Greece, Cyprus, Turkey, 1973–1976

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Greece, Cyprus, Turkey, 1973–1976 1330_A1-A8.qxd 9/20/07 9:11 AM Page 1 310-567/B428-S/11007 Greece, Cyprus, Turkey, 1973–1976 Greece 1. Memorandum From the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger) to President Nixon1 Washington, March 30, 1973. SUBJECT Letter to Prime Minister Papadopoulos As US assistance recipients improve their economic condition, it has been our practice to shift them gradually from grant military as- sistance to foreign military sales credits. You may recall that Iran took this step shortly after your visit in May last year. Several other coun- tries were considered to make this transition in FY 1974. Greece was one of them. When the Greek government learned of this, they decided to do the same thing that Iran did last spring—take themselves off the grant list. They judged that the amount of money had become quite small and that their being on the recipient list subjected them to con- tinued Congressional criticism. They preferred to initiate the termina- tion of grant military assistance. Greece will receive $65 million in mil- itary sales credits in FY 1974. Prime Minister Papadopoulos wrote you a letter [Tab B]2 explain- ing Greece’s step. There was some misunderstanding at the Greek end of what was involved, so there has had to be continuing technical dis- cussion over the practical elements of terminating grant assistance so that the Greeks would not do themselves out of some aid that was in the pipeline. However, those discussions need not affect your reply. At Tab A is a suggested reply to the Prime Minister treating this transition in a low key way and expressing appreciation for Greece’s contribution to NATO. 1 Source: National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials, NSC Files, Box 754, Pres- idential Correspondence File, Greece (Papadopoulos). Secret. Sent for action. 2 Dated January 11; attached but not printed. All brackets are in the original. 1 1330_A1-A8.qxd 9/20/07 9:11 AM Page 2 310-567/B428-S/11007 2 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXX Recommendation: That you sign the letter to Prime Minister Pa- padopoulos at Tab A. [Text cleared with Mr. Gergen.]3 3 Nixon signed the letter on April 26; attached but not printed. 2. Telegram From the Embassy in Greece to the Department of State1 Athens, April 21, 1973, 1115Z. 2400. Subj: Greek Prime Minister Confronts Serious Problems. Summary: Greek regime in recent months has been unable to deal decisively and in timely fashion with variety serious problems, e.g., universities and student unrest, detention of seven lawyers without charges, arrest of Professor Tsatsos of Bonn University, etc. At same time while Admiral Norton, Chief of British Defense Staff’s visit was exploited for needed positive publicity, escalation of violence in Cyprus and squabbling within Greek Orthodox Church have cast additional doubts on competence of GOG leadership. Rising level of internal pub- lic criticism of GOG coupled with heightened complaints from Greek military rounds out dreary picture for Prime Minister Papadopoulos. Question arises as to viability of Prime Minister vis-à-vis his colleagues within regime. Remains to be seen whether PM can or will exert strong leadership based on full implementation of 1968 Constitution. End summary. 1. Prime Minister must be increasingly aware he faces problem of developing sufficient forward progress on the political side to elimi- nate charges of stagnation and lack of direction. Early concrete steps to implement the 1968 Constitution could get him off the hook. For ex- ample, such concrete steps would involve the establishment of consti- tutional court and putting into effect draft electoral law allowing for organization of political parties, as well as fixing of a date for elections, at some distance in the future, however. Recent developments in in- ternal situation are putting him under greater presure for action. 2. Events in recent months have not improved image of GOG. Number of unresolved problems has increased, causing embarrass- 1 Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Files 1970–73, POL 15–1 GREECE. Se- cret; Exdis. 1330_A1-A8.qxd 9/20/07 9:11 AM Page 3 310-567/B428-S/11007 Greece 3 ment and highlighting regime inability to take decisions in timely fash- ion. For example, despite fact it has been clear for some time that ar- chaic university administration and growing student dissatisfaction were likely to present problem, regime failed to come to grips with is- sues posed. When recent student difficulties erupted into confronta- tion that required resort to drastic measures to bring situation under control GOG reacted rashly, particularly in its resort to draft and in means police used in restoring order. Criticism produced by this affair in Greece and abroad added new element of uneasiness and tension in political environment. 3. Difficulties arising from GOG fumbling on student problem were compounded by untimely arrest of seven lawyers who were pub- licly identified as legitimate defense counselors for detained students, even though there is little doubt they engaged in other activities con- sidered subversive. GOG refusal to receive representatives of Interna- tional Commission of Jurists and American Bar Association, while it may have been justified on narrow legal basis considered from inter- nal standpoint, was poor public relations abroad since it lost GOG op- portunity to put its version of facts on record. 4. Similarly inept move was GOG arrest of Greek Professor Tsat- sos of Bonn University. His arrest, for which no reason yet given pub- licly but Embassy understands involves his extensive contacts with op- position elements here and abroad, came just at time that GOG discussing and arranging date for visit of German Foreign Minister Scheel to Athens, as well as shortly before SPD Party Congress at which GOG must have been aware FRG Chancellor Brandt would face hos- tile critics of regime. As result product of SPD Congress was perhaps sharper in its anti-regime focus than might otherwise have been the case, and a considerable cloud has been cast upon prospective Scheel visit this calendar year. 5. On other hand Prime Minister was able to extract maximum publicity value from visit of Admiral Norton, Chief of British Defense Staff by insuring Norton received red carpet treatment and providing full press and TV coverage, including prominent front page pictures of Norton, British Ambassador and himself. To some extent, however, question in House of Commons on desirability of such visits inasmuch as they implied support for GOG, undercut PM, particularly after HMG response made plain visit was military in character and not intended to have political implications. 6. To add to PM’s woes, public image of Greek Orthodox Church under GOG-chosen head Archbishop Ieronymos is in deplorable state. Continuing ecclesiastical problems, including profferred resignation of Archbishop, must have produced considerable uneasiness among Greek public generally. 1330_A1-A8.qxd 9/20/07 9:11 AM Page 4 310-567/B428-S/11007 4 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXX 7. Escalating violence in Cyprus, most of which turns upon dif- ferences between pro-Makarios and pro-Grivas Greek Cypriots, also casts unfavorable light upon GOG leadership. Here again image of regime and govt have seriously depreciated. Greek inability to unify Greek Cypriot elements, given its announced claim to lead the Hel- lenistic world, could adversely affect overriding objective of maintain- ing strong and friendly Greek-Turkish relationship. Athens regime seems to realize critical character of problem it faces in Cyprus but has so far demonstrated inability to master developments on island rather than be mastered by them. 8. While grounds of revival of Vice President Agnew’s Drake Uni- versity statement over past weekend remains somewhat obscure, it seems clear that it was surfaced for government’s purposes. It balanced critical resolutions of SPD Congress, and it also served to remind Greek public that GOG has important friends in U.S., irrespective of hostility shown by certain European political leaders. 9. On economic side, GOG has also demonstrated considerable in- eptitude in face of inflation, meat shortage problem, pressure for in- creased wages, and inability to initiate key economic development proj- ects involving foreign investments. 10. Government has either deliberately or by inadvertence per- mitted development of considerably higher level of direct criticisms within country as evidenced by such publications as “political the- mata” and regular Greek press which have taxed GOG for its failure to cope with wide variety of current problems. Coupled with public- ity regarding seven detained lawyers and university problems, these criticisms take on added psychological significance since they con- tribute to creation of atmosphere in which opposition groups within Greek society are feeling somewhat freer about revealing their own opinion about current situation. Rising level of such critical comment could compel PM to face choice between new and genuine clamp-down and present “shadow of martial law” posture that permits “tolerable” level of dissent, reviving this area of intra-regime friction. 11. The problems above have not been lost on the military who in- dividually have increased their complaint level. This apparently has allowed Chief of Military Police, Col. Dimitrios Ioannidis, who often opts for a much harder line, an increased voice in governmental mat- ters through adroit exploitation of officer complaints. It is difficult to come to grips with the existence or exact size of dissident conspirato- rial groups in the Army who may have plans to seize upon this op- portunity to move against the Prime Minister. Such a move if carried out by the military with a view toward extricating the Army from gov- ernment would probably receive a large majority of support both in the military and the population.
Recommended publications
  • A Mapping of Their Great Divide and Its EU Implications
    European Research Studies Journal Volume XXI, Issue 3, 2018 pp. 14 - 42 Germany and Greece: A Mapping of their Great Divide and its EU Implications George C. Bitros1 Abstract: The economic constitutions of Germany and Greece have resulted in the post-war period in two economies that are based on two vastly different philosophies. Germany has built a highly competitive, outward looking economy based essentially on the principles of the so-called “Social Market Economy”, whereas Greece has set up a “state- managed economy” by drawing on the principles of central planning and administrative controls. This divide is equally stark, if assessed on the basis of the performance of the two economies. For, as it is known by now, Germany has become once again the powerhouse of Europe while Greece has gone bankrupt. As to the implications of this great divide for the future of the EU, its identification and map- ping helps understand why convergence criteria on the basis of economic performance and living standards should be abandoned in favour of criteria based on the widening and deep- ening of the four European freedoms. A multispeed Euroland enmeshed in these freedoms is going to be more democratic, more cohesive and a much happier union for the European citizens to call homeland. Keywords: Social market economy, central planning, economic performance, structural differences, four European freedoms. JEL Classification: E02, F02, P51, H1, L5. 1Emeritus Professor of Political Economy, Athens University of Economics and Business, e- mail: [email protected] G.C. Bitros 15 1. Introduction2 The visionaries who embarked in the 1950s on the monumental project of Europe- an unification aimed initially at economic integration.
    [Show full text]
  • George C. Bitros
    WORKING PAPER SERIES 06-2017 Germany and Greece: A mapping of their great divide and its EU implications George C. Bitros Πατησίων 76, 104 34 Αθήνα. Tηλ.: 210 8203303‐5 / Fax: 210 8238249 76, Patission Street, Athens 104 34 Greece. Tel.: (+30) 210 8203303‐5 / Fax: (+30) 210 8238249 E‐mail: [email protected] / www.aueb.gr 1 Germany and Greece: A mapping of their great divide and its EU implications By George C. Bitros Emeritus Professor of Political Economy Athens University of Economics and Business Abstract The economic constitutions of Germany and Greece have resulted in the postwar period in two economies that are based on two vastly different philosophies. Germany has built a highly competitive, outward looking economy based essentially on the principles of the so-called “Social Market Economy”, whereas Greece has set up a “state-managed econ- omy” by drawing on the principles of central planning and administrative controls. This divide is equally stark, if assessed on the basis of the performance of the two economies. For, as it is known by now, Germany has become once again the powerhouse of Europe while Greece has gone bankrupt. As to the implications of this great divide for the future of the EU, its identification and mapping helps understand why convergence criteria on the basis of economic performance and living standards should be abandoned in favor of criteria based on the widening and deepening of the four European freedoms. A multi- speed Euroland enmeshed in these freedoms is going to be more democratic, more cohe- sive and a much happier union for the European citizens to call homeland.
    [Show full text]
  • Greek Elections 2012: a Political Crisis As an Anti-Marketing Tool for Traditional Parties
    American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 3 No. 1; January 2013 Greek Elections 2012: A Political Crisis as an Anti-Marketing Tool for Traditional Parties Dr. Nasios Orinos European University Cyprus Kastorias 6A, Lykavitos, 1055, Nicosia, Cyprus Abstract This article strives to answer the question how a political crisis can be an anti-marketing tool for traditional parties. It presents a road map of the 2012 Greek Parliamentary Elections. It begins with a discussion of the context within which the elections have taken part, explaining how the memorandum and the bailout agreement imposed have impacted the country. It reviews the Greek election law and discusses the campaign strategies and tactics that have been used historically. But foremost the article tries to bridge between the two elections, 6th of May 2012 and 17th of June 2012, presenting the strategies used in those, while discussing and analyzing the campaigns used by the two major parties now in Greece, New Democracy and SYRIZA. It concludes by presenting the results of the two elections noting the huge percentage drop of PASOK and the end of two-party system, synthesizing it with the impact these results will have on the country. Keywords: Pasok , Syriza, New Democracy, Memorandum 1. Introduction Newman (1999) highlighted that marketing strategy lies at the heart of electoral success because it induces a campaign to put together, in a relatively short period of time, a forceful organization that mobilizes support and generates a winning coalition of disparate and sometimes conflicting groups. Garecht (2010) has posed a question. Why on earth would we want to get involved in politics? As he noted, the political lifestyle seems enjoyable.
    [Show full text]
  • The Athens Polytechnic Uprising: Myth and Reality
    American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 3 No. 8; August 2013 The Athens Polytechnic Uprising: Myth and Reality Marianthi Kotea Department of Sociology Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences Athens-Greece Abstract The following text investigates how specific urban places, such as buildings, squares or streets, become symbols of contestation of established order. It uses as study case the Athens Polytechnic uprising and focuses on how and why the main building of the National Technical University of Athens (Polytechnio) and the surrounding area at Exarchia became symbol of resistance against tyranny and foreign dependence. The investigation is concentrated on three topics: a) the meaning of the ritual which has been established by the celebration of the event over the years, b) the circumstances which allowed the historical event to become not only symbol of the struggle against dictatorship but also emblem for anarchism and for terrorism, c) the delayed recognition of the Greek people’s Resistance against dictatorship by the Parliament. The outcome of the investigation is that the polytechnic uprising was established as symbol of resistance by the entire Greek Left, though socialists, communists and anarchists don’t share the same visions. Eventually the event was established as a national holiday by the Greek Parliament after a 26-year-delay, that is in 1999 26th August. At that time the left ideology was a spent force for the majority of Youth, which didn’t threaten the economic and social status quo any more. Nowadays unfortunately the visions of the polytechnic uprising for freedom, democracy, national independence, progress and social justice seem to be the solution of current crisis… Keywords: revolutionary place-making, urban space, riots, political changeover, symbol of resistance, Exharhia, anarchism, terrorism, memory politics, commemoration festivities, national holiday 1.
    [Show full text]
  • 93323765-Mack-Ridge-Language-And
    Language and National Identity in Greece 1766–1976 This page intentionally left blank Language and National Identity in Greece 1766–1976 PETER MACKRIDGE 1 3 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford ox2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © Peter Mackridge 2009 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2009 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose the same condition on any acquirer British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Mackridge, Peter.
    [Show full text]
  • Investing in the Roots of Your Political Ancestors
    This is a repository copy of Investing in the roots of your political ancestors. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/174651/ Version: Published Version Monograph: Kammas, P., Poulima, M. and Sarantides, V. orcid.org/0000-0001-9096-4505 (2021) Investing in the roots of your political ancestors. Working Paper. Sheffield Economic Research Paper Series, 2021004 (2021004). Department of Economics, University of Sheffield , Sheffield. ISSN 1749-8368 © 2021 The Author(s). For reuse permissions, please contact the Author(s). Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Department Of Economics Investing in the roots of your political ancestors Pantelis Kammas, Maria Poulima and Vassilis Sarantides Sheffield Economic Research Paper Series SERPS no. 2021004 ISSN 1749-8368 April 2021 Investing in the roots of your political ancestors Pantelis Kammasa, Maria Poulimab and Vassilis Sarantidesc a Athens University of Economics and Business, Patission 76, Athens 10434, Greece.
    [Show full text]
  • Confidential: for Review Only
    BMJ Confidential: For Review Only Does the stress of politics kill? An observational study comparing premature mortality of elected leaders to runner-ups in national elections of 8 countries Journal: BMJ Manuscript ID BMJ.2015.029691 Article Type: Christmas BMJ Journal: BMJ Date Submitted by the Author: 02-Oct-2015 Complete List of Authors: Abola, Matthew; Case Western Reserve University School of Medicine, Olenski, Andrew; Harvard Medical School, Health Care Policy Jena, Anupam; Harvard Medical School, Health Care Policy Keywords: premature mortality, politics https://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/bmj Page 1 of 46 BMJ 1 2 3 Does the stress of politics kill? An observational study comparing accelerated 4 5 6 mortality of elected leaders to runners-up in national elections of 17 countries 7 8 Confidential: For Review Only 9 10 1 2 3 11 Andrew R. Olenski, B.A., Matthew V. Abola, B.A., , Anupam B. Jena, M.D, Ph.D. 12 13 14 15 1 Research assistant, Department of Health Care Policy, Harvard Medical School, 180 16 Longwood Avenue, Boston, MA 02115. Email: [email protected] . 17 18 2 19 Medical student, Case Western Reserve University School of Medicine, 2109 Adelbert 20 Rd., Cleveland, OH 44106. Phone: 216-286-4923; Email: [email protected]. 21 22 3 Associate Professor, Department of Health Care Policy, Harvard Medical School, 180 23 24 Longwood Avenue, Boston, MA 02115; Tel: 617-432-8322; Department of Medicine, 25 Massachusetts General Hospital, Boston, MA; and National Bureau of Economic 26 Research, Cambridge, MA. Email: [email protected]. 27 28 29 30 31 Corresponding author from which reprints should be requested: 32 33 Anupam Jena, M.D., Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • Chalkou, Maria (2008) Towards the Creation of 'Quality' Greek National Cinema in the 1960S
    Chalkou, Maria (2008) Towards the creation of 'quality' Greek national cinema in the 1960s. PhD thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1882/ Copyright and moral rights for this thesis are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Glasgow Theses Service http://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] TOWARDS THE CREATION OF ‘QUALITY’ GREEK NATIONAL CINEMA IN THE 1960S by Maria Chalkou Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of PhD Department of Theatre, Film & Television Studies Faculty of Arts University of Glasgow Supported by the State Scholarship Foundation of Greece (I.K.Y.) 6 December 2008 CONTENTS ABSTRACT (1) INTRODUCTION (2-11) 1. THE ORIGINS OF NEK: SOCIOPOLITICAL, CULTURAL, LEGISLATIVE AND CINEMATIC FRAMEWORK, AND THE NATIONAL CINEMA DEBATE (12-62) 1.1 The 1960s: the sociopolitical and cultural framework (13-20) 1.2 The commercial film industry and the development of two coexisting and intersecting film cultures (20-27) 1.3 The state’s institutional and financial involvement in cinema: the beginning of a new direction (27-33) 1.4 The public debate over a ‘valued’ Greek national cinema (34-63) a.
    [Show full text]
  • Investing in Long-Run Partisan Loyalty: Empirical Evidence from Post-Dictatorial Greece
    Investing in long-run partisan loyalty: Empirical evidence from post-dictatorial Greece Pantelis Kammasa , Maria Poulimab and Vassilis Sarantidesc a Athens University of Economics and Business, Patission 76, Athens 10434, Greece. [email protected] b Department of Economics, University of Ioannina, P.O. Box 1186, 45110 Ioannina, Greece [email protected] c Department of Economics, University of Sheffield, 9 Mappin Str, Sheffield S1 4DT, UK. [email protected] July 7, 2019 Abstract: This paper examines the role of political incentives in the geographical allocation of public investment in 52 NUTS3-level regions in Greece during the period 1975-1989. Using a novel dataset of decomposed total public investment in nine subcategories (e.g., helath), our analysis indicates that both conservative (1975-1981) and socialist governments (1982-1989) followed vote-maximising strategies. To mitigate endogeneity concerns in our estimates, we provide this evidence based on a difference-in-difference framework that exploits the regime change that occurred in 1981 as a source of exogenous variation in the distribution of political support within the Greek territory. We argue that the main driving of the observed political distortions is long-run partisan loyalty. To put it more simply, parties that dominated in the post-dictatorial period channelled resources in regions that their ancestor pre-coup parties obtained a higher victory margin. We further argue that loyalty establishes strong personalistic networks at the regional level that in turn affect the spatial allocation of public capital. To this end, we show that loyal prefectures are more likely to have strong MP’s with deep family roots in the parliament and/or MP’s with ministerial positions that in both cases can be proven powerful weapons in resource allocation.
    [Show full text]
  • Greece; Cyprus; Turkey, 1973–1976
    1330_chfm.qxd 9/20/07 9:09 AM Page 1 310-567/B428-S/11007 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976 Volume XXX Greece; Cyprus; Turkey, 1973–1976 Editor Laurie Van Hook General Editor Edward C. Keefer United States Government Printing Office Washington 2007 1330_chfm.qxd 9/20/07 9:09 AM Page 2 310-567/B428-S/11007 DEPARTMENT OF STATE PUBLICATION 11444 OFFICE OF THE HISTORIAN BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS For sale by the U.S. Government Printing Office Superintendent of Documents, Mail Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402-9328 1330_chfm.qxd 9/20/07 9:09 AM Page III 310-567/B428-S/11007 Preface The Foreign Relations of the United States series presents the official documentary historical record of major foreign policy decisions and significant diplomatic activity of the United States Government. The Historian of the Department of State is charged with the responsibil- ity for the preparation of the Foreign Relations series. The staff of the Office of the Historian, Bureau of Public Affairs, under the direction of the General Editor of the Foreign Relations series, plans, researches, compiles, and edits the volumes in the series. Secretary of State Frank B. Kellogg first promulgated official regulations codifying specific stan- dards for the selection and editing of documents for the series on March 26, 1925. These regulations, with minor modifications, guided the se- ries through 1991. Public Law 102–138, the Foreign Relations Authorization Act, which was signed by President George H.W. Bush on October 28, 1991, established a new statutory charter for the preparation of the series.
    [Show full text]
  • Investing in the Roots of Your Political Ancestors
    Department Of Economics Investing in the roots of your political ancestors Pantelis Kammas, Maria Poulima and Vassilis Sarantides Sheffield Economic Research Paper Series SERPS no. 2021004 ISSN 1749-8368 April 2021 Investing in the roots of your political ancestors Pantelis Kammasa, Maria Poulimab and Vassilis Sarantidesc a Athens University of Economics and Business, Patission 76, Athens 10434, Greece. [email protected] b Department of Economics, University of Ioannina, P.O. Box 1186, 45110 Ioannina, Greece [email protected] c Department of Economics, University of Sheffield, 9 Mappin Str, Sheffield S1 4DT, UK. Corresponding Author: [email protected] April 22, 2021 Abstract: This paper seeks to investigate the role of electoral personalism and long-run partisan loyalty on the allocation of local public goods. To this end, we exploit the discontinuity in the political landscape of Greece after a brief military junta (1967-1974) to link the parties established after 1974 with their political ancestors during the pre-dictatorial era. In particular, after 1974 Greece is a ‘new democracy’ with infant political parties that were trying to increase their political power by maintaining the networks of their (pre-junta) political ancestor parties. Consistent with expectations, empirical findings suggest that incumbents directed public investment resources to regions characterized by long-run loyalty in favor of their party. Moreover, our analysis illuminates the channel of this association by highlighting the important role of strong Members of Parliament (MPs) with ministerial positions. This result is in line with the literature suggesting that powerful MPs typically favor their home districts under an Open-List Proportional Representation (OLPR) electoral system.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 3 the Greek Case
    Cover Page The handle http://hdl.handle.net/1887/31818 holds various files of this Leiden University dissertation. Author: Christofis, Nikolaos Title: From socialism via anti-imperialism to nationalism : EDA-TIP : socialist contest over Cyprus Issue Date: 2015-02-03 Chapter 3 The Greek Case The EDA (Eniaia Dimokratiki Aristera –The United Democratic Left) The post-civil war environment found Greece divided between the KKE, which had been defeated during the civil war, and the ethnikofrones (loyal to the nation, ardent nationalists). The end of the civil war, however, did not end the hostilities between the two factions. One of the most prominent Greek scholars rightly argued that “the ideological and cultural consequences of the [Greek] civil war ended only in 1974,”1 but still communism was viewed with suspicion. The post-civil war environment– against the backdrop of the Cold War – was thus strongly anti-communist, and anything “red” was deemed illegitimate. It was within this context that the EDA was formed, but extreme caution was taken so that it wouldn’t be stigmatized as communist, and it represented not only the left, but also all the democratic forces of the country. Establishment of the EDA The left made its post-civil war appearance with a coalition of parties, collectively known as the Democratic Camp (Dimokratiki Parataksi), in the elections of the 5th of March in 1950. However, in the municipal elections of April of 1951, another party emerged, named the Democratic Alarm (Dimokratikos Synagermos), which believed that the Democratic Camp was moderate in its beliefs and that it acted opportunistically.
    [Show full text]