Chapter 3 the Greek Case
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more
Recommended publications
-
First Thoughts on the 25 January 2015 Election in Greece
GPSG Pamphlet No 4 First thoughts on the 25 January 2015 election in Greece Edited by Roman Gerodimos Copy editing: Patty Dohle Roman Gerodimos Pamphlet design: Ana Alania Cover photo: The Zappeion Hall, by Panoramas on Flickr Inside photos: Jenny Tolou Eveline Konstantinidis – Ziegler Spyros Papaspyropoulos (Flickr) Ana Alania Roman Gerodimos Published with the support of the Politics & Media Research Group, Bournemouth University Selection and editorial matter © Roman Gerodimos for the Greek Politics Specialist Group 2015 All remaining articles © respective authors 2015 All photos used with permission or under a Creative Commons licence Published on 2 February 2015 by the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) www.gpsg.org.uk Editorial | Roman Gerodimos Continuing a tradition that started in 2012, a couple of weeks ago the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) invited short commentaries from its members, affiliates and the broader academ- ic community, as a first ‘rapid’ reaction to the election results. The scale of the response was humbling and posed an editorial dilemma, namely whether the pamphlet should be limited to a small number of indicative perspectives, perhaps favouring more established voices, or whether it should capture the full range of viewpoints. As two of the founding principles and core aims of the GPSG are to act as a forum for the free exchange of ideas and also to give voice to younger and emerging scholars, it was decided that all contributions that met our editorial standards of factual accuracy and timely -
The Rise of Syriza: an Interview with Aristides Baltas
THE RISE OF SYRIZA: AN INTERVIEW WITH ARISTIDES BALTAS This interview with Aristides Baltas, the eminent Greek philosopher who was one of the founders of Syriza and is currently a coordinator of its policy planning committee, was conducted by Leo Panitch with the help of Michalis Spourdalakis in Athens on 29 May 2012, three weeks after Syriza came a close second in the first Greek election of 6 May, and just three days before the party’s platform was to be revealed for the second election of 17 June. Leo Panitch (LP): Can we begin with the question of what is distinctive about Syriza in terms of socialist strategy today? Aristides Baltas (AB): I think that independently of everything else, what’s happening in Greece does have a bearing on socialist strategy, which is not possible to discuss during the electoral campaign, but which will present issues that we’re going to face after the elections, no matter how the elections turn out. We haven’t had the opportunity to discuss this, because we are doing so many diverse things that we look like a chicken running around with its head cut off. But this is precisely why I first want to step back to 2008, when through an interesting procedure, Synaspismos, the main party in the Syriza coalition, formulated the main elements of the programme in a book of over 300 pages. The polls were showing that Syriza was growing in popularity (indeed we reached over 15 per cent in voting intentions that year), and there was a big pressure on us at that time, as we kept hearing: ‘you don’t have a programme; we don’t know who you are; we don’t know what you’re saying’. -
Download/Print the Study in PDF Format
GENERAL ELECTION IN GREECE 7th July 2019 European New Democracy is the favourite in the Elections monitor Greek general election of 7th July Corinne Deloy On 26th May, just a few hours after the announcement of the results of the European, regional and local elections held in Greece, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras (Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA), whose party came second to the main opposition party, New Analysis Democracy (ND), declared: “I cannot ignore this result. It is for the people to decide and I am therefore going to request the organisation of an early general election”. Organisation of an early general election (3 months’ early) surprised some observers of Greek political life who thought that the head of government would call on compatriots to vote as late as possible to allow the country’s position to improve as much as possible. New Democracy won in the European elections with 33.12% of the vote, ahead of SYRIZA, with 23.76%. The Movement for Change (Kinima allagis, KINAL), the left-wing opposition party which includes the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK), the Social Democrats Movement (KIDISO), the River (To Potami) and the Democratic Left (DIMAR), collected 7.72% of the vote and the Greek Communist Party (KKE), 5.35%. Alexis Tsipras had made these elections a referendum Costas Bakoyannis (ND), the new mayor of Athens, on the action of his government. “We are not voting belongs to a political dynasty: he is the son of Dora for a new government, but it is clear that this vote is Bakoyannis, former Minister of Culture (1992-1993) not without consequence. -
The Greek New Right and the Eve of Conservative Populism
The Visio Journal ● Volume 4 ● 2019 The Greek New Right and the Eve of Conservative Populism By Athanasios Grammenos* The economic crisis in the Eurozone and its dire consequences for Greece terminated the post-1974 political consensus, which was based on a pro-European and democratic concord. The collapse of the social-democratic Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) in 2012 allowed space for the radical Left to become the new pole of the political system. To this advancement, the conservatives, being the other pole, responded with a prompt enlargement attempt to the populist right-wing, engulfing several elements of the New Right. This new political order had had evident effects on the party’s social and economic agenda, escalating the political debate at the expense of established liberal principles. While in opposition (2015-2019), New Democracy (ND), member of the European Peo- ple’s Party (EPP) in the European Parliament, voted against a series of liberal bills (gender issues, separation of Church and State, the Macedonian issue, etc.) giving out positions with authoritarian and populist essence. The purpose of this paper is to focus on the rise of the New Right in Greece (2012-2019) in both rhetoric and practice, and its consequences for law institutions, human rights and foreign affairs. It is argued that ND, currently holding office, has been occupied by deeply conservative elements as a response to the rise of the radical Left, adopting occasionally ultra-conservative positions in a wide range of social issues. Although the case of Greece is unlike to those in other European countries, nevertheless, to the extent to which the preservation of traditional hierarchies come into question, the political platform of the Greek New Right, which has embedded authoritarian attitudes cultivating an anti-liberal sub-culture to the party’s voters, is in accordance with several European conservative movements like in Hungary, Austria or Czechia. -
Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 British Imperialism, Public Opinion and the Coming of the Cold War
Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 British Imperialism, Public Opinion and the Coming of the Cold War JOHN SAKKAS Harrassowitz Verlag (Germany, 2013), 149 pp/28 illust. ISBN: 978-3-447-06718-8 The Greek civil war holds a significant place in the history of twentieth-century Europe for many reasons. Firstly, it was Europe’s bloodiest conflict in the second half of the 1940s; secondly, it marked a turning point in the Cold War; and lastly, it showed how Greece had become an ‘apple of discord’ for both American and Soviet involvement in Greek affairs which led to even more complexity in the country’s post-war politics. Yet despite its significance, only a limited number of studies have been carried out on the subject of this era. After the troubled period of the 1950s and 1960s, a time dominated by extreme conservatism, anti-communism and nationalist paroxysms, it was difficult to access material sources and this made it nearly impossible to conduct scholarly research, so that older politically-charged interpretations and accounts went mostly unchallenged. However, in the past two decades a new historiographical current has developed as regards the civil war in Greece and new evaluations and debates have emerged that shed fresh light on conventional supposition. Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 draws upon the author’s doctoral dissertation and provides a welcome addition to studies on that period in Greek history. John Sakkas takes up a novel approach that does not focus solely on Greek politics, whether they are national or local, nor does it centre simply on British policy in Greece. -
Negotiating Im/Politeness Via Humor in the Greek Parliament Marianthi Georgalidou University of the Aegean [email protected]
Georgalidou, Marian. Negotiating Im/politeness via Humor in the Greek Parlament Estudios de Lingüística del Español 43 (2021), pp. 99-121 Negotiating Im/politeness via Humor in the Greek Parliament Marianthi Georgalidou University of the Aegean [email protected] Resumen El objetivo de este estudio es examinar la manera en la que el humor sirve como medio de negociación des/cortés en el discurso de los parlamentarios griegos. (Harris 2001; Morreall 2005; Bippus 2007; Tsakona and Popa 2011; Georgalidou 2011). El humor ha sido abordado como una estrategia de cortesía positiva, en el sentido de mitigar el ataque directo a personas, situaciones o ideas y sirve como medio de crítica indirecta (Haugh 2016). No obstante, el humor -y la ironía- en el disrcurso parlamentario se usa para lanzar ataques contra adversarios y sirve como un medio de construcción de identidades políticas perjudiciales para los adversarios políticos (Tsakona 2011; Nuolijärvi and Tiittula 2011). En el contexto de la crisis económica que atravesó Grecia, el presente estudio basado en datos recopilados de las Actas de las Sesiones Plenarias del Parlamento Helénico durante un período de 10 años (2009-2019), analiza la relación entre el humor y la agresión verbal en el discurso político griego. Las cuestiones abordadas conciernen al humor como modo de comunicación en casos de conflictos que superan los límites de la rivalidad política en el discurso parlamentario (Corranza-Marquez 2010; Georgalidou 2016; Frantzi, Georgalidou and Giakoumakis 2019). La aproximación analítica es émica, basada en el análisis de unidades discursivas como acciones sociales. Por tanto, se analizan episodios de discurso parlamentario agresivo por la organización secuencial de interacción humorística. -
Austerity, Collapse, and the Rise of the Radical Left in Greece
Austerity, Collapse, and the Rise of the Radical Left in Greece This article and its title are based on a presentation made at the Mapping Socialist Strategies Conference, hosted by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung–New York Office at the Edith Macy Conference Center, New York, August 1-4, 2014. 2010-2014: The Establishment of Austeritarianism as the “New Normality” and Its Lethal Consequences Although signs of financial and fiscal instability became more than evident in the last decade, the global crisis officially struck Greece in 2010 under a government of the Panhellenic Socialist Party (PASOK), the forty-year-old social democratic party led by George Papandreou. Papandreou’s was the first eurozone government to invite the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to interfere in Greece’s internal European Monetary Union affairs through the formation of the troika (the IMF, the European Union, and the European Central Bank). During the period of the implementation of the first “Memorandum of Understanding” with the troika (May 2010), the government quickly understood that it would be almost impossible to maintain social peace and consensus while applying the barbaric austerity provisions of this framework. That’s why it decided to unleash an unprecedented smear and terror campaign against its own citizens. As always, major corporate media immediately became the pioneers of this new neoliberal crusade. Their main argument was that the application of the memorandum was the only solution to avoid an imminent Greek exit from the eurozone. They embellished this narrative by building up a sense of collective guilt: The crisis was presented as a “Greek particularity,” because a) Greeks had been living beyond their means; and b) public spending had grown excessive due to an “over-sized,” “non- efficient,” and corrupt public sector. -
Military Entrepreneurship in the Shadow of the Greek Civil War (1946–1949)
JPR Men of the Gun and Men of the State: Military Entrepreneurship in the Shadow of the Greek Civil War (1946–1949) Spyros Tsoutsoumpis Abstract: The article explores the intersection between paramilitarism, organized crime, and nation-building during the Greek Civil War. Nation-building has been described in terms of a centralized state extending its writ through a process of modernisation of institutions and monopolisation of violence. Accordingly, the presence and contribution of private actors has been a sign of and a contributive factor to state-weakness. This article demonstrates a more nuanced image wherein nation-building was characterised by pervasive accommodations between, and interlacing of, state and non-state violence. This approach problematises divisions between legal (state-sanctioned) and illegal (private) violence in the making of the modern nation state and sheds new light into the complex way in which the ‘men of the gun’ interacted with the ‘men of the state’ in this process, and how these alliances impacted the nation-building process at the local and national levels. Keywords: Greece, Civil War, Paramilitaries, Organized Crime, Nation-Building Introduction n March 1945, Theodoros Sarantis, the head of the army’s intelligence bureau (A2) in north-western Greece had a clandestine meeting with Zois Padazis, a brigand-chief who operated in this area. Sarantis asked Padazis’s help in ‘cleansing’ the border area from I‘unwanted’ elements: leftists, trade-unionists, and local Muslims. In exchange he promised to provide him with political cover for his illegal activities.1 This relationship that extended well into the 1950s was often contentious. -
Negyedéves, Internetes Folyóirat a KÖZELÍTÉSEK a Milton Friedman Egyetem Online Multidiszciplináris Folyóirata
2018. 3-4. szám KÖZELÍTÉSEK negyedéves, internetes folyóirat A KÖZELÍTÉSEK a Milton Friedman Egyetem online multidiszciplináris folyóirata. Lektorált folyóirat. Minden publikálásra beküldött kéziratot két felkért opponens lektorál. FŐSZERKESZTŐK Laki Ildikó – A. Gergely András FELELŐS SZERKESZTŐ Szűts Zoltán SZERKESZTŐBIZOTTSÁG Grajczjár István – Milton Friedman Egyetem Hárskuti János – Milton Friedman Egyetem Szatmári Péter – Milton Friedman Egyetem Szegediné Lengyel Piroska – Milton Friedman Egyetem Schottner Krisztina – Milton Friedman Egyetem OLVASÓSZERKESZTŐ Szűcs Katalin Ágnes FELELŐS KIADÓ: Milton Friedman Egyetem – Szatmári Péter – megbízott rektor ELSŐ KIADÁS: 2011 ÚJ FOLYAM: 2014 ISSN 2498-7816 WEBCÍM: www.uni-milton.hu/letoltheto-kiadvanyok/, http://kozelitesek.webnode.hu DESIGN: Szitás István - Gerilla Design Bt. TARTALOM Surányi Ráchel BOURDIEU ÉS AZ IZRAELBEN ÉLő MAGYAROK IDENTITÁS- ÉS INTEGRÁCIÓ-STRATÉGIÁJA .................4 DOI: 10.25116/KOZELITESEK 2018.3-4.1 Buk Krisztina GYERMEKNEVELÉS ÉS TRANSZNACIONALIZMUS .............................................................................. 15 DOI: 10.25116/KOZELITESEK 2018.3-4.2 Rajkó Andrea – A. Gergely András EGY TÉMA TOVÁBBGONDOLÁSA ........................................................................................................32 DOI: 10.25116/KOZELITESEK 2018.3-4.3 Kata Zsófia Vincze “US” AND “THEM” JEWS AS THE OTHERS ..................................................................................... 62 DOI: 10.25116/KOZELITESEK 2018.3-4.4 Tóth Katalin EGY -
Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell
Copyrights sought (Albert) Basil (Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell) Filson Young (Alexander) Forbes Hendry (Alexander) Frederick Whyte (Alfred Hubert) Roy Fedden (Alfred) Alistair Cooke (Alfred) Guy Garrod (Alfred) James Hawkey (Archibald) Berkeley Milne (Archibald) David Stirling (Archibald) Havergal Downes-Shaw (Arthur) Berriedale Keith (Arthur) Beverley Baxter (Arthur) Cecil Tyrrell Beck (Arthur) Clive Morrison-Bell (Arthur) Hugh (Elsdale) Molson (Arthur) Mervyn Stockwood (Arthur) Paul Boissier, Harrow Heraldry Committee & Harrow School (Arthur) Trevor Dawson (Arwyn) Lynn Ungoed-Thomas (Basil Arthur) John Peto (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin & New Statesman (Borlasse Elward) Wyndham Childs (Cecil Frederick) Nevil Macready (Cecil George) Graham Hayman (Charles Edward) Howard Vincent (Charles Henry) Collins Baker (Charles) Alexander Harris (Charles) Cyril Clarke (Charles) Edgar Wood (Charles) Edward Troup (Charles) Frederick (Howard) Gough (Charles) Michael Duff (Charles) Philip Fothergill (Charles) Philip Fothergill, Liberal National Organisation, N-E Warwickshire Liberal Association & Rt Hon Charles Albert McCurdy (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett & World Review of Reviews (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Colin) Mark Patrick (Crwfurd) Wilfrid Griffin Eady (Cyril) Berkeley Ormerod (Cyril) Desmond Keeling (Cyril) George Toogood (Cyril) Kenneth Bird (David) Euan Wallace (Davies) Evan Bedford (Denis Duncan) -
A Mapping of Their Great Divide and Its EU Implications
European Research Studies Journal Volume XXI, Issue 3, 2018 pp. 14 - 42 Germany and Greece: A Mapping of their Great Divide and its EU Implications George C. Bitros1 Abstract: The economic constitutions of Germany and Greece have resulted in the post-war period in two economies that are based on two vastly different philosophies. Germany has built a highly competitive, outward looking economy based essentially on the principles of the so-called “Social Market Economy”, whereas Greece has set up a “state- managed economy” by drawing on the principles of central planning and administrative controls. This divide is equally stark, if assessed on the basis of the performance of the two economies. For, as it is known by now, Germany has become once again the powerhouse of Europe while Greece has gone bankrupt. As to the implications of this great divide for the future of the EU, its identification and map- ping helps understand why convergence criteria on the basis of economic performance and living standards should be abandoned in favour of criteria based on the widening and deep- ening of the four European freedoms. A multispeed Euroland enmeshed in these freedoms is going to be more democratic, more cohesive and a much happier union for the European citizens to call homeland. Keywords: Social market economy, central planning, economic performance, structural differences, four European freedoms. JEL Classification: E02, F02, P51, H1, L5. 1Emeritus Professor of Political Economy, Athens University of Economics and Business, e- mail: [email protected] G.C. Bitros 15 1. Introduction2 The visionaries who embarked in the 1950s on the monumental project of Europe- an unification aimed initially at economic integration. -
Michalis Peristerakis’S Life, Which Began in Naxos 73 Peristerakis Years Ago, Came to an End Prematurely
Bruce Kent 8/10/06 11:05 PM Page 46 Bruce Kent, president of the International Peace Bureau, presents Mikis Peristerakis with a special award for his services to the peace movement, Athens, 2003. Bruce Kent 8/10/06 11:05 PM Page 47 47 Michalis The Marathon race of Michalis Peristerakis’s life, which began in Naxos 73 Peristerakis years ago, came to an end prematurely. An A last farewell emblematic figure in the Greek peace movement, with significant international activity, for which he was officially honoured by the International Peace Bureau, Mikis – as his international friends called Panos Trigazis him – passed away suddenly on 4 May Bruce Kent 2011, in his law office, from a heart attack. Colin Archer Those of us who walked with him many times from Marathon for a world without wars, hunger and enviromental degradation, or who protested against the ‘Euromissiles’ with Mikis in various European capitals, or who travelled with him to the opposite shore of the Aegean in support of ‘citizens’ diplomacy’ and friendship between the Greek and Turkish peoples, or who co- organised events with him in solidarity with Cyprus and Palestine, or who collaborated in demonstrations against the wars in Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Iraq and elsewhere – we all feel we have lost part of ourselves. ‘Uncompromising fighter and simul- taneously a deeply sensitive soul, a true fellow man,’ were the characteristic words of Professor G A Mangakis, a prominent anti- junta fighter and former justice minister, describing Peristerakis during an event at the Athens Bar Association in 2006, which his Panos Trigazis is friends and fellow peace activists had President of the Greek organised in his honour.