions. Trees, plants, birds, insects and streams were derived from Tane’s continued mating with supernatural objects.^ After his many unsuccessful attempts Tane journeyed to the twelfth heaven to seek assis­ tance from Io, the supreme god. He was sent by Io’s super­ natural female attendants to form a woman from the earth at

Kurawaka, the pubic region of his mother Papa.^ In some versions, with his brothers, in others alone, Tane returned and created woman from the mud and earth, breathing on the 12 completed inanimate figure until it came to life. The combination of organs and faculties necessary for her crea­ tion were said to have come from several sources, including 13 Io, Io’s female attendants, and Tane’s brothers. * This account shows the culturally all-pervasive conception of man as provider of the creative fertilizing element, the life spirit; concomitantly woman is seen as the passive shelterer and nurturer, the receptacle, or whare moenga, of the life principle implanted by man. 10.

In the continuation of the legend fane married Hine- ahu-one, the woman he had created, and later married their daughter Hine-titama. The latter inquired one day as to the identity of her father and, on learning the truth, fled horri­ fied to the underworld to take a position at the doorway throgh 14 which all of her earthly descendants would eventually pass.

In this portion of the legend comes the emphasis upon woman as destructive. The concept is most clearly illustrated in the actions of the demi-god Haui who attempted to conquer

Hine-titama (or Hine-nui-te-Po as she became known after her flight from her incestuous union) but who was himself defeated and killed. Thus death and destruction were brought perma­ nently into the world. The female reproductive organs were termed whare o aitua or whare o te mate, house of misfortune and disaster.

This destructive female element is further illustrated in purification rites and in the division of man physically into male and female sides. The purification rites, commonly preceding war and after births, included two mounds, the male symbolizing success, prosperity and vigor, the female, calamity 1‘7 and distress. The right and left sides of the human body were male and female respectively. The right 3ide, the tama tane. was the tabu side, representing strength and life; the left, or tama wahine, side, is noa, representing degradation and affliction. Before fighting, if a warrior moved to the left when avoiding an obstacle in his path, this was considered "1 O to be a bad omen.x° During fighting itself, however, it was 11. thought that the left side was lucky for some, unlucky for 19 others. it any of the activities proscribed to all women, except highborn ariki (nobility) imbued with the sacredness of aristocratic birth, were those where the violation of tabu could bring disaster to the entire tribe.

Disaster in an undertaking was generally assumed to be the consequence of nonobservance, deliberate or accidental, of laws of tabu on the part of a woman. For example, placing kumara, a sacred food, and fern root, a common one, together in the same vicinity was definitely a violation of a tabu originally imposed, according to legend, at the time of the introduction of kumara to New Zealand. Kanawa, a woman traveling on the Horouta on its return voyage from Hawaiki to New Zealand, brought fern root aboard from a landing place near the Bay of Plenty, and the canoe sailed on without the inhabitants knowing of the violation. But the stormy weather and rough waters which arose were quickly attributed by the priests to such a violation; they identified the guilty woman and threw her overboard in retribution. However, Kanawa held 20 fast to the bow of the canoe and the canoe capsized.

Women could officiate to ameliorate a situation broght about by a man’s inadvertently breaking the rules of tabu.

During the construction of the canoe Hononui an epidemic broke out, and this was finally attributed to the contamination caused by chips from the chief's carving tool having been used for cooking. The chief’s daughter then ate a kumara which had 12 been roasted in a fire kindled from some of the same chips, 21 and the epidemic ceased.

Omens also reflected the dangers associated with women's incautious actions, if a woman were to step over a young boy his growth would be stunted; if she were to step over a man who was lying in the way this, while not so disastrous, neverthe- 22 less constituted a decided impertinence. For a woman to carry cooked food in front of a guest was also very impolite.

The disappearance of a small lake near ’¿aikaremoana, once famous for an abundance of birds, was due to the disregard of this restriction. A chief's wife neglected her husband's 23 warning and the lake vanished. ‘

If a man possessing second sight(matatuhi or matakite) were to sit in a place normally occupied by a woman, near the fire or in an open space in the center of the house, or to 24 sleep in such a location, he would lose all powers of vision.

Women's clothing, and places where a woman's body had rested were regarded as unclean and defiling because of a presumed residual effect of the spiritual powers of the menstrual flow.

The consequence of a mistaken action could often be avoided by a rite known as whakaepa in which the victim lay on the ground 25 and a woman stepped over him.

Certainly positive omens were also associated with women.

The most common of these was the meaning of a hunter's dream of embracing a woman, which was interpreted that he would have a profitable hunt. For a man to dream that he heard a group of women singing and talking would signify news of the defeat 27 of an enemy tribe. 13.

FOOTNOTES

1. Best 1898:237; Best 1925:1129; Tikao 1921:17. 2 . Cowan 1910:207; Best 1905:209; Dittmer 1907:86.

3. Best 1899:117; Best 1903i201.

4. Smith 1910:16; Cowan 1910:155; Firth 1959:433.

5. Best 1952:898 6 . Nicholas 1817:1,316; Polaok 1838:11,32; Best 1923b:323; Archey 1936:58; Rowe 1928:28,40.

7. Donne 1927:160

b. Donne 1927:58

9. Best 1923a:60; Smith 1922:47; Best 1924b:72; Best 1925:767. 10. White 1887:1,58; Best 1923a:58,110; Best 1924a:I,176.

11. White 1887:1,131-134, 158-159} Best 1923a:110; Smith 1922:47. 12. Wohlers 1874:34} Gudgeon 1905b:123-126; Beattie: 1919:43; Best 1923a:lll.

13. Smith 1923:3} Best 1923a:lll.

14. Best 1922a:14; Best 1926:7; Wohlers 1874:35.

15. Grey 1953:22-23.

16. Best 1904d:214-215; Goldie 1904:6; Best 1922b:18; Best 1925:764.

17. Best 1901:18; Best 1922b :18

18. Best 1898:123; Best 1902:243; Best 1925:1014.

19. Best 1924a;I,227, oiting NihonihD.

20. Terei 1912:158-159} White 1887:111,66,69. 21. kair 1898:42. 22. Best 1898:234; Best 1925:1011.

23. Tregear 1904:112.

24. Best 1902:50; Best 1924b:175; Best 1925:1006. 25. Best 1901:12; Best 1924b:170.

26. Best 1898:126; Best 1925:1013.

27. Best 1898:122. 15.

CHAPTER III

THE MARRIAGE CONTRACT

Physical attractiveness and induatry constituted the pri­ mary criteria influencing selection of a marriage partner.

Customary standards of physical attractiveness and agility are clearly reflected in the frequent massage and bodily manipula­ tion carried out on young infants. Buller speaks of an in­ fant's knee Joints being rubbed down to reduce the inner portion, and of the nose being flattened it is possible that his reference Implied nose-shaping rather than flattening since Lakereti explains that that the nose was pressed gently between the thumb and first finger from time to time to prevent 2 it from becoming parehe (flattened, bent inwards). No sexual differentiation is noted for these activities. Female chil­ dren additionally had the first Joint of the thumb bent out­ wards to facilitate later activities in scraping, weaving and

plaiting flax.^ A girl would be expected to have her lips

and chin tattooed before she could be thought eligible for marriage;^ similarly, for a young man at least a minimum of

facial tattooing, and usually a considerable amount of bodily 5 tattooing, was an essential prerequisite for good looks.

The family of any girl eligible for marriage would seek

a young man known to be a hard worker and expert at procuring

food. Several proverbs reflect the approval with which

industry and diligence in such matters was regarded, as do

various children's games. A girl might be told: E moe i 16. tangata ringa raupa (marry a man with blistered hands; i.e. marry a worker), and she would frequently hear also: Tane rou icakahl ka moea; tane moe i roto i te whare kurua te takataka

(if a man is proficient in gathering shellfish, marry him; if he sleeps lazily in the house, reject him).

A common game among young children was the chanting of a haka (dance) song:

fcawai e moe to tane

kangare ki te mahi-kai?

He ra te kai ki taua kiri. E!

(Who will marry a man

Too lazy to till the ground for food?

The sun is the food for the skin of such a one. E!)

kawai e moe te wahine

kangare ki te watu puere?

Ko Tongariro te kai ki taua kiri. E!

(Who will marry a woman

Too lazy to weave garments?

Tongariro'"’ is the food for the skin of such a one. E!)

Older girls would pass time by a game of questions and answers reflecting the importance placed upon different activities in procuring food. The questioner would successively reject a kumara planter, an eel-catcher, and a fisherman on the grounds that each of these were seasonal occupations; the ideal occu­ pation was that of a fern root gatherer, for such a man would always provide plenty of food.^ 17.

A woman was expected to show proficiency in weaving gar­ ments, preparing food, and extending hospitality. Of a woman it was saids Wahine i te ringaringa. waewae kakama. moea; wahine i te ngutungutu, whalcarerea atu (the woman with nimble hands and feet, marry her? the woman who chatters, cast her out).11 A premium was also placed upon social graces, parti­ cularly upon skill in dancing, and there are several descrip­ tions of emotions aroused by an exhibition of talent in this field.12

It is also necessary to consider the limits of the range of relationships from which spouses could customarily be selected. Best stated that relatives three generations from a common ancestor were permitted to marry, but that sibling- 13 and first-cousin marriages were deemed incestuous. Investi­ gation of genealogical evidence shows that first- and second- cousin marriages were infrequent, and even the latter, although 14 permissible, were met with disapprobation.

Some relationship between the husband and wife was usually preferred, to reduce possibilities of intergroup quarreling and destructive fighting. Chiefs’ daughters might be married outside the hapu, or outside tribal limits, expressly to link units, and to ensure protection and assistance when needed. Disputes over irregularities in proceedings could precipitate warfare between such groups before an alliance was satisfactorily completed, and there are many accounts of wars ultimately involvinguany tribes arising from a chance comment made about the wife’s people by her husband or a member of his tribe. 18.

Intergroup marriages also presented difficulties in reference to land, which could be inherited bilaterally.

Land was valued extremely highly, both for its economic value and from sentimental attachment, and children possessing claims to lands in both groups constituted a further potential for warefare. Such marriages as occurred will be discussed in a subsequent chapter.

karriage Arrangements

The right of demonstrating preference in a love affair, or in making initial advances, was not restricted to men and 17 women frequently initiated laiasons. Particularly where a woman was of higher rank than the man it might have been appro- 10 priate for her to do so. She might publicly announce her choice to the tribe, or express her interest by some token 19 gesture as squeezing the hand (ropa) of the man in a crowd, ' 20 or pinching his knee; when initial advances were neglected 21 she might employ a go-between or close friend to assist.

Shame at rejection occasionally precipitated quarreling among groups related to the individuals concerned.

When two sisters both expressed a strong desire to have the same man as husband, their father or an elder relative might arbitrate. In the story of Larutuahu, a man desired by both daughters of Ruahiore, the latter endeavored to settle the argument by assigning Maru* to the younger; since the elder refused to abandon her claim he became husband to both. 22 karutuahu was not consulted during the discussion.

A major difficulty in investigating the institution of marriage, and in particular the patterns of choice operating 19.

to form unions, is the lack of any statistical guide to the relative frequency of marriages resulting from personal choice, and those resulting from parental arrangement for primarily political reasons. Indirect sources, such as legends and songs, which mostly describe personal selection and immediate attrac­ tion, may relate the unusual and dramatic, rather then the true situation. Reports from early observers are conflicting and generalized, indicating clearly only that marriages were based upon both grounds. To what extent these two factors coincided is also a question which cannot be satisfactorily answered. Certainly a large number of marriages were arranged by relatives without the apparent consent of the two immediately concerned.

When one or both participants was immature a period of betrothal was essential. Children, particularly girls, could be betrothed shortly after the performance of the tohl (bap- 2 3 tismal rite), or at any later date. A girl so engaged would frequently be sent to live with her future husband's people, both legend and song indicate that she found her posi­ tion uncomfortable. Breaking such an engagement was inter­ preted as an insult, as was the refusal of the initial sug­ gestion, and might occasion a taua (retributory raid) and 24 possible war. There are, however, a number of instances where initial arrangements were made but the marriage itself not contracted.

The first step in a "properly conducted" marriage was 20. the discussion preceding the acknowledgement of a marriage.

In some instances the discussion might he completely friendly, but if differences could not be resolved those who felt tney had a legitimate cause for complaint would retaliate with a taua muru, best interpreted as being an institutionalized form of retributory quarreling. A successful marriage, discussed and approved by all concerned, was termed aata korerotla i run^a i te tamapau wharanui (thoroughly discussed on the wide- wefted sleeping mat). Children who were legitimate were spoken of as being born on this takapau wharanui. This type of marriage, fully discussed and approved, was the "best 25 kind," for it was not followed by quarreling.

The earliest mention of any ceremonial procedures in marriage is by White in lectures in 1860 when he stated that, although there was no definite marriage rite, there was a custom called pakuha, the giving of a woman to be the property of her suitor, in the presence of the tribe; this act was performed by the girl’s relatives, particularly brothers 26 and uncles. Best differentiated this from the ceremonial feasting and recitation of ritual spells and blessing which 27 he labelled the wedding ceremony proper. The pakuha could occur long after the couple had been living together and thus does not constitute a valid ceremony to designate a marriage.

There are, indeed, a number of references made to the absence of any marriage rites among the Maori. The prime exception is the evidence presented by Best for "a recognized and enforced mode of procedure . . . in regard to marriage," applying exclusively to marriages where both participants 2 ° were of nigh rank,'"''’ Biggs, in evaluating the evidence in support of such ceremonial proceedings, found tnat ail rele­ vant references are made in this, or subsequent, papers by

Best, and that attempts to demonstrate the existence of such 29 a ceremony seem "to have failed for lack of corroboration."

Among lower ranking members of the tribe, marriage could be an extremely simple affair, consisting of the public dis­ covery and acceptance of a couple’s sleeping togetner. Barly references stated that if a young man saw a woman whom he desired as a wife he would approach her relatives and, unless

the girl forcibly resisted, would immediately make her his wife.

There is some disagreement as to which relatives were approached

some sources refer to parents, the majority to brothers and uncles. Tribal histories and legends imply that the father had primary jurisdiction over the disposal of his daughter,

although this may have been predominantly a reflection of the

authority of chiefs.

It was also possible that a couple, deciding that the

approval of the tribe would be difficult to obtain in advance,

would signal their desire to be married by deliberately

arranging for the tribe to discover them sleeping together.

Many legends provide evidence of this manner of announcing

preference, but frequently the thei* is that of marriages be­

tween mortals and immortals, the latter having to return to 22. the spirit world before dawn. The statement made by the mortal spouse being insufficient to convince the tribe it was consid­ ered necessary that the lovers be viewed by all, and this was achieved by blocking the openings of the house to deceive the immortal lover that it was still dark, then flinging wide the doors that he might not escape.^ These legends indicate an important step in the acknowledgement of marriage, namely, that sleeping together was explicit confirmation. Recognition in itself, however, did not necessarily imply approval, and institutionalized methods of gaining assent were usually invoked.

Many aspects of the institution of marriage are relevant in considering the position of women in traditional Maori society. Foremost among these is the presence of polygamous marriages, the advantages culturally ascribed to such an insti­ tution, and the status of the participants.

Polygamy among men "whose circumstances will admit of 32 maintaining more than one wife" appears to have been uni­ versal.^^ Despite one reference to a maximum of four^ there appears to have been no potential limit to the total number of wives. For example, among paramount chiefs, Te Heuheu

Tuicino is known to have had eight, ^ Hongi Hika five,^ and 37 Te Tirarau twelve. Lesser known chiefs had equally large numbers of spouses. Historical narratives speak predominantly 1L O of two wives.''1“' In contrast with the polygamy of chiefs the statement is made that commoners were monogamous, but the 3d term commoner is inadequately defined. 23.

Irrespective of the actual number of wives of any given chief only one would have the acknowledged privileges asso­ ciated with being head wife, or wahine matua.4^ Marriage with the principal wife was frequently for political reasons, to link two hapu, or larger groups. For this reason, and to preserve the mana accompanying chieftainship, tne woman would be of comparable rank to the man; these marriages were nor­ mally arranged by tribal elders. Children of this union would take precedence over all siblings by other wives, in matters 4l of rank, privileges and rights of succession.

The advantages of polygamy as seen by the Maori are most adequately expressed in a well-known proverb: Ka mate whare tani, r.a ora whare rua (literally, one house brings disaster, 4 2 two houses life). Attendance by several wives was con­ sidered essential in maintaining the dignity and prestige of the chief, and in strengthening his position of importance in the tribe.

Plurality of wives, as the proverb indicates, reflects equally the wealth and economic status of the chief. A cnief's wealth could be estimated in terms of the number of his spouses.

Particularly when more than one wife was a daughter of a high­ born family each would bring to their husband slaves, property, and land, all functioning to augment his resources, facilitate the extension of hospitality important in intergroup relation- snips, and maintain allegiance from the remainder of the hapu.

Where the women owned, or had rights to, land they would fre­ quently continue to reside on it, the chief visiting them and 43 spending time with each in turn. * 24. 44 Several songs attest to jealousy among wives. In such 4 5 instances women would live separately. kore frequently, however, they resided together, maintaining a common household ana performing most of the tasks of cifLtivation. Nicholas observed that in New Zealand, "woman is born only to labor 46 incessantly for her task master," and suggested that plu­ rality of wives could be attributed primarily to a desire for a greater supply of manual labor and food production rather than to physical attractiveness.^

karsden questioned several chiefs as to the advantages they saw in polygamy. One suggested that monogamy was prefer­ able because friction and altercation could be avoided; others claimed that for cultivating gardens and maintaining adequate 4- ci food resources more than one wife was desirable. tomen present during such questioning were generally agreed that there should be only one wife; such an observation, as Firth suggested, may have been in deference to the missionary's 49 viewpoints. Colenso emphasized a further economic gain from polygamy, the accumulation of tanimo-bordered flax garments 50 woven by women. Undoubtedly the need to have resources readily available to supply hospitality to visitors gave additional sanction.

Desire for children, particularly males, was likewise an important stimulus towards polygamous marriages. If a woman had not produced children, she might herself suggest a second 51 marriage. Occasionally, a lack of male children would result in the husband's divorcing a wife rather than merely 52 adding another. A number of instances of a man's marrying women who were

sisters are recorded, both in ethnographic description and in

tribal legends. Two reasons for the practice seem to have

been the desire of the woman's parents that the union have

children, 53 • and the cultural hope that, when sisters were botn

married to the same man, quarrels between the two wives would

then remain "within the family."^ The elder of the sisters,

as became her rank, was head wife. An equally common cause of

polygyny was the right, and to some extent obligation, for

a man to marry his deceased brother's wife or wives.

After prolonged or severe fighting, regardless of the

original cause, the defeated party might give women to the

victorious chiefs, in order to initiate peace negotiations

and to cement alliances. Whether the chief himself was married

or not appeared to be of little consequence for such peace­

making; no instances of married women being so transferred

are recorded. Where possible, daughters of chiefs, parti­

cularly puhl (tribal virgin) or other high-ranking women, would be offered In such transactions. This greatly enhanced

the prestige of the victorious chief.

Women were frequently captured in battle, and these were

frequently referred to as "concubines" or slave-wives. Despite

the low status of the majority of such women they appear to

have been reasonably well treated, and their progeny, although

lower in rank than those of the head wife, were desired and

welcomed. The primary function of the captured women, as of

other secondary wives, was to increase the labor force. 26.

Irregularities in procedure, disagreements, disapproval

or quarreling were usually resolved by the culturally accepted

plundering of the relatives of the offending party. I/.any marriages, probably the majority, were irregular, in the sense

that they offended, either personally, or through lack of

adherence to the appropriate social customs. Any irregularity would constitute a legitimate cause (take) for retaliating

against the offenders and collecting compensation. A war-

party would visit the offenders, pretend to fight violently

(ceasing usually at the first drawing of blood),5'' make many

speeches, and finally plunder the property of the individual

and community. The tribe was then expected to provide a feast 57 for the visitors. Usually such raids were directed against

the man and hie relatives, and their losing valuable property

to the girl's relatives can perhaps be visualized as compensa­

tion for the loss of her economic services. A second, and equally important function of the raid was to acknowledge the union and made it legitimate, so that all children were entitled to full inheritance rights.

Refusal to comply with a request for marriage was infre­ quent. When the woman feared that she would be forced into an uncongenial union, or when she wished to marry a man for whom approval would clearly not be obtainable, her only recourse was to commit suicide. This she would either do by leaping 5d over a convenient precipice, or by pining away. To prevent his daughter, who had fallen in love with a man of much lower rank, from taking such action and bringing disgrace on her 27. family, Te Paahi confined her in a pataka, or storehouse, with space which would "neither allow of her standing up, or stretching at her length." After several years of con­ finement the girl capitulated. McKiniay noted, however, that such imprisonment was not a common method of discipline.59

.Division of Labor

Although men and women shared equally in the performance of a small number of occupations they contained most of their activities to separate, complementary economic spheres. The general principle for this division was the quantity of phys­ ical strength and danger for each task. Men performed the more arduous and daring tasks, while women were responsible for the more monotonous, continuing ana less trying occupa­ tions. It was the responsibility of men to procure most of the food of primary importance to family and hapu; women collected some foodstuffs and were responsible for all pre­ paration of food.

Ken felled trees, burnt off fern, and loosened soil for plantations with wooden spades; women followed them, planting seeds, and talcing responsibility for all subsequent activities of cultivation. One exception to this practice, noted from the fast Coast only, was that of planting kumara. The tabu associated with the cultivation of this vegetable was so strong that women were not permitted to participate.^ In other areas, women were responsible for removing larvae of a large grub which fed on the leaves of the xumara.^ Pern rhizomes were dug by men, collected and carried home by 28. 63 women. Men usually snared birds, although there is some evidence that wornen might join this activity, being allotted the lower trees which were easier to climb. Open-sea O ^5 fishing was an occupation apparently restricted to men, as was diving for crayfishwomen often caught certain fresh water species as kokopu. Savage indicated that o d women shared many of the dangers connected with fishing.

Women gathered all snellfish except the deep water paua for 6q whicn men dived. *

The differentiation of occupations was not always clear, and ix is important to take into account the activities under­ taken by both sexes. either sex as required would undertake the collection of fruits such as maraka or hinau terries, the preparation of pigments, dyes and plant oils, and the con- 70 struction of twine and ropes. The sole exception was the collection by women of poisonous tupakihi berries from which juice was extracted for drinking.^ In worm requiring large numoers rather than the exercise of strength women as well as men might assist; for instance women helped in hauling a large log from the forest if it was to be used for house- 72 building', but not if it was for a canoe. women were as pro­ ficient as men in paddling canoes, ana frequently followed warriors by sea, bringing with them the cooked food which 73 could not be transported on the sacred war canoes.

The sexual division of -work was based on tabu as well as on principles of the excitement and strangtn involved. Many activities to which tabu applied were forbidden to women because their presence was thought destructive, women were 29.

not permitted to have anything to do with the building of n * either houses of importance to the tribe, or of canoes;'M

nor were they allowed near places where greenstone was being 75 wormed. There were no female carvers, and probably no

tattooers;^0 the sole reference to a woman-tatxooer and faith 77 healer appears to be definitely a post-contact phenomenon.

Similarly, certain activities were confined to women,

who being noa (common), could not be defiled by undertaking

menial tasks. Preparation of all food, and the handling of 78 all cooked food fell within the province of women, as did 79 uhe carrying of water and firewood. kaning described the

difficulties encountered by a group of chiefs who, without

the assistance of women or slaves, were unable to load a 80 canoe.

Weaving was almost exclusively a feminine occupation.

This included collecting and preparing flax, plaiting all

food basmets, and manufacturing all woven cloaks and gar­

ments. - The exclusion of men from the manufacture of the

more valued women articles was not rigid, and it was deemed

no disgrace for a man to study in the whare pora (school of Cj 2 weaving) to learn the taniko patterns."’ Highly valued dog­

skin cloaks were made occasionally,^^ or possibly invariably0^

by men. FOOTNOTES 50• 1. Buller 1878:215» Also Kohere 1951:13-14; Colenso 186Q:18. 2. Lajcereti 1938:134»

3. Buller 1878:216; ColenBO 1868:18.

4» Best 1929:27; White 1885:130-131} Colenso 1880c:70; Kohere 1951:14.

5. White 1885:130-131; Firth 1926:141.

6. Kohere 1931:18.

7. Colenso 1879:118; Smith 1893:429»

8. Tongariro is the name of a mountain.

9. Shortland 1856:171.

10. Shortland 1856:159-160; Colenso 1880a:150-151; Firth 1926:23.

11. Colenso 1879:116.

12. E.g. Grey 1953:160.

13. Best 1924:1,47.

14. Tarakawa 1893:244.

15. Graham 1921:165; Kakereti 1938:86.

16. Firth 1926:244.

17. Nicholas 1817:1,239; Colenso 1868:17; Ngata 1961:186; Johnstone 1874:170.

18. White 1887:1.121,127; Grey 1953:195.

19. Buller 1878:218.

20. Henderson 1948:25.

21. Grey 1953:161.

22. Graham 1941:127-129.

23. Buller 1878:217; Colenso 1868:18.

24. Stack 1877:79; Stack 1898:59.

25. Tikao 1939:152. 31.

26. White 1885:119; Done 1927:56.

27. Best 1904:45; Best 1924:1,469.

26. Best 1904:45.

29. Biggs 1960:41.

50. Elder 1934:69; Earle 1832:244-245.

31. E.g., Grey 1953:112-113.

32. Nicholas 1817:1,293.

33. Polack 1938:1,376; Buller 1678:209; D'Urville 1950:107; Hochstetter 1867:212; Gudgeon 1885:44; Elder 1932:97.

34. Donne 1927:217.

35. Angas 1847:iii

36. Gudgeon 1885:44.

37. Duller 1676:209.

38. Buck 1949:370.

39. Best 1904:29; Besc 1924:1,446-449; Donne 1927:217.

40. Nicholas 1817:11,294; Buller 1876:209; kcNab 1906:540; Ngata 1961:126,212.

41. Cruise 1957:189; McNab 1908:697.

42. Colenso 1879:117; Grey 1857:40.

43. Shortland 1856:141.

44. Ngata 1961:212|126.

45. Kelly 1949:316.

46. Nicholas 1817:11,301.

47. Nicholas 1817:1,293.

48. c Nab 1908:382; Elder 1932:113.209.

49. Firth 1959:13.

50. Colenso 1879:117. 32.

51. Buck 1949:369; Kelly 1949:69.

52. Kelly 1949:186; Colenso 1868:27.

53. Jones 1960:134.

54. Savage 1807:51; Gudgeon 1894:50; Bucic 1949:370.

55. Graham 1941:119; Gudgeon 1895b:177; Campbell 1881:204; Ngata 1961:214; Wilson 1907:234; Elder Ì932:47t>; Shortland 1856:142.

56. E.g., Nicholas 1817:11,94-97.

57. Naning 1863:110.

58. fcakereti 1938:79; Johnstone 1874 ; 123•

59. Savage 1807:23.

60. Baucke 1928:93; Buller 1878:228-229; Cowan 1910:146; Wilson 1907:51; Best 1924a:I,400.

61. Best 1924a :1,400.

62. Tregear 1904:86.

63. Colenso 1868:8; Best 1924a:I,400.

64 . Downes 1928:9; Banks 1896:250; Best 1924a:I,400.

65. Buller 1878:228-229» Savage 1807:65; White 1887:1,30; Colenso 1868:8-9; Banks 1896:250; Kelly 1949:123.

66. Donne 1927:102-103.

67. Best 1924a:I,400.

6 8 . Savage 1807:65.

69. Earle 1832:74; Elder 1932:180; Donne 1927:102-103; Banns 1896:250.

70. Firth 1959:209; Colenso 1880a:25-26.

71. Buller 1878:230-231.

72. Stack 1917:192; Shortland 1^51:58-59.

73. Polack 1838:1,146— 158; Wilson 1907:5; Nicholas 1817: 11,45. 33.

74. Best 1924a:I,400; Graham 1921:166} Earle 1632:110.

75. Graham 1943:149} Chapman 1891:499} Colenso 1868:8-9.

76. Colenso 1868:11-12.

77. Cowan 1^10:190-191.

76. Buller 1878:228-229; Baucke 1928:101} Best 1918:58; Shortland 1856:105; Nicholas 1817:11,35; Firth 1926:143.

79. Skinner 1912:143-144; Johnstone 1874:108; Savage 1807:74.

80. Maning 1876:101.

61 . Elder 1934:67; Colenso 1868:9; Graham 1920:37; Buller 1678:228-229.

6 2 , Best 1o 98:393; Best l924a:51b.

63. Colenso 1868:11; Colenso 1881:470; Angas 1847:1,362; i-olack 1838:1,389.

64 . Tregear 1904:168. 34.

CHAPTER IV

wOKEN*S ROLE IN PROCREATION AND SOCIALIZATION

Premarital Sexual License

Both men and women enjoyed considerable sexual freedom until marriage, when such freedom was entirely curtailed.

Adultery involving a married woman was an extremely serious offense and, if detected, frequently precipitated retalia­ tory warfare.

Early observers made many references to the absence of limitations upon the sexual behaviour of the majority of young women. However, daughters of chiefs were frequently denied such prerogatives.1 Such sheltered girls, designated as puhi, officiated as village hostesses; often they had 2 been betrothed at an early age to link, groups. No premium was normally placed upon virginity, and marriage itself was frequently not recognized until a couple had been living together for some time. In addition, the seriousness with which a liaison was regarded depended upon where it occurred; if at the man's house marriage was implied, if elsewhere the act was regarded as of little importance to others.

The implication that total promiscuity prevailed comes primarily from observations made by sailors and explorers, to 3 whom women were frequently presented as "wives fbr the iVhite."

/hile such procedures undoubtedly indicate a high tolerance for unrestrained sexual activity it is also important to realize that the provision of hospitality to all visitors was a cardinal tenet of fcaori social life, and supplying women for 35. the entertainment of the white atua (gods), reinforced by- expectations of material acknowledgement of the gesture, was A an extension of a long-established practice. Campbell sug­ gested that this eliminated any justification for seeking after 5 married women. Thomas Kendall's observation that the natives

"cautiously keep away from us their women and children" is the sole indication that such hospitality was not immediately forthcoming.^ Sailors rapidly learned to be suspicious of the absence or withdrawal of women from the ships for this 7 usually preceded an attack.

That economic considerations rapidly assumed overriding importance is evident; from the desire to obtain weapons, tobacco, biscuits, and other goods emerged from an "organized u trade" of ship girls. Expectations of reward varied. Cruise compared the "want of moral restraint" exhibited at Kororareka, where girls were freely offered with no stipulations as to rewards, with the tribes of the Ka.eo kiver who showed an q "avidity" for reward. The services of women of tne Nga kuni tribe furnished their ambitious chief, Hongi Hika, with suf­ ficient weapons to destroy many other tribal groups. The term utu pihikete (biscuit payment) reflected economic considera­ tions (for children from these "marriages").1^ The limited number of offspring from such unions suggests that infanticide 11 12 was practiced, although women denied this when Questioned.

Adequate information is hard to obtain regarding the nature of behavior which was not immediately intJLueneed by the prestige of contact with the "godlike" newcomers, or by 36. curiosity and acquisitiveness. Angas observed that "sexual intercourse is frequent by not promiscuous."1^ Biggs, who compared this with the suggestion that a public reputation for having many admirers enhanced desirability,1^ considered the statement made by Angas to be a more realistic appraisal, citing the existence of "numerous terms of opprobrium." In addition to public opinion as a limiting force, he lists the relatively small size of the group, incest restrictions, and rank differences as barriers to the exercise of total free- dom.

Freedom in premarital sexual behavior must not be con­ strued as indicative of a lack of modesty. Boaily shame was marxed; in a woman this centered in the pubic region, or puke. exposure of which was considered exceedingly indecent.

omen were expected to exercise extreme care in avoiding such exposure, and modesty in itself was highly prized. The impor­ tance with which such avoidance was viewed is seen clearly in the account of a young girl found naxed in a swamp by a war party; rather than attempt to ward off the blows of the war club as they fell upon her head, the girl placed her nands "1 h. over her puke as a maro (apron) to maintain her decency.

Cook described how, when his party unexpectedly encountered naked girls gathering shellfish, the girls hia among the rocks until they had made aprons of seaweed to cover themselves decently.1 ^

evidence of shame at being observed while naxed is shown in several legends. Gray recorded the story of Te Ao-huruhuru, a beautiful young puhi married to an elderly man who, wishing to boast of her attractiveness, invited his friends to gaze upon her while she lay naked asleep. When she awoke and realized that she had been observed in this condition, she l£3 committed suicide.

Customs of Pregnancy and Birth

Detailed information concerning rites pertaining to birth and to allied prenatal and postnatal activities are found in several accounts, but numerous discrepancies occur which illustrate the dangers of relying on insufficient sources and the; difficulties which occur when there is an abundance of evidence

All customs relating to birth were tabu, and thus birth itself could not take place within a customary dwelling. 20 ..omen bore their children In the open air or ir; a specially 21 constructed whare kohanga (nest house). Ouch houses were primarily for women of rank, possibly to be used only for the 22 first oirth.

. omen of high rank had female attendants during the final 23 stage of confinement and for the actual birth. The father, mother and husband of the woman might also be present, along 'd 4- with e. *.riest. In instances of difficult or prolonged labor, appropriate karakia (incantations) directed to Hine-te-iwaiwa 25 (otherwise known as Hina-te-iwaiwa, Hina-uri, Hine-keha), goddess of childbirth, would be recited by the priest. In addition, the genealogy of the child's father would be recited; ineffectiveness of this recitation would be interpreted as 5b. indicating that the true father was unknown. In the story of Tutanekai, the illegitimate child of Tuwharetoa and Rangiuru

(the latter the wife of Whakaue), the child was horn easily 27 when, and only when, the true father's genealogy was recited.

The connection between difficult birth and adultery or tabu- violation is exemplified in one part of the spell used on such occasions, translated by Biggs as:

Set up is my post, as a straining post for you, U Mine, you who are having a difficult birth, Who is above there. Spread the sleeping mats of Hine-of-the-narrow face, That I may climb up to Te Uira, to Te Aawhaa, That it may be let down the blood and the birth cleansings, 2h That it may be made empty. "

The most adequately documented postnatal ceremony is that 29 Known as tuuaa, tuuaapana, or tohi. ' This rite occurred when the child's navel cord fell off, usually about eight or ten days after birth. Some disagreement over details of this ceremony exists among the available accounts but these may possibly be attributable to local variations. Basically, the ceremony included ritual cleansing with running water to remove participants from the tabu pertaining to birth, and a dedication of the child to the appropriate masculine or feminine role, with various karakia recited, water sprinkled, and a name conferred. Missionaries likened this rite to the

Christian practice of baptism.

Removal of the tabu from mother and child also frequently entailed preparation and consumption of specially coomed foods. Marsden spoke of the mother's eating from an oven of 39. consecrated food, while others were fed from a second, common oven."'^ Shortland described a more elaborate ceremony in which :he father roasted fern root and touched several specified parts of the child's body with it before eating it; at daybreak the following day the child's eldest relative in the direct female line did the same and the mother and child were then noa (free from restriction).

Best described in some detail a formal gathering where gifts were presented before the family by both families, and 52 spells recited to welcome the new infant.' Unfortunntely there is no corroboration for this ritual, the spells and the source from which Best obtained his information being of doubtful reliability, and the description itself seems highly formalized for Maori society. ^

Descriptions of birth ceremonies refer, for the most part, to male children, and the extent to which such proceedings applied to female infants is somewhat indefinite. Best indi­ cated that a simple substitution of phrases suffices to provide a description cf female baptism; in a different context, however, he indicated that this rite was seldom performed over female children, only in a few cases of firstborn.^

Of particular interest to the present study are texts of spells used during the tohi rite, demonstrating the activities and aims toward which the child was dedicated. In published versions these spells have been variously called tohi. tuuaa. tuuaapana. whakatupu. and lri. iriiri. or whakairi.36 They urged female children to grow up qualified to produce food, 40.

weave garments, collect sea food, collect firewood, and wel-

come guesxs. 37

Desire for Children

A strong desire for, and a great affection toward,

children was clearly apparent. A wide variety of magico-

religious rites and spells, usually referring to the original

creation of women by Tane, was used to induce conception;

chese were usually recited over karetu grass or over kawakawa

leaves. These leaves were then placed beneath the woman during ■38 intercourse, or between her breasts.' The texts of all such

spells refer directly to the mystical creation of man, and

to the actions of xhe first man, Tane, in seeking a way by which xo fina or create woman.

Other maxerial objects such as stones, carved wooden figures represenxing thedesired sex, or trees in which ances­

tral unoilical cords had been buried, were also used xo induce 39 conception. These objects, wrapped on woven garne^xs and

feathers, were sometimes held in the arms of the woman

desiring children and she would sing lullabies, as if xo a

real child.40 In a reference to a hinau tree known as Ta

lno o xaxa (the umbilical cord of kat&ka) xhe difference

between east and west (east symbolizing life, west decadence

and death) was seen by the woman's embracing the east side if she wished for a male, the west for a female infant.

Should a woman not produce children she would be held responsible even though she was culturally regarded as being merely the receptacle for the spirit provided by the male. A husband was at liberty to divorce a barren wife and tame 42 another. The wife herself might suggest that her husband

take another wife; this would frequently be one of her sisters 43 or another close relative.

Although children of either sex were welcomed, male

children were usually preferred as they would become warriors,

fe Kanawa of ’iVaixato was so incensed that his first children were girls that he threatened to kill them and desisted only

when forced to admit that they might, when older, serve a useful function in dispensing hospitality. Piki-ao, a Rgati

i uniapoto cnief, sent his wife back to her father because she

had borne only femalesTe Rangi-ita sent his wife away but

permitted her to return later, after which she had male

children.4

females were sometimes welcomed as much as male cnildren

because of their potential for creating or cementing tribal

alliances. for the most part, however, female children were initially in danger of infanticide. Almost ail writers mention this custom, some indicating that it constituted a universal practice to reduce the number of nonwarrior mouths 49 to be fed; others that it occurred only under special cir­

cumstances such as jealousy, economic difficulties, or

removal of illegitimate children. In particular, jealousy

among wives in a polygynous marriage appeared to have been

responsible for a number of infant deaths. Marsden cited the

instance of the chief Aiwa (Rewha) who returned from a war 42. expedition with a second wife. When both wives were later delivered of sons, the first jealously killed hers, to her 51 husband’s distress.

The suggestion is also made by some writers that female infanticide occurred primarily to restore a balance between 52 male and female sections of the population. Although infanticide may occasionally have been provoked by such a consideration, genealogical evidence indicates that this did not constitute a general custom, harle noted that a definite advantage resulting from intercourse with whites was that the natives became "as anxious to cherish and protect their infant 53 girls as they were formerly cruelly bent on destroying them."

methods for killing the children varied considerably. nieffenbach, who provided the most detailed early discussion, speaks of both prenatal (induced abortion) and postnatal infanticide, the latter being most frequently accomplished by exerting pressure upon the child's head during or shortly 54 after birth. Other techniques included pressing the temple of the newborn child, strangulation, drownin^, or preventing air from entering the nostrils. Best speaks of a ritual act, known as taiki, performed by a woman who wanted to induce abortion. She would take a small quantity of food to a 35 sacred place, or touch a tabu person with it. He provided no indication as to whether this ritual was supplemented by physical methods. Were an infant to survive the first few minutes of its life it was generally assured of safe and affectionate treatment. O. Exceptions to this generalization, however, were children born to a woman who had married into a tribe not living peace­ fully with her own. Relatives of the woman might kill her young son to limit the fighting strength of the enemy hapu.

Eu-whawhakia described the reactions of the mother of a new­ born son whose visiting relatives asked the sex of her child.

Realizing that if she were to reply truthfully the infant would be killed, she held him so that the visitors could not detect the deception and answered that it was female. The child was permitted to live.'

Affection shown toward children was commented upon by 57 many observers, although the motives attributed as causing this affection were distorted, particularly by missionaries, to suggest over-indulgence and a lack of discipline. Polack 50 referred to "doating” treatment, hieffenbach to the mother or other female relative nursing the child with great tender­ ness and to the father devoting considerable attention to 59 caring for the child. Treatment was similar for both oO sexes.

Child-Rearing xractices

education of the Maori chila, male or female, must be viewed as beginning with the tohi rite of dedication, and with the priori, or lullabies, composed for the child. These priori, normally composed and sung by one of the infant's elder female relatives, contained numerous allusions to 44. occurrences in tribal history and mythology, and frequently included a condensed genealogy. Their purpose was primarily educational, to provide the basic knowledge with which the child would need to be familiar. They were sung to a crying child, particularly at night, and in later years repeated to the child so that he would be familiar with his priori.^

Training of children was carried out by all members of the household unit, especially grandparents, to free parents for more active economic duties. Young children were largely the responsibility of their mother and grandparents. A spirit of independence was highly regarded and there are references to mothers being forbidden to reprimand or strike children lest they should lessen this independence.^ Although

Nicholas makes the sole reference to "sons" in this regard, ' the reasons given in support of the practice, to preserve bravery, audacity and independence, suggest that the practice applied more specifically to male children. In discussing

I.'aori women, however, BaucKe spoke of the young girl leading the life of an "unrestrained tomboy" until she was eight or . ,, 64 ten years old.

Imitation, play, and deliberate instruction were all employed in training children. An active curiosity was encouraged, as was the development of unselfishness and & 3 consideration for others. Children followed their parents and relatives around and were soon encouraged to help in household activities. By the time a girl was nine or ten 45.

years old, she had learned the way in which a hangi (oven) was prepared, although the actual preparation was not her

responsibility until much later; she had learned to carry

firewood and water, first with, and later for, her mother

and other relatives; to clear away weeds and tend to garden

cultivation; and to cut, carry and prepare flax for making

the numerous varieties of household containers.

Instruction in general behavior and manners had begun

earlier, both by example and by cautioning the child against

the violation of tabu. A child was especially warned against

trespassing on tabu ground and was told "awesome" stories

of the consequences of disobedience. o ' Mothers spoke freely

to the young girl of menstruation, mate wahine (woman's disease)

or mate inarama (disease of the moon),oJ and of the behavior and

restrictions appropriate to this condition. Menstruation

itself was intimately connected with the moon which was

regarded as the permanent or true husband because of the

regularity of menstruation. ' The discharge was regarded

as a type of embryo, an undeveloped human being, and for this

reason the woman had to observe a number of stringent restric­

tions upon her behavior. She could not prepare an oven,

nor could she cook tawa berries; if she attempted to do so,

they would not be properly cooked. If she tried to gather

shellfish they would all shift to another part of the coast.

ere she to go on cultivated grounds during this time the 70 crops would fail. Special training in weaving usually began when the girl was about ten years old. Much knowledge of ceremony was included with the details of technique. Before she under­ went tuition the young girl would be ceremonially made tabu and could not communicate with anyone except the priest and the instructor until she had completed an initial '’sampler.'*

All the appropriate details of ritual associated with prepara­ tion of materials, with weaving itself, and with the comple­ tion of the article would be conveyed to her, as would know­ ledge of precautionary superstitions and allied omens. Were these to be ignored it would result in the loss of all her 71 specialized knowledge connected with weaving.

Games functioned as a means for imparting instruction and reinforcing cultural expectations. Dignity and grace were incalcated by achieving proficiency in dancing the haxa and 72 the poi. Both men and women of the tribe would criticize and correct performances, encouraging practice until all met the required standards. Poi-dancing was exclusively a feminine occupation, a necessary accomplishment in enter­ taining visitors, or members of one's own hapu. Retelling stories of ancestors, myths of creation and of Hawaiki, the ancient homeland of the Maori people, was a favorite pastime among the elders of the tribe, and children thus learned a good deal of tribal history. Grandparents would make a point of imparting tnis knowledge; Bucx attributed some of the local interpolations in old traditions to deliberate simplifications for the children. * The art of public speaking, the allusions contained in the numerous proverbs often used, and the rhetoric which was deeply admired by all, was learned by listening to such stories and by attending tribal gatherings. He tangata i akona ki te whare. tunga ki te marae tau ana (a man performs r? / well on the marae because he learned at home.) 48.

FOOTNOTES

1. E.g., Tregear 1904:284; Cowan 1910:147» Cruise 1957: 184; Earle 1832:245. 2 . The institution of the puhi will be discussed later.

3. Cruise 1947:143; See also Cruise 1947:61, 103» 187; Wright 1940:84; Earle 1832:49; Donne 1927:223; Elder 1834:82.

4. Donne 1927:214» 223; Walsh 1907:60; Wright 1950:76, 84; Baucke 1922:79; Henderson 1948:9; Cruise 1957:103«

5. Campbell 1881:67-68.

6. Elder 1934:49.

7. Cruise 1957:152.

8 . Walsh 1907:159-160; McNab 1908:541, 554; Thomson 1859:1, 284-5; D ’Urville 1950:121, 160; Vayda 1960:106.

9. Cruise 1957:120. 10. Smith 1910:417-18. 11. KcNab 1908:539.

12. Cruise 1957:187.

13. Angas 184 7:1,314.

14. Shortland 1856:142.

13. Biggs 1960:19.

16. Smith 1910:101.

17. Beaglehole 1955:280.

18. G-rey 1953:197-96.

19. Biggs 1960:66067.

20. Nicholas 1817:11,171; Tregear 1904:41.

21. Shortland 1878:143; Buller 1878:215; Best 1929:8; Best 1924b;225; Best 1924aII:6. 22. Best 1906:16. 49.

23. Buller 1878:215? Best 1929:12; Best 1924aII:7.

24. Back 1949:350.

25. Grey 1953:20-21, 24-28? White 1887:11,121-143? Best 1925:183-84; 1924a:I,131,134,136.

26. Best 1924b:225 ? Stack 1877:65-66.

27. Grey 1953:106-109.

28. Biggs 1960:69. From Grey 1953:108.

29. White 1884:119-26; Buller 1878:215; Yate 1835:82-84? Elder 1932:578; Dieffenbach 1843:11,27-30; Best 1924b? 225.

30. Elder 1934:477-78.

31. Shortland 1856:144.

32. Best 1929:49.

33. Detailed discussion of the inadequacies of this account can be found in BiggB 1960:66-67 and Williams 1937: 105-109.

34. Best 1929:248, 251.

35. Best 1929:43? Best 1924a:I, 407.

36. Biggs 1960:70.

37. Ball 1940:269; Best 1925:783; Shortland 1856:144.

38. Best 1906:7; Best 1929:6-8; Best 1924a:II,4.

39. Donne 1927:82; Best 1924b:161; Best 1924a:II,4.

40. Smith 1905:135; Dounes 1936:6-7.

41. Donne 1927:82; Best 1906:7; Best I924b:220; 1924a:I, 297.

42. Beattie 1916:12; Makereti 1938:81-82, 133.

43. E.g., Buck 1949:369; Beattie 1916:12,

44. Cruise 1957:185; Smitii 1910:258.

45. Kelly 1949:260. 50.

46. Kelly 1949:186.

47. Kelly 1949:240.

48. Tregear 1904:39} Colenso 1858:17.

49. Earle 1832:243; McNab 1908:496.

50. Donne 1927:47} Buller 1878:210; Polack 1838:1,381-2; Angas 1847:11.

51. Elder 1932:371.

52. McNab 1908:696; Cruise 1957:188.

53. Earle 1832:242-43.

54. Dieffenbach 1843:11,24-26; Cruise 1947:188.

55. Polack 1838:1,381-382; Best 1924arl,257.

56. Tu-wh.awh.aki a 1896:167.

57. E.g., Gudgeon 1907:36; Cruise 1957:188; Earle 1837: 257; Make re tit 1938:81.

58. Polack 1838:11,256.

59. Dieffenbach 1843:11,26; Earle 1832:257} Tregear 1904:31.

60. Cruise 1957:188.

61. Best 1929:37.

62. Shortland 1856:157; Best 1924a:I,409.

63. Nicholas 1817:11,64.

64. Baucke 1928:88-89.

65. Shortland 1856:157; Makereti 1938:141; Ball 1940:269.

66. Makereti 1938:142.

67. Bucit 1949:359.

68. Best 1922a:210.

69. Best 1922a:21; Best 1925:784} Best 1899:101; Best 1924a:II,4. 51. 70. Ldicereti 1938:138ff; Best l924a:I,406.

71. Tregear 1904:225; Best 1934a:II,511.

72. Best 1924a:II,00,105.

73. Buck 1949:358.

74. Kohere 1951:43. CHAPTER V

WOMEN'S POSITION WITH REGARD TO PROPERTY

Early reports are of limited assistance in furnishing adequate data regarding ownership of property by females.

Specific reference is made to the existence, nature, and possible functions of the greenstone neck arnament, the hei- tiki, and this evidence will be presented; ownership of other articles of ornamentation, of household property, and of land, is less well documented.

Clothing, in the form of woven mats and cloaics, differed little from that of men,^ and all articles were individually owned. In the South Island, according to Buller, men's mats 2 were worn over the left shoulder, women's over the right.

In other areas women would fasten their garments in front of them, or over the left shoulder. Regardless of the position of fastening, upper garments were discarded when working in 3 the gardens, in order to leave both arms free. Both men and women wore personally-owned necklaces of a wide variety of materials, including shells, berries and whale teeth. Other ornaments worn by women, also personal property, consisted usually of annlets, bracelets, and combs for the hair. Anxlets and bracelets, worn infrequently, were made of tanlko-bands, or of shells; .Best remarked upon having occasionally seen 4 women with tattooed bands around ankles and wrists.

Hair of young women was worn short, or flowing loosely downwards, to distinguish them from their married counter­ parts, whose hair was usually worn long and plaited on top 55. 5 of the head. feathers of the rare huia and kaka were spoken of as being profusely used in decoration; it seems, however, more probably that this waB done primarily upon ceremonial occasions, and by highborn women only. Lycopodium leaves, 7 and clematis were woven into the hair on ordinary occasions.

Leaves of the mahoe. kawaxawa. or parapara. or woven banas from which strings of seaweed, or tail featherB of various birds, were suspended, were used as signs of mourning, for the death of a chief.0 Woven headbands were worn to hold back long hair, and individual patterns for 'these were handed down through female members of the family. Combs of xaikatoa or rowhito wood inlaid with paua shell were also used as head 9 decorations.

Women sometimes wore a deceased husband's molar teeth as earrings. A tooth was regarded as "a precious and much esteemed momento," and, if it had formed part of a chief's head, was considered extremely taboo.'1'0 Women also frequently wore perfumed bags of the plumage of the grey, or of the paradise, duck, containing leaves, flowers, crushed berries, or mosses.'1''1'

With reference to the more valued ornaments, such as neck arid ear pendants, the exact nature of ownership is less straightforward. The most common of these ornaments was the hei-tiki. or carved greenstone pendant. This toox various forms, the commonest and "most perfect" form, according to

Hongi, showing both male and female figures embracing, the second most frequent form being a female figure only. Both these forms conspicuously showed both male and female organs 54. 12 juxtaposed. The hei-tlki was primarily a female ornament, named after the male spirit, tiki, which had been originally 13 implanted in the earth-formed maid created oy lane. The wearing of the ornament has been used to postulate a suggestion 14 of phallic worship among the Iwaori. This suggestion is supported by the custom of reciting certain jcaramia to counter­ act the effects of suspected witchcraft, while holding the male organ, and of expressing the desire tnat this organ rebuff 15 all attempts at sorcery. However, the hei-tiki was also worn occasionally by men,“b which might indicate that it was not regarded solely as a symbol of the powers of childbirth.

The hei-tiki were, as a rule, individually owned, passing from parent to child upon the death of the former. A number were, however, owned by the entire hapu, or sy the tribe it­

self. These latter, tribal heirlooms, usually descended from famous ancestors, were individually named and were treated with considerable respect and reverence. In these circum­

stances the objects, whether hei-tiki, ear-pendants, or green­

stone weapons, were regarded as held by the cnief in the nature of a trust. On ceremonial occasions th^rwould be

displayed for the people to admire and greet, and might be

worn by the chief's head wife or daughter.

Accounts of the transmission of many of these objects

are further complicated by the fact that they might be given

as gifts to high-ranking chiefs of other tribes, thus con- 17 stituting "material symbols of the exchange of good-will."

Firth, in analyzing the processes underlying this transmis- 55.

sion, noted several points, particularly those of the free

circulation of valued articles among chiefly families, and

the sentiments of awe and love with which all the people

regarded such treasured tribal possessions. when these

changed hands, most frequently to support betrothal, marriage

or peace negotiations, the original owners were not forgotten,

ana, by a continued process of change, the articles might

eventually be returned to the family of the original owners.

A less frequent reason for change of ownership occurred when

a chief was conquered and enslaved; his wife was expected to iq send her hei-tiki to the victor’s wife. '

A woman’s personal property included also weaving sticks,

pounders for beating flax fibres, hanks of fibre and dyes,

the latter being usually collected and replenished by the

woman herself. This property could be transmitted oy inherit­

ance. Rirth remarked that in certain districts, for example,

in Ruatahuna, the tanexaha trees which supplied dye from the

barx were relatively scarce and valued accordingly. Rights

to these trees were inherited and belonged only to the de­

scendants of the ancestor who had originally found, or had 20 been assigned, a given tree. Stone pounderB were highly

prized and were handed on from mother to daughter. Household

property such as cooking utensils and mats, were also regarded

as a woman’s personal property.

Ownership of land is a topic to which many observers have made reference; clear facts as to the rights of women to own or inherit land are, however, difficult to elicit. Suf­ ficient evidence is not available to determine whether the variance can be attributed to tribal variation. Land was primarily managed by a tribe or a hapu, with rights of usage and disposal vested In the chief. Within the territory of the hapu, the rights of using specific areas were distinctly the prerogative of small family groups or of individuals. Pirth summarized these to include small allotments of land, "rights to birding trees, shaggeries, deposits of red ochre, fishing stands, subdivisions of rat runs, shell banks, patches of 21 fern root, clumps of flax, places for setting eel traps..."

Best observed that rat-run privileges were often passed on through female members of the family, while males acquired bird-snaring rights.

Land itself could be inherited through either parent, so that if an individual's parents came from different hapu a child could inherit rights to land owned by both hapu. Where- ever possible, transmission appears to have been in the direct line of primogeniture. Opinions concerning land inheritance by girls show considerable divergence, some saying that girls 23 inherited equally with their brothers, others that they inherited no land, sharing only in ornaments or artifacts 24 belonging to the deceased.

If they desired, a woman's brothers could give her land at her marriage. If she were marrying someone from her own hapu, no complications were likely to ensue. If, however, she were to marry into a group of strangers her children would acquire rights in land she possessed, and this was

sometimes seen by her kinsmen as jeopardizing their own

interest and increasing the livelihood of future warfare.

It would still be possible for her to marry witnout their approval, but she would receive no land. Iregear translated a common proverb employed under these circumstances as fol­ lows: "You can go with your waist-girdle only . . . you will only be a slave to blow your husband’s fire."

Female ownership of land was not necessarily permanent.

The granddaughter of a cnief had as much claim as her male cousins to her grandfather's land, and this claim continued to her grandchild. However, on his death the land then re­ verted to the male line of the second generation frcm the male ancestor from whom the land was originally claimed. V»hite has explained this as an attempt to avoid the complications which would result from the many intertribal marriages contracted 26 by chiefs. A husband had rights to cultivate his wife's land during her lifetime; if she died without children the land reverted to her brothers.27 This could alter boundaries.' 58.

FOOTNOTES

1 . Savage 1807:56; Donne 1927:26.

2. Buller 1876:237.

5. Smith 1893:431; Beat ly24a:II,50o.

4. Best 1924a:II,535.

5. Donne 1927:28-29.

6. Colenso 1868:16; Johnatone 1874:79; Tregear 1904:243

7. Colenso 1868:35; Polack 1838:1,397.

8. Johnstone 1874:79-80; Best 1924a:II,59.

9. Donne 1927:31.

10. Polack 1838:1,395.

11. Colenso 1868:35; Best 1924a:II,543.

12. Hongi 1918:162.

15. As discussed in Chapter II.

14. Best 1924a:II,136.

15. Best 1924a:I,296.

16. Angas 1847:7; Chapman 1891:521.

17. Firth 1959:355.

18. Cowan 1910:59; Firth 1959:355-56. ly. Tregear 1904:247.

20. Firth 1959:357.

21. Firth 1959:381.

22. Best 1924a:II,494. CM • Best 1924a:I,477; Best 1924a:II,361.

24. Tregear 1904:129. 59. 25. Tregear 1904:129. Aleo in Donne 1927:101.

26. White 1885:189.

27. Shortland 1851:97.

28. White 1885:185. 60.

CHAPTER VI

SPECIAL ROLES OP WOMEN

Mention has already been made of the emphasis upon primo­ geniture in determining position in the social structure.

Ideally an unbroken line of descent was preferred; this, how­ ever, was rare, and a firstborn child was often female. When this occurred the woman did not customarily succeed to the active leadership of the tribe but was accorded the greatest possible respect as a wahine-ariki (female chief). Among

Waikato ana Northland Tribes the female ariki was known as ariki-tapairu. or ariki-by-courtesy.^ Hongi, speaking of his ariki-tapairu grandmother, explained that she was spoken of in the tribe as maumau, or waste, implying an unfortunate dissipation of time, blood, and title. Her only solution was

"to hastily mature in order to contribute to the lordly male p line." East Coast tribes used the term hakurangi (treasure, precious possession) apparently as a substitute for ariki- tapairu. ~ Ngati-inhungunu used the term mareikura, the name for the supernatural inhabitants of the twelfth heaven in all 4. Last Coast mythology, to apply to firstborn females of senior families; this tribe treated those women with much more respect than did other tribes, and permitted them to maxe 5 public speeches. Tregear gave a doubtful translation of the term tapairu as octopus, and stated that the arixi-tapairu alone among women could eat of octopus, and of human flesh.

His concern seemed to have been solely with the role such women might play in tabu removal.^ 61.

On rare occasions a female ariki such as the famous

Hinematioro of Ngati-Porou, or fciahinarangi of Kahungunu, was raised to the position as chief of the people, and accorded n extreme respect and deference. 1 Normally the functioning position as a leader of the tribe passed to the first male O child, unless all the children were female.w Buck illus­ trated the preclusion of females from exercising some of the privileges of seniority with the fact that a shell trumpet would be sounded to announce the birth of a firstborn son, but would remain silent were a daughter to be born.

Highborn women were frequently subject to stricter be­ havioral restrictions than were the majority of young women, and might be established in the community as puhi (ceremonial virgins). Biggs, in reviewing the information pertaining to

this institution, provided the most adequate definition of

the puhi as a young woman of chiefly rank, celebrated for attractiveness and for social skills, one who was "set up by

the community as a focus for social esteem.As far as oan

be ascertained, the puhi constituted the pivot upon which the mana of the tribe rested."^ Relatively little, however, is

clearly distinguishable about the specific nature, duties, and

functions of the puhi. The suggestion has been made that the

institution presumably did not survfve early European contact,

"for neither the missionaries nor other early observers reported 12 it. There are, however, a number of references to daugnters

of chiefs being subject to stricter supervision ana restric­

tion, and to their performing functions in offering hospitality 6 ?. in the name of the tribe, to a much greater extent than did other women, all of which would imply that the primary concepts underlying the institution, and presumably the institution itself, were inaeed continued past early European contact.

The puhi was continually attended by a number of com­ panions, usually women of high rank and frequently closely 13 related to her. ' This was to ensure that the girl remained a virgin, and to prevent her forming any attachment which might hinder her availability to make an expedient marriage to link groups, bring about the cessation of warfare, or obtain

" I A the assistance of a powerful tribe in time of emergency. kakereti indicated that the virginity of the puhi was of such importance that ritual defloration was performed by an elderly female relative, presumably as part of the marriage 15 ceremonies; this is the only reference to such a practice.

Death might be the penalty for breaking the rule of virginity."^

The girl frequently lived apart from the rest of the tribe, together with her attendants, in an elaborately carved and furnished house, surrounded with three sets of protective 17 1h palisading, or set upon posts.

iuhl formed the subject of many of the tribal legends and closely resembled the European concept of fairy princesses.

In these legends they frequently fell in love, despite the precautions against this, and where necessary, acted contrary 19 to the wishes of the tribe. A large percentage of the occa­ sions upon which a puhi expressed her desire to marry a certain 63. young man her choice would meet with approval from tribal elders and from the girl's brothers, and the marriage would 20 then be consummated.

Tribal disapprobation of puhi who violated cultural expectations and indulged in secret love affairs was clearly reflected in songs composed by disgraced maidens. Among the best known of these is one composed and sung by a puhi who 21 had an illegitimate child. Legendary tales of puhi who had become noticeably pregnant after a secret affair show tnat immortal lovers descending for the evening from the spirit world were frequently invoked, and sometimes accepted, as an 22 explanation of the phenomenon. A similar explanation ad­ hered to the Ati-Awa tribal ancestor Tamarau-te-hexetanga, whose father supposedly was a spirit who had intercourse with 23 a puhi named Rongo-ue-roa. * Other versions referred to lovers as being of the fairy people, or patu-paiarehe; children from such alliances were often lighter-skinned. Albino children 24 were also presumed to be directly descended from the fairies.

The term puhi was also used of girls who were affianced at birth or shortly after, predominantly for political reasons, 25 and consequently were made ceremonially tabu. It is impos­ sible to ascertain whether any distinction was made between those betrothed in this way, and those set aside as tribal virgins, but not engaged.

Ceremonial Marriage

Carriage among all highranking women was predominantly political, and consequently subject to considerably more tribal surveillance and discussion than for less aristocratic members. Great importance was placed upon the matching of equivalent rank to retain the full mana of the individuals and their offspring, and of the creation of linxs between groups. Kention has already been made of some of the dis­ advantages accompanying marriage outside the hapu and the potential disruption which disagreements between the parties could involve. Where the potential advantages to the tribe of allying with another tribe or hapu were of sufficient im­ portance, however, women were married out of the tribe arid could in this instance be considered primarily as functioning as symbols of the whole tribe. "He taura taonga e mutu, he taura tangata e kore e motu" (a gift connection may be severed, Q ^ a human link cannot).c The function of the puhi and her responsibility to be available for a marriage of expediency has already been noted; the same general principles applied to the marriages of all highborn women.

larriages would be arranged by chiefs of both tribes.

Usually the chief desiring the girl for his son or near relative would make a ceremonial visit to her tribe, with a number of attendants. After the ceremonial greeting and feasting the chief would announce the reasons for his visit, and request the girl in marriage. He would frequently accompany such a request with the presentation of valuable 27 items, such as greenstone weapons and tiki. His visit would most usually occur when the girl was of marriageable age, 65. perhaps around twenty years, although infant betrothal was arranged similarly. The valuables presented would remain the property of the girl's family when she married, unless they included recognized tribal heirlooms, when they would return n lj with the marriage to the husband's tribe. 410

The lack of any evidence supporting the existence of special marriage rites for high-ranking participants has already been discussed at length. Definitely a greater concern was laid upon "correctness" of procedure, continued discussion, and ensuring that the children of the union would be legiti­ mate. These marriages, in which the participants functioned predominantly as symbols and were manipulated by their elders, were marxed by feasting, often intertribal, and with great 29 satisfaction at the achievement of a satisfactory alliance.

These primarily political alliances were motivated by several factors, including the hope of establishing or re­ inforcing ties between tribal groups, of ensuring assistance from a powerful neighbor in case of emergency, with specific interest in acquiring material possessions in the form of land, fishing rights, greenstone weapons and carved orna­ ments, or to end fighting between groups and cement peace.

It is this last motivating force that the role of highborn women as symbols is most clearly comprehended; the many ac­ counts of peacemaking, to be discussed later, speak of women being "given" to victorious chiefs to bring about peace.

The implication is that the defeated tribe were parting with a valuable commodity as a "tribute" to victore; this 6 6 . interpretation applies equally to the giving of women in all political alliances*

Duties

Specific duties of the highborn woman centered upon the extension of hospitality to visitors. Any Maori woman Knew that she would be expected to ensure that there would always be ample food and relish on hand so that any unexpected 31 arrivals could be greeted and feasted with due respect. failure to feed visitors suitably was considered a gross insult, and on occasions led to intertribal warfare. Similarly it was the task of the wife of a chief to arrange suitable entertainment for these guests, including the performance of dances and singing. A woman marrying in from another tribe might be formally invested by her husband with authority 32 to dispense hospitality on behalf of her new tribe.

All women would assemble to welcome visitors, although frequently one of high birth would act as leader, or spokes- 33 man for the group. In the latter instance the whole group of women would call out "Haere mai i 11 (Welcome!), after which 34 the spokesman would give a more elaborate song of welcome.

A tribal group of men and women traveling to another hapu would send a message to inform their prospective hosts of their approach, and as they neared the village women would group themselves in front of the men and move in this manner 35 to the hosts' courtyard.

A second, and allied, function of the Maori chiefly woman, not yet married, was that of acting as a temporary wife for any visiting chief. If the visitor were of high rank the daughter of the paramount chief of the host tribe might be selected for this position; for a chief of lesser importance a closely related, younger relative of the host would be employed. For the girl to refuse to cooperate was a sign of ill-breeding and a slight to the whole tribe; likewise the guest could not decline such attentions without 3 6 severely offending his hosts. Donne gave an illustration of a tribe which, acting as hosts to an early Bishop, were perplexed when he rejected the offers of the young girl provided for his entertainment; the tribe's solution was to 37 honor his presence with ten girls.

The specific status of the girl offered in such cir­ cumstances is difficult to ascertain. The suggestion that, for an extremely important chief, the daughter of the host would be presented leads to the question as to whether puhi would be expected to perform this duty as an ultimate ful­ fillment of the obligations of hostess. Tribal accounts tell of ancestors who moved from one area to another, marrying a wife in each area, departing and repeating the procedure in another. Such accounts as, for example, that of the ancestor of the Ngati-Kahungunu, may be more correctly

interpreted as supplying the names of the temporary wives provided by host tribes.

Several accounts speak highly of individual .high-ranking women who were renowned for their hospitality and generosity. 66,

Such women would also be employed as ambassadors in times of stress or emergencies. Te Rangi Oha was sent to initiate marriage arrangements on behalf of the son of her chieftain 40 Ngawhare. The advantages to a chief of having some daughters in his family to dispense hospitality and to offer as tempo­ rary wives for visitors saved the lives of two newly-born girls whose father finally permitted them to live because they 41 could later entertain visitors.

V/omen had customary duties to perform at funeral ser­ vices. The accepted method for expressing grief was for women closely related to the dead person to cut their faces and bodies with sharp pieces of obsidian, greenstone, or shell, until they were covered with blood, lamenting through­ out the procedure. Larly observers made frequent reference to this practice.^ Older women were more thorough in their slashing than the younger ones, who did not cut themselves as 43 aeeply, particularly in the facial region. The frenzy of such ceremonial expression of grief increased whenever friends or relatives came to pay their respects to the dead.4^ At the end of the period of mourning, which was usually of three or four days duration, all participants resumed their normal 4 5 cheerfulness. Lacerations might, however, be perpetuated by being stained with a tattooing pigment.

On the deatn of a husband the head wife, and sometimes other wives as well, would commit suicide, usually by strangu­ lation;^ their bodies would be buried with the chief.

Best expressed the view that this was not attributaDle to intense affections, but was merely a fulfillment of cultural 69. 49 expectations.

Privileges

All highborn women had a number of privileges associated with, and acting as support to, their status in the tribe.

These privileges presumably varied regionally for there are no consistent references to any one specific customary pre­

rogative throughout either tribal accounts or early observa­

tions; there is, however, mention of several different cus­

tomary rights and favors granted to chiefly women.

litters (kauamo matika) carried on the shoulders of male

attendants were often used for transporting women between 50 villages. On all public appearances, particularly when

representing her own tribe when viEiting neighborhood tribes,

or when acting as a ceremonial hostess for visitors, the high-

ranking woman would be dressed in finely woven, highly

decorative mats, with her hair elaborately decorated with 51 albatross feathers and lichens. Ngati Kahungunu women adorned their faces with marks in blue clay, which we re called 5 2 tuhi mareikura (symbols of the aareikura). The high-ranking women would wear tribal ornaments, highly valued greenstone 55 tiici and ear pendants, often heirlooms of the tribe. Within

the village her living quarters would be more elaborately decorated, particularly if she had been ascribed the status of a puhi. The furnishingB of the house would be the culturally 54- valued xai-taka and koro-wai mats, and dog-skin cloaks.'

Perfume would be scattered profusely throughout the building. ^ 70.

Regardless of rank all women labored in their cultivations

and there was little or no preferential treatment accorded to 56 those of higher rank.' In times of emergency all women were usually afforded more protection because of their potential value in coming to terms of peace. A victorious tribe who was in a position to annihilate totally their opponents would

defer to women of high birth by sparing their lives or letting 57 them escape to a related hapu.

Leading women in the victorious tribe were entitled to

additional claims to the spoils of war. Heads of defeated

chiefs elaborately ornamented with feathers were ceremoniously

placed before the leading woman or women of the tribe as a

sign of respect.^ If the woman had originally incited her

tribe to avenge an insult to, or a death of, one of her near

relations she might claim the prerogative of killing a cap­

tured chief of the conquered tribe by some metnod such as 59 slitting a vein and drinking his blood until he died.

Tattooing was not exclusively a prerogative of the high­

born individual, although the wealth required for payment oQ operated as a restriction on the universality of the custom,

women at puberty had their lips and chins tattooed with blue

dye, red lips being viewed with reproach as a sign of dis­

figurement;^ 1 if this facial tattooing faded it would be re- 6 2 peated to preserve the coloring. Bodily tattoing among

women was less common, although descriptions of tattooing on

breast, ''^ bacx,^, hips and legs^ are to be found; the majority of these instances appear to refer to women of rank.

A particular sign of rank was the ornamentation on the hack of the legs from heel to calf,'" or the execution of a fan- < rj shaped pattern on the lower abdominal region. Special implements were employed in tattooing this region, and these were kept separately in a limestone vessel with a deeply 6b carved sex symbol to designate its purpose.

'When the chief's eldest daughter was tattooed, a human being would be scrificed and eaten. The victim might some­ times be a slave, although more frequently a party would be sent oux to capture a member of another tribe for this pur­ pose. This slaying might precipitate warfare in later years with the voicing of the taunt, "You supplied the victim at our Sq ancestress' tattooing."i In a family of girls the younger sisters were often tattooed before the eldest, "to prepare H i the way" for her.'" a further ceremonial function, also involving similar sacrifice was tne ear-piercing of a daughter, performed w'hen she was approximately four years old. This would be carried out by a near relative, or a tribal experx, with an albatross-bone instrument, or one fashioned 71 from the bone of a slain enemy. 72.

FOOTNOTES

1. Hongi 1909:85; Best 1924a:I,346; Buck 1949:344.

2. Hongi 1909:65-86.

3. Whatahoro 1909:91.

4. Best 1922a:17; Best 1924b:91.

5. Best 1924a:I,348-349.

6. Tregear 1904:152.

7. Tu-nui-a-rangi 1905:101; Gudgeon 1865:53* Fletcher 1917:93; Ngata 1961:110,298; Jones 1945; Jones 1960:34«

6. Buller 1878:239* Shortlend 1856:103.

9. Buck 1949:345.

10. Biggs 1960:36.

11. Graham 1923:38; Best 1924a:II,451.

12. Biggs 19^0:36.

13. Best 1927:251ff; Grey 1953:166; Ngata 1961:18; Best 1924a: 1,407 5 Hendersoxg 1948:93.

14. Polack 1638:1,370; Gray 1953:160; Cowan 1921:98; Best 1927:251.

15. Makeret 1938:100.

16. Makereti 1938:91.

17. White 1887-90:11,158 (Maori).

Id. Polack 1838:11,4.

19. Grey 1953:109-112; White 1887-90:IV, 115-130. (Maori).

20. Te Hurinui 1945:14; Grey 1953:165-166.

21. Ngata 1961:110-112; also Ngata 1961:18, 182.

22. Cowan 1921:98.

23. Smith 1904:41. 73. 24. Beattie 1919:196} Cowan 1921:149.

25. Donne 1927:219.

26. Graham 1919:107} Best 1929:54.

27. Best 1904:43} Donne 1927:189} fciakereti 1938:65.

28* kakereti 1958:65.

29. Iviakereti 1938:66) Buck 1949:368,

30* Donne 1927:34.

31. Polack 1838:1,87; McNab 1908;375}Downes 1929:162; Lakereti 1938:89.

32. Downes 1929:162; Best 1924a:I,374.

33. Waning 1876;38; Nicholas 1817:1,269; Johnston 1874: 166; Hochstetter 1867:35o. ( 34. Elder 1934 :et>; Nicholas 1817:1,127; Earle 1832:68-69; Downes 1929:152.

35. Downes 1929:151; Jones 1960:138.

36. Best 1924a:I,469; Donne 1927:214; Downes 1929:158.

37. Donne 1927:214.

3t>. Locke 1882:451; White 1887-90:111,56-60; Pango-te-whare- auahi I905»o6ff.

39. Best 1927:252.

40. Johnstone 1874:12o.

41. Kelly 1949:260.

42. Angas 1647:iv; Nicholas 1817:1,399; Elder 1932:84, 215; Polack 1838:1,85; Buller 1878:219; Dieffenbach 1843:1,102; Earle 1832:248; Cruise 1957:43,94; Smith 1910:455.

43. Campbell 1881:174; Uaning 1876:48-49.

44. Buller 1878:219.

45. Nicholas 1817:1,118. 74.

46. Donne 1927:51.

47. Polack 1838:1,367} Cruise 1957:189-90; Donne 1927: 51} Smith 1910:454; Laning 1876:135»171; Elder 1934:76-77.

48. Polack 1838:1,75; Donne 1927:52.

49. Best 1924b:150.

50. Colenso 1880b:47; Smith 1906:77.

51. Smith 1906:77.

52. Best 1924a:I ,348.

53. Smith 1906:77.

5 4 . For details of the nature of different types of mats refer Buck 1926.

5 5 . White 18 8 7 - 9 0 :1 1 , 1 5 8 :(kaori).

56. Elder 1932:153.

57. Fletcher 1916:159; Smith 1910:216-217.

58. Earle 1832:197; Polack 1838:11,304.

59. I cEvven 1946:24; Locke 1882:440; Earle 1832:198; Taylor 1870:191.

bO. Polack 1838:1,386; Wright 1950:29; Shortland 1851:16.

61. Donne 1927:151; Elder 1934:137; White 1885:130; Duller 1878:171; Angas 1847:v; Beaglehole 1955:279; Banks 1896:231.

62. Best 1904a:172.

63. Cruise 1957:183; Donne 1927:141; Best l924a:II,550.

64. Tregear 1904:264.

65» Cowan 1910:154; Cruise 1957:183»

6 6 . Tregear 1904:265; Robley 1896:44.

67. Donne 1927:29» 141.

6 8 . Donne 1927:144.

69. Best 1897:38; Best 1902:16; Best 1924b:l45; Best 1925: 1063. 75.

70. Best 1904c:169.

71. Polack 1838:1,394; Best 1924b:154; Best 1925:1063; Best 1929:43. CHAPTER VII

RITUAL FUNCTIONS OP WOMEN

Special ritual functions of women were closely related to the nontabu element of the female sex. Women were employed to remove tabu associated with hov.se-building and with canoe construction, with the whare waAanga (school of learning), with warfare and with sickness. Women who were able to per­ form these functions were usually, although not necessarily, of high rank, and were either childless or pasx the age of childbearing; the fear was that karakia recited in tabu- lifting might seriously endanger the life of an unborn child.^

The presence of women, or more precisely of the female organs, was deemed destructive to sacredness, as was the presence 2 3 of cooked food. Por this reason there were no women priests;

women were, however, not infrequently seers, or mediums for 4 lesser gods, and were sometimes of considerable influence 5 in such a roie in directing operations in warfare. Luring the majority of tabu-lifting rituals -women ceremonially ate food cooked in a specially consecrated oven. Women so em­ ployed were Known as ruahlne.^ or, among Bay of Plenty 7 trioee, Kaihau or kairangi.

Concomitant with the special roles of women were various instances of exclusion attributable to the destructive ele­ ments associated with the female sex. Foremost among these restrictions was xhe exclusion of women from the majority of the schools of learning. A Ngai-Tahu account recorded by White stated that only one female, a sacred woman, would he admitted into the whare waananga, and that she functioned to protect, by incantations and ceremonies, the living spirits O (iuauri) ox the pupils. " Best maintained, however, that this was a special case and an exception to the general rule that women were excluded from all esoteric knowledge to avoid con- Q taminating the karakia and ceremonial rituals." High-ranking women had greater opportunities to enter the sacred precincts within which knowledge was imparted, and to be present for some of the lesser instruction. Such women could carry food to the door of the building, or to the edge of the outdoor region, and present the food, with recitation of appropriate incantations by carrier and recipient; if the woman who carried the food were from a junior family she would be re­ quired to stand some distance away and call to inform those inside that food was ready. 1 *1 At the end of a session of the whare waananga a ruahine would ceremonially lift the tabu from the participants, thus making it possible for them to return home to the common, nonsacred tribal area.1"*' White stated that the ruahine would pass cooked fern root under her 12 thigh during this ceremony; Best, however, regarded this as being a peculiar, localized custom.1^

All women were rigidly excluded from any house under con­ struction, particularly one designed ultimately for ceremonial functions.1^ A curious European woman approaching a partially completed house in the early nineteen-hundreds was forcibly 78. prevented by a Maori carver from crossing the threshold, and 15 overbalanced, to the confusion of all parties. At the completion of construction it was necessary to have a woman

officiate to remove tabu so that all members of the tribe might subsequently enter. This ceremony of takahi-paeoae

(crossing the threshold) was performed on the morning fol­

lowing priestly rituals; a woman of rank would enter through

the window carrying specially cooked kuaiara, eat, and depart

through the doorway.^ Donne described this ritual as being

performed by three women, all necessarily elderly and in per- 1 ? feet health. Similar restrictions against the presence of women applied to the construction of a canoe; when the canoe was completed tabu was ceremonially lifted by a woman.A

young, unmarried woman, known as a wahine rahiri, would be 19 employed to remove the tabu from a newly constructed pa.

It was necessary for a chiefly woman to consume the

sacred food prepared as an offering to propitiate the

guardian spirits to prevent the soul of a deceased chief 20 from becoming unlean (poka) or evil. warriors returning

from battle were tabu and could not return to their homes

or families until a priest had roasted kumara or taewa

(potato) with appropriate incantations, and nad given this 21 to a ruahine to eat. Best stated that the "woman employed

as ruwahine /ruahine/ is tapu for the time being," but gave

no indication as to how she was freed from this tabu. A

ruahine similar removed tabu after rituals had been carried 79. out to determine the cause, and cures, of illnesses which 22 had struck people of importance.

A man's loss of courage before warfare was attributed to a violation of tabu, and this was cured by letting a woman 23 step over his prostrate body. * Women were also prevailed upon to counteract the evil presence of a lizard; if a woman were to step over this no harm would befall the tribe.^

Greenstone could not be worked until a woman had ceremonially 25 lifted the tabu associated with it in its unworked slate.

On the reappearance of certain constellations, particularly the Jleiades, which marked the Deginning of the Laori year,- 27 and Canopus, which signaled the coming of frosts, women 28 would greet them with songs and dances. Best also made reference to women similarly greeting the new moon, and lamenting for those who had died during the last month; the 29 custom is not documented elsewhere.

A custom possibly confined to the South Island was the use of a woman's pubic hair to quell a storm which arose when a canoe was at sea; this was said to be an offering to 30 the sky-father, Rangi. In other regions a hair from a man's head would similarly be cast into the water to appease . 31 uangi.

There are a number of particular instances in which women were excluded or forbidden to take certain actions. 32 No woman might eat the flesh of the moa; nor was she per­ mitted to eat the tuatara for if she did so she would be surrounded by large numbers of these lizards, and attacked 33 by them. ' She could eat no food when in the presence of a chief wearing a plume of kotuku feathers; if she disobeyed, 34 her hair would fall out. Nor could she wear such plumes 35 herself. If the catch made by the males of the tribe in­ cluded snapper (tamure) or a variety of fishes, both men and women could eat the catch, but if only kahawai were obtained women could not eat it. Human flesh was prohibited to 37 women in the Taupo district, and possibly to most other tribes.''1 According to White there was an important distinc­ tion made between the flesh of enemies milled during Dattle, and that of slaves killed at other times, 'women could eat 39 the latter but if they ate the former, some disaster would befall the tribe. 40 A chief's daughter might consume a small portion of victims slain during a battle to remove tabu from 41 returning warriors.

No women were permitted to be present at the ceremonial 42 consecration of warriors immediately before battles. They were also expected xo veil their faces, regardless of rank, when approaching sacred places. h 'J The consequences of failing

xo observe this precaution were described in the Ngati Porou account of the famous ancestor kiwa and his daughter who were

journeying to a sacred island to remove tabu by lighting a

sacred fire. The daughter did not take the necessary precau- 44 tion at the sacred island and was turned to sxone. OOTNOTES

Best 1905:151; Best 1097:49; Best 1924a:I,261.

Best 1929:29.

Best 1924b:65.

Best 1924b:178; Shortland 1856:96; Earle 1852:145; Donne 1927:87} Ngata 1961:214.

Best 1902:68; Best 1925:1064-65.

Best 1903:151; Best 1897;49.

Best 1924a :1,271; Best I924b:205.

White 18 8 7 -9 0 :1 , 6 (Maori)

Best 1925c : 15; Best 1925:1107.

White 1887-90:1,7 (Maori).

Best 1924a:1 ,261 ; White 1887-90:1,6 (Maori).

White 1887-90:1,162 (Maori),

Best 1923c:10.

Donne 1927:24; Best 1924a:II,561; Best 1929:29.

Donne 1927:72.

Cowan 1910:178; Best I924b:17; Best 1925:784.

Donne 1927:25.

Graham 1921:166; Best 1929:29.

Best 1924a : II,341.

Tregear 1904:423-424.

Best 1897:49; White 1885:180-81; Best 1902:52; Best 1924a :II,298.

Best 1897:41; Best 1904d:229.

Best 1897:48-49; Best 1902:51; Best 1924a:II,228.

Best 1924a :1 ,107,226 ; Best 1925:1011. 82.

25. Graham 1943:49.

26. Best 1922d:12.

27. Best 1922c :27.

28. Best 1922c:24,44.

29. Best 1922c:121.

30. Smith 1917:118; White 1887-90:i,107 (Maori).

31. Best 1924b:209.

32. White 1925:172.

33. Best 1923:33.

34. White 1925:172.

35. Best 1924a:I,406.

36. Tregear 1904:138.

37. Taylor 1870:191; Best 1902:71.

38. Bonne 1927:133-34; Buck 1949:102.

39. Wilson 1 9 0 7 :4 8 .

40. White 1874:234; Smith 1910:414; Shortland 1856:248.

41. Shortland 1851:69; Shortland 1856:248; Donne 1927: 133-34.

42. Buller 1878:245-6; White 1885:173.

43. Tregear 1904:138.

44. White 1887-90:11,175-76 (Maori). CHAPTER VIII

WARFARE

Disputes leading to bloodshed and tribal warefare were extremely common in Maori society, and a number of these centered upon women, particularly those who had married into another tribe. Legends, songs and tribal accounts all testify to the large numbers of people who could be killed as a result of an insult to, or a misdemeanor by, a woman.^ Proverbially ix is said that He wahine, he whenua, e ngaro ai te tangata

(by women and land men are lost). Women's causative influ­ ence upon wars ranged through repercussions of "an immodest 3 glance," adultery, curses against relations by members of another hapu, and direct incitement to avenge the death of a husband or brother. The first of these could usually be settled without involving more than the loss of material 4 property in a retaliatory raid. un occasion, however, such violation would constitute sufficient reason to revive old arguments, from which a full-scale war could develop. In general, however, fighting was a more frequent consequence of a girl's secretly marrying a man of another tribe.

Adultery, however, was a much more serious offence than infringement of marriage patterns, and detection usually brought death to one or more of the participants.^ The location in which the couple were detected appears in some regions to have influenced the choice as to who was killed;

Nicholas stated that if detected in the woman's dwelling 84.

the man was regarded as the seducer and punished accordingly; 7 if m the man's the woman was promptly .killed. The extent to

which others were involved depended upon whether or not all

the participants were closely related. Death as a penalty

for this offence was accepted universally and for this reason

such deaths were not customarily avenged. In several instances

the injured husband or wife sent for support from his own

people and attacked the tribe of the offender, killing the

inhabitants of the village and eating the offender. 0 After

having killed his guilty wife and her two lovers, UenuKU gave Q his young son her cooked heart to eat.'

Under specific circumstances a different penalty might

be inflicted. High-ranking men captured in a previous battle

and classed as slaves would be made impotent if found with the

chief's wife, according to Makereti, who gave a vivid descrip­

tion of the manner in which this was accomplished. 10 An

earlier instance indicated that a chief forgave his wife for misbehaving with a slave set to guard her during his absence because it had been she who had instigated it; if it had been

the reverse, the slave would have been killed as food for them both. 1 1 Omens were sometimes used to detect or establish unfaithfulness during a husband's absence. Were a fisherman 12 to hook a fish in the abdomen or tail, or his wife to open

the oven for his return and the food to be only half cooked,1^

this constituted sufficient proof that the woman had been

unfaithful and the husband would seek retaliation against the 85. offender and his relatives.

Comments upon the causes of kaori warfare, despite

Johnstone's contention that the language had no means of transmitting insults,clearly distinguished between warfare resulting from disputes over women, and that resulting from insults directed to another tribe or individual, male or 15 female. Gudgeon postulated that the manga (curse or insult) was probably responsible for a greater reduction in popula­ tion that were arguments over either women or land.^ He also suggested that "the chief element of discord was the mana of their leading chiefs," which was more susceptible to 17 insult. While this distinction is undoubtedly necessary, it underemphasizes the role which women played in informing others of curses laid upon them, and in inciting warfare.

Women who were insulted away from home, or heard curses directed at near relations, would send messengers to tribes­ men, who immediately would make plans for avenging the 18 insults. quarrels within a hapu were less frequent and less disastrous.

Insults or defeats which could not immediately be avenged satisfactorily were remembered, and a grieving wife whose husband had been killed and who had herself been captured would dedicate a male child, frequently one yet unborn, to 19 accomplish the task. J In the lullaby composed for the infant he would be ritually dedicated to a warrior's life, and defiant curses referring to the future victim, or victims included. The infant was frequently named after an incident 8 6 .

or location of the battle, as a constant reminder of the need 20 for revenge. A husband or fatner dying under treacherous circumstances would be reassured that his death would be 21 suitably avenged. Te Ata&kura, mourning the loss of her father slain at sea by members of his own tribe, spoke the follov/ing words to her unborn son:

"E i, kia takatahi koe i roto i a au, he tane,

E ea i a koe te mate o toku papa."

(0 child whose movements I feel within me,

It will be your responsibility to avenge your father's

death.)

The young man later deliberately involved his tribe in war, 22 with the result that the slayers were suitably punished.

In other instances a woman might refuse to marry until the 23 death of a member of the family was avenged. 24 kaori women were not normally expected to fight, and 25 did so only in emergencies. Two common proverbs give clear

evidence of this expectation. The first, Ruia taitea, kia

tuu. ko taikaka anake (shake off the sapwood and let only the heartwood stand) indicates that women, children and slaves were to be left at home while the responsibilities of ware 26 belonged to the men. A clear occupational division between men and women is given in the following saying: He puta taua ki te tane, he whanau tama ki te wahine (the battlefield for 27 men, childbirth for women. These principles were implemented

in several ways. 87.

When advance warning of an enemy's arrival was given women and children would be sent to the inner portion of the 28 pa. usually the highest point within the protected area. u

Banks, in describing a group settling down for the night on what was probably a fishing expedition at tercury Bay in

1 7 6 9 , told of women and children being similarly assigned the inner circle while men lay with weapons close at hand 29 in case of assault. If a long siege were anticipated, the

pa would need to be adequately supplied with food, firewood, and water-filled gourds. Carrying such provisions was contrary to the tabu of warriors, and was consequently per- 29 formed by women and slaves, while the men attended to any necessary stockade repairs, cleared the ditches, and collected weapons. ^ In emergencies consideration of tabu might be overlooked if there were not enough women, and men would also carry cooked food into the central defense area.

When war parties went off to raid or attack, women were invariably left behind if blood vengeance were the real ob­ jective, for they were nor sufficiently tabu to cook food on 33 such an expedition. Women apparently accompanied some 34- ordinary raiding parties; this practice probably increased in frequency after great numbers of men were destroyed in the 35 nineteenth century. In particular, the women could incite 36 the warriors to fight harder, and in some instances they 37 gave advice on strategy.' Turi-ka-tuku, blind wife of Hongi

Hika, accompanied him on all his expeditions. ^ 0 Reliance 66 . upon a woman's recommendation was, however, not universal.

Te Akau, chief wife of the infamous Te Rauparaha, tried to discourage a visiting chief from joining in a battle, as he was armed only with a spear and the enemy had guns. Raparapa replied, "Who am I to be instructed by a woman!" Where men were absent from a £a and an attacx was launched, women themselves fought and often won.^

Women related consanguineally or affinally to both groups involved in war were free to move between them, particularly to pass in and out of a .¡¿a under siege. Tnis freedom of movement was manipulated advantageously on several occasions.

One party, learning that the besieged £a was without water, sent heavily salted food to lower the resistance of the in­ habitants, and won the war by this maneuver.^ Freedom of movement also enabled women to act as envoys to convey secret 4 0 instructions to an ally within an enemy group. Te a o - kapu-rangi, whose people were being attached by tne Nga Fuhi

into which she had married, persuaded her husband's leader to save her friends. His guarantee of safety exxenaed to all those who could pass between her legs; taxing advantage of a period of panic she stood straddled above the doorway of a large house and called her tribe to enter ana be saved.^

For ceremonial performances of the haka, or war dances, women joined equally with men, and, other than in clothing, 45 no discrimination was evident. The account given by

Nicholas of women participating in a sham fight shows this further; he observed that women did not generally parxicipate

in true warfare, and that "the passion for warlike prowess was only to be found among certain ladies of a more intrepid character than the rest," referring to the lack of participa­

tion by the majority of the female population. 40 In some haka the leading position of oukana would be taken by a woman who would move to the frunx of the column of cancers, loudly challenging the men, and support her words witn gestures. If the challenge was not accepted she would taunt them with lack of courage and strength until they responded appropriately.4^

Postural dances, also known as pukana. were used to incite watchers to begin or strengthen the battle.4® On rare occa­ sions they could serve a different purpose; young wo«en from the besieged Waimate pa who gathered on the parapets of the pa and began postural and action songs became so seductive in movements that the watching Waikato-maniapoto warriors were 4.9 too enamoured to continue fighting. * In the performance of a fraka at a gathering where peace reconciliations were formally, to be reached, women might not join immediately, letting their participation signal a reduction in the force and violence of 50 the dance. There is no evidence of warriors receiving specific training, other than attainment of proficiency in war dances, which required agility, coordination and exact timing. Elders of the tribe, both male and female, would 51 waxch the performances critically; if the demonstration was inadequate they would demand practice until perfection was 90. attained.^

The possibility that peacemaking by negotiation might be ineffective was recognized; the xerm for an arranged peace, rongo whatiwhaxi means peace which may be shattered. A male peace, rongo a marae (peace concluded by mediation of . 54 man), was not regarded as being firm or lasting, but as 5b possessing the potentiality for deceit and xrouole. In 56 contrast to this a female peace, rongo a whare or tatau 57 pouname, was reliable and relatively permanent. Te Heuheu said to his Ngati Kahungunu enemies when peace had been completed, "Now we will rnaXe peace for ever, for our daughter made peace, and a woman's peace is a lasting peace."

Examples of women being given to initiate or cement peaceful alliances are numerous and widespread throughout the country.

Disagreements ending in separation or pledges against attacxs could also be resolved or reinforced by intermarriage.^

After a series of victories against Waikato, culminating in defeat of Matakitaki pa, Nga Puhi spared some of the higher- born women, and returned two imprisoned chiefs, to leave

Waikato with an opportunity to make peace. The overture was readily accepted.^ Whe Pomare, prominent Nga Puhi chief, expressed a desire to renew hostilities with Waikato his sug­ gestion was received with a horrified reaction because he a p would be violating a peace made by intermarriage.

Gifts such as greenstone weapons would often be exchanged or presented together with women as additional signs of good 91 £ '2' intentions at a ceremonial day of peace-binding. * in addi­

tion, a male mountain in the territory of one tribe would

sometimes be married to a female one in that of the other b4 tribe, as was done between Tuhoe and Waikaremoanu tribes.

Polack stated that marriages were also instituted to 65 accommodate hostilities, although this does not appear to

have been frequent. His observation appears to have been

based on one northern example, where marriage feasting had

taken place, and at a pre-arranged signal, the visitors mas­

sacred the woman's people. Best recorded an instance where

a vindictive chief married his sister to an enemy, waiting until the feast in honor of the firstborn child to slaughter

the unsuspecting guest, whose last words indicated his dis­

gust at the treacherous act.^

The presence of women and intermarriage as an integral

part of peace arrangements clearly had a stabilizing influence,

the ramifications of which could continue indefinitely.

Children of these marriages were closely related to both

parties and acted to defer further hostilities, thus iii«Jcing

peaceful and continued contact easier. Affinal links were

less important thun were consanguineal, however, and could not

entirely negate the existence of disagreements and hostilities.

Proverbially it was stated that material connections could be fr 7 destroyed, but human bonds could not; Best commented that

such a principle, while undoubtedly based on fact, applied

only with limitations.

When a p>a was captured it was usual practice to kill 92. 6 almost all the inhabitants, whether men, women, or children. Q

Cook, Roux and Banks all thought that everyone was massacred, 70 and no prisoners taxen. This is supported by the practice of sometimes, or often, as Polack maintained, invading a village when it was known that all the warriors were absent either for other military activities or for food-gathering, and 71 slaughtering all who remained there. Gudgeon, however, declared one of the "great aims" of kaori warfare to be the capture of women and young children under such circumstances to procure slaves; he stated that numerous instances could 71 be given. The captives taken were usually women and children, 73 v/ho were then made secondary wives and slaves. When the \. Nga Puhi captured many women in their raids in the Wairarapa district they made them scrape flax and twist it with their long hair into ropes by which xhey were made to walk ahead 74 of the person leading them. Vayda suggested that this method may have facilitated loading the bacxs with plunder, uneaten human flesh and heads of major chiefs killed during 75 previous frays. Some women escaped by cutting the ropes 7 ft with sharp shells.’ Other women were held by flax ropes 77 tied around their wrists as handcuffs. 93.

FOOTNOTES

1. Gudgeon 1893c:195-196; Hongi 1896:112; Best 1902:16.

2. Best 1924a:I,397; Best 1902:13. A similar expression is found in Baucke 1928:27.

3. Johnstone 1874:103.

4. Cowan 1910:158.

5. Gudgeon 1895:28; White 1885:167.

6. Polack 1838:1,237; Elder 1932:20; Elder 1934:69; Beattie 1922:140; Earle 1832:82-83; Gudgeon 1892:16.

7. Nicholas 1817:II»76

8. Gudgeon 1895a:27; Gudgeon 1904b:257-58; Te Kua.hu 1901:89; Nicholas 1817:11,76.

9. Gudgeon 18946:216; White 1887-90:II,II(kaori)

10. Makereti 1938:90-9.

11. Pango-te-whare-auahi 1905:71-72.

12. Kelly 1949:91; Best 1924a:I,474.

13. Kelly 1949:127.

14. Johnstone 1874:104.

15. Polack 1838:11,49-50; (

16. Gudgeon 1907:29.

17. Gudgeon 1905a:64.

18. Grey 1953:71; Gudgeon 1885:48; Gudgeon 1895a:21.

19. Best 1902:139; I/aro-Pounas&u 1893:51-54; Gudgeon 1904b: 63. Ngata 1959:52,112-115.170; Ngata 1961:66.

20. Gudgeon 1904:183; Wilson 1907:22.

21. Best 1902:158.

22. Turei 1911:26.

23. Pango-te-whare-auahi 1905:73-74. 94.

24. Nicholas 1617:1,122-123; Smith 1910:499; Ball 1940: 269; Best 1931:67-68.

29. Best 1927:116; 122-23; Wilson 1907:219» Earle 1832:211.

26. Colenso 1879:137; Grey 1897:61-82.

27. Ninoniho 1913:91; Firth 1926:263-64; Kohere 1991:26.

28. Earle 1832:177; Bauoke 1928;61; Smith 1910:499; White 1 8 8 7 -9 0 :1 1 , 8 6 (Maori).

29. Banks 1896:196,

30. Laning 1876:33; Back 1923:741; Smith 1696:78.

3 1 . kaning 1 8 7 6 :4 0 .

32. LcDonnell 1887:993, citing Toenga Pou, tohunga of Fopoto.

33. white 1889:179; Elder 1932;279.

34. Taylor 1870:189; Henderson 1948:97; Best I924a:II,231 338.

39. Cowan 1910:233; Best 1902:79.

36. Best 1902:79.

37. Henderson 1948:97; Lambert 1929:334.

38. Elder 1934:72; Smith 1910:199; Polacm 1636:11,189.

39. Smith 1909:62; Jones 1960:72.

40. Best 1902:79; Downes 1919:98.

41. Best 1901b:149-46; White 1887-90:11,64 (kaori).

42. Hongi 1911:66.

43. Downes 1916:42; Smith 1910:60; T&rakawa 1900:72; Rimini 1892:190; Gudgeon 1894b:217.

44. Smith 1910:293, citing K&ir; Ngata 1961:304.

4 9. Nicholas 1817:1,364; E’arle 1832:70; Polack 1838:1, 61-2, 143.

4 6 . Nicholas 1817:1,200.

47. Donne 1927:128. 95.

48. Jones 1960:150.

49. Jones 1960:151.

50. Nicholas 1817:11,109-110.

51. Gudgeon 1907:245.

52. Buck 1949:391.

53. Best 1903:198} Best 1924a:II,300.

54. Williams 1957:246.

55. Nihoniho 1913:57.

56. williams 1957:346; Best 1924a:II 300.

57. Best 1903:201; Smith 1910:367; Jones 1960:148.

58. Downes 1916:42.

59. Smith 1910:14; Kelly 1949:163; Best 1912:107; Downes 1916:85; Graham 1920:40; Nicholas 1817:1,394; Rimini 1892:152; Wilson 1907:206; Pango-te-whare-auahi 1905: 72-73.

60. Cowan 1910:69; Fletcher 1916:160; Best 19016:143*

61. Tarakawa 1900:82; Elder 1932:267; Downes 1910:88; Pirth 1929:282.

62. Smith 1910:376; Kelly 1949:370.

63. Smith 1910:367; Best 1903:201; Best 1899:117.

64. Smith 1910:367; Best 1903:201; Best 1899:117.

65. Polack 1838:1,204-206.

66. Best 1902:19; Smith 1910:353-55; Colenso 1880b:45.

67. Colenso 1879:123.

68. Best 1929b:34.

69. Buller 1893:578.

70. Beaglehole 1955:282; Roux 1840:400-01; Banks 1896:230.

71. Polacie 1840:1], 23. 96.

72. Gudgeon 1893:114.

73. Earle 1832:196-97? Cruise 1957:91; Smith 1910:166; White 1887-90:11,9; Cowan 1910:4.

74. Best 1903:163.

75. Vayda 1960:103-104.

76. Smith 1910:118; Best 1903:163»

77. Johnstone 1874:71. CHAPTER IX

CONCLUSION

Summary

Sex permeated all aspects of Maori life, although it was most clearly expressed in symbolic mythology, in which many

natural objects were personified and given the attribute of

sex. Culturally, the role of women was made clear in the

account of their creation. The first woman was formed out

of a mound of earth and impregnated by her male creator with

a life spirit. Prom this, woman was regarded as being a

passive receptacle for the dominant male spirit. Later myth­

ology developed also an emphasis upon woman as nonsacred and

destructive, and many of women's activities, both prescribed

and proscribed, emerged from this belief.

To contract a satisfactory marriage a young woman was

expected to be both physically attractive and economically

sxilled in all household tasks. Training for each of these

complexes of traits began early with physical massage of

infants, encouragement in dancing, and guidance in imitating

female relatives in their economic activities. Marriage could

take place between all relationships beyond the level of

second cousins; usually some degree of genealogical related­

ness was preferred. A young girl could initiate a premarital

liaison, which might later become accepted as a marriage; more

frequently, however, the choice of husband would be made for

her by her male relations. Although ceremonial rituals were

apparently performed over high ranking couples, marriage 9b.

itself depended upon recognition of sexual intercourse, the

satisfactory conclusion of discussion, and the resolution

of any conflicts between various parties. Chiefs were usually polygamous, the reasons advanced for this praotice most commonly being an enhancement of prestige and of econ­ omic wealth, and a desire for many children.

Labor within the household itself was divided in accordance with the physical strength required for various tasks, and depended upon woman's destructive influence. Where

sacredness might be destroyed by the presence of women, such activities were proscribed; where the sacredness of men would

be lessened by undertaking certain tasxs, these were left to women.

Childbirth was accepted as one of the most important of woman's functions and children were greatly desired, males to become warriors, females to contract political alliances, kagico-religious rites might be performed by barren women to induce conception. Low-ranking women bore their children with a minimum of ritual, high-ranking women had bujldings especially constructed for the birth of their children, attendants, arid the assistance of a priest to recite spells and genealogies. Since all aspects of birth were sacred, both mother and child would be ritually purified shortly after birth, ftale infants underwent ceremonial baptism and dedication to military or agricultural pursuits; female infants seldom received such treatment but were dedicated in lullabies to preparing food, providing clothing, and enter­ taining visitors. 99.

Education of young children was the responsibility of ail members of the community, particularly the women, As the child grew older he would, if a boy, be instructed by close male relatives; if a girl, by females. By initiation and by direct instruction, a girl would be trained in all domestic activities, informed of the restrictions imposed upon her during menstruation, given specific training in weaving and taught the values and legends of her culture.

Sexually she was free to behave as she wished until she was married; such freedom stopped abruptly after marriage.

The extent to which women owned property is difficult to ascertain, particularly in regard to iana, about which no definite conclusions can be drawn. Personal ornaments and household possessions were individually owned and transmitted, more valued ornaments were tribally owned ana neld in trust by the chief and his family.

highborn women occupied a prominent position in maori society. Although not eligible for leadership, they received privileged treatment and were honored as symbols of the entire tribe. This applied particularly to tne puhi, or institution­ alized tribal virgin, who was expected to act as tribal hostess, and to contract a political marriage wnen this was expedient for the welfare of tne trioe. Hospitality was a virtue expected from all women; they welcomed, accommodated, and entertained all guests. Highborn women were entitled to own more valuable property, to wear tribal ornaments, and to claim the spoils of war. Greater ceremony accompanied all 1 0 0 . their rites de passage. Ritual functions of highborn women were many. In general, all women, because of their nonsacred- ness, were forbidden to have contact with any tabu article or ritual. The services of a highborn woman were, nov/ever, essential to free male participants from severe tabu so that they could return to normal occupations.

Women proverbially were responsible, by misdemeanor or deliberate incitation, for the greater number of kaori wars.

Adultery, the penalty for which usually involved the death of one or both parties, was the most frequent provocation of warfare. Except in emergencies women did not fight, and were protected as far as practical. They were accorded greater freedom of movement between groups, particularly if related to both, and this freedom was frequently used to inixiate peace negotiations. Fighting was customarily concluded by chiefly women of the defeated tribe being given to the victors.

When a tribe was totally defeateu and most of its warriors kilned, women were captured as secondary wives for the victors.

Evaluation

This thesis has been an endeavor to reconstruct the role of Maori women in traditional family and tribal life, and to present a general picture consistent with the prevailing cul­ tural patterns. The investigation has involved collation, organization, and reinterpretation of all data available from a variety of sources. Contradictions within the data have been presented and resolved wherever possible. 1 0 1 .

Some of the advantages in undertaking such a study have already been presented in the introduction to this work.

Despite the unusually large body of materials relating to

Maori women there has been no coherent attempt to present these meaningfully. This study is intended to become one in a series dealing with aspects and institutions of Maori cul­ ture. Tne series as a whole can be expecxed to contribute substantially to a better understanding of traditional Maori culture, a subject of intrinsic value in itself. In addition, clearer knowledge of traditional values facilitates tolerance and acceptance of many contemporary patterns of Maori behavior, for example, premarital sexual freedom, marriages arranged by elders, and families with ten or more children.

Ivany inadequacies in the primary sources examined have become evident in this thesis, making a comprehensive picture difficult to obtain. Comparable incompleteness has been found by other contemporary students of traditional Maori culture and cannot be totally overcome. A considerable number of original Maori texts, yet to be translated a¡.u classified, are accessible in the Auckland Ihiblic Library, N.Z., the

Alexander Turnbull Library, N.Z., and the Mitchell Library,

Sydney, Australia. The extent to which these texts are relevant can only be determined after further examination.

Hopefully some of the inadequacies in this thesis can be eliminated by these texts. Private documents held by histor­ ians in New Zealand and manuscripts now owned by prominent

Maoris, have also been promised me, but could not be incorporated 1 0 2 . into the present thesis as the owners do not wish their papers to leave the country.

One further possibility for research emerges from recent developments within psycholinguistics, and the increasing refinement of techniques for content analysis, which make the potential examination of both legends and songs more feasible.

Further collections of songs, and revised translations, are now being prepared for publication, and the examination of their content themes may well furnish the material for a future paper by an interested student. BIBLIOGRAPHY 104.

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