Title: “The agrarian question: the agrarian movement and issues of land ownership in ,

1821‐1923”

Author: Kaiti Aroni‐Tsichli

How to cite this article: Aroni‐Tsichli, Kaiti. 2014. “The agrarian question: the agrarian movement and issues of land ownership in Greece, 1821‐1923”. Martor 19: 43‐62. Published by: Editura MARTOR (MARTOR Publishing House), Muzeul Țăranului Român (The

Museum of the Romanian Peasant)

URL: http://martor.muzeultaranuluiroman.ro/archive/martor‐19‐2014/

Martor (The Museum of the Romanian Peasant Anthropology Review) is a peer‐reviewed academic journal established in 1996, with a focus on cultural and visual anthropology, ethnology, museum studies and the dialogue among these disciplines. Martor review is published by the Museum of the Romanian Peasant. Its aim is to provide, as widely as possible, a rich content at the highest academic and editorial standards for scientific, educational and (in)formational goals. Any use aside from these purposes and without mentioning the source of the article(s) is prohibited and will be considered an infringement of copyright.

Martor (Revue d’Anthropologie du Musée du Paysan Roumain) est un journal académique en système peer‐review fondé en 1996, qui se concentre sur l’anthropologie visuelle et culturelle, l’ethnologie, la muséologie et sur le dialogue entre ces disciplines. La revue Martor est publiée par le Musée du Paysan Roumain. Son aspiration est de généraliser l’accès vers un riche contenu au plus haut niveau du point de vue académique et éditorial pour des objectifs scientifiques, éducatifs et informationnels. Toute utilisation au‐delà de ces buts et sans mentionner la source des articles est interdite et sera considérée une violation des droits de l’auteur.

Martor is indexed by EBSCO and CEEOL. The agrarian question: the agrarian movement and issues of land ownership in Greece, 1821-1923

Kaiti Aroni-Tsichli Professor of Social History Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences of

AbStrAct KeywordS

Since the foundation of the Greek state in 1830 arises an agrarian issue which un- Agrarian Reform, National Lands, til 1923 takes various forms and causes an agrarian movement. his is mainly due Uprisings, Feudal System, Tschitliks, to the changing institutional and social framework when new lands are annexed. Currant Crisis. his article refers to the problem of “national lands”, the lands that belonged to the Ottomans and were appropriated by the Greek state during the War of Indepen- dence (1821-1829) in order to be distributed to the peasants. Many uprisings took place between1833-1852. he solution is found with the First Agrarian Reform in 1871. he article refers also to the problem of the feudal system which existed in the as well as to the problem of Tschitliks in hessaly, Epirus and Macedonia. he latter inds a solution with the Second Agrarian Reform in 1917. Another acute problem is also mentioned: the currant crisis, which appears in northwest Peloponnese at the turn of 19th century.

King of Greece in 1832 (see map), the domi- Introduction nant problem in agriculture is the question of ‘national lands’, i.e. the lands that the he terms “Greek agrarian question Ottomans had abandoned and were given and agrarian movement”, covering a to the Greek state because of the war. his Tperiod over a century from the begin- problem was inally solved with the First ning of the Greek state in 1830 until 1923, do Rural Reform in 1871 when these lands not only depict the various successive phases were being allocated to peasants and culti- of the same phenomenon, that is the agrar- vators over a low price. ian problems, claims, movements or revolts. Another acute problem during this pe- During this period, the agrarian question it- riod was brought about by the annexation self is being transformed. his is mainly due of the Ionian Islands in 1864 (see map), to the varying institutional and social frame- where, especially in Corfu, from the very works in which the difering rural problems beginning of Venetian rule, 1204-1797, an arise when new lands are annexed. extremely feudalistic system was imple- From the outset it can be said that the mented - similar to that of feudal Europe agrarian question in Greece, as it appears in - which, nevertheless, continued to exist diferent periods of time or social contexts, during the British Protectorate (1815-1864). is related to either land ownership or the in- Despite the diferent nature of this ques- corporation of peasants in the market. tion in relation to those of national lands, Following the successful Greek Revolu- its settlement is part of the same policy that tion against the Ottoman rule, 1821-1829 led to the distribution of national lands. and especially ater the election of Otto as A new period starts for the agrarian

43 Kaiti Aroni-Tsichli

ism as its central characteristic. According to the National Assemblies Map 1. Successive territory gains throughout the Greek War of Independence for Greece: 1832, Sterea Hellas, the and the “right to war’’, all former Turkish Peloponnese, territories, state and privately owned, had 1864 Ionian Is- lands, 1881 Thes- been appropriated and declared Greek “na- saly, 1913 Crete / tional lands”, and they had been transferred Macedonia / Epirus, 1920 to the ownership of the Greek state, with a Thrace, 1947 the Dodecanese view to be distributed to as a reward for their participation in the war. (Petro- poulos 1985: 272) his was later adopted by , the irst Governor of Greece (1828-1831). In the meantime, in 1830 a law was passed granting a plot of one movement with the annexation of hessaly stremma (1 stremma = 1,000square me- and part of Epirus to Greece in 1881 (see map), tres= 0.247 acres) to all Greeks so they could where the dominating issue is the problem of build a house with a garden and yard. Tschitliks (large holdings) and the conse- his creation of small land ownership quent problem of koliyi (landless sharecrop- was adopted by the three-year Regency of pers) which is aggravated as time goes by due Otto (1833-1835), as well by King Otto’s 1) See the introduction of the to the reaction of koliyi that turns into an up- reign (1835-1862). he aim was to create a Volume, page 11 rising. During the same period, a number of nation of small land owners1 (Petropoulos other agrarian issues occur, originating ater 1985: 11) who would support the monar- Macedonia and the remaining part of Epirus chy’s power and at the same time would were liberated and annexed to Greece follow- contribute in diminishing the powers of no- ing the victorious Balkan wars in 1912-1913 tables and chietains. In any case, the Greek and, inally, hrace in 1920 (see map). he state was irm in its promise to distribute Second Agrarian Reform regulating the main national lands to the peasants and did not agriculture problem in Greece, the problem of succumb to pressure from the land owners Tschitliks, was efectuated in 1917. who asked for national land auctions so that Another question, which is related to the they themselves would purchase them. incorporation of the peasants in the market, Τhe request for building a European and was the currant crisis that tormented the modern society in Greece had to deal with Peloponnese in 1892-1910. Due to the non- diferent reactions from many parts, relect- absorption of large quantities of currant, a ing actions and feelings against modernism big crisis of currant burst out. Τhen, in the and the West and favouring the old tradition- areas of the currant cultivation, mainly in al ways that are considered to be threatened Northwestern Peloponnese, dynamic mobi- and endangered (Diamantouros 2002: XI). lizations of the populations took place, de- In 1833-1852 the Greek kingdom sufers manding a state intervention policy. from successive uprisings which cannot be characterized as clearly agrarian, because they are not part of a deinite agrarian rural Uprisings movement with deined rural demands. Nevertheless, these uprisings could be seen he nature of the Greek war of Indepen- as part of the early history of the Greek dence against the (1821- agrarian movement because they are car- 1829), as it was formed under modernism, ried out by peasants as well as being part was right from its start national, bourgeois, of a pro-capitalistic stage of agrarian rebel- liberal and democratic, having egalitarian- lion. On the other hand, what can be seen as

44 The agrarian question: the agrarian movement and issues of land ownership in Greece, 1821-1923 very typical of the situation is that no revolt usufruct during the Ottoman rule. proclamation contains a claim for the burn- he Regency undertook these mea- ing issue of national land sharing. sures so a strictly centralised system could In the newly formed , be established, urged certain discontented in 1832 (see Map1 above), the Regency tried groups to express their dissatisfaction, thus to shape a modern institutional framework, revealing a complex of controversies and ri- but any kind of change in any department, valry (Aroni-Tsichli 2004a). What is mostly mostly in religious matters, in economic evident among the various actions of the measures or matters that had to do with the opposition is the widespread conlict be- traditional ways of life would become a rea- tween the countryside and the capital. he son for uprising (Aroni-Tsichli 2009). We areas with the highest autonomy during the should also mention the policy of the Re- Ottoman rule, Mani (Aroni-Tsichli 1994: 2) “Armatoloi” were gency that aimed to fully reform the struc- 11-57) in the Peloponnese as well as the old armed groups of ture of the Greek Church by bringing into areas of the Armatoli2 of Sterea Hellas, were Greeks who were in the service of the Turks and force three main regulations (Frazee 1987: the areas where most uprisings took place guarded main cross- 119-160; Petropoulos 1985: 214-227, 607-611; during King Otto’s reign. roads, country roads, mountain passages as Dakin 1985: 111-112; Troianos and Dima- An important reason for the strong dis- well as persecuting the kopoulou 1999:129-166): irst, by declaring satisfaction and protest against the poli- Kleftes. the Greek Church as autocephalous follow- tics of the Regency was the settlement of ing its separation from the patriarchate of the military issue. he Regency decided Constantinople; second, by transferring the to adopt the western military system and church afairs under the state administration to create an army composed of non-Greek (Greece, Government Gazette 1833; Aroni- mercenaries that the Regency could fully Tsichli, 2001a: 144-148) and third, closing control. hese measures resulted in break- down some of the monasteries (Glytsis, Lou- ing the few remaining forces of the Greek kos and Belia 1987-1998; Maurer 1976: 593). regular army and especially the irregular Only the few Catholic monasteries remained forces of the War of Independence. Almost as they were (Laskaris 1924; Freeze 1987: 111- all these people became bandits (Kletes). 112, 195; Strong 1824: 365). In 1835 the Cath- Banditry and uprisings were the two olic population in Greece was 17.648 and in main characteristics of the Greek country. 1840 it was 25.000. Among all socio-political issues of the time, Apart from religion, important causes these two facts were the most obvious ways for uprisings were the new economic mea- of social protest since they relected a way sures (Greece, Government Gazette 1833; out for the rural population in its attempt to General State Archives 1833; Glytsis, Lou- survive in an insecure society. However, by kos and Belia 1987-1998; Maurer 1976: 593). the end of 1837 when the law for conscrip- Any new measures or even a simple change tion was passed in order to create a national in the collection of existent taxes was cause army and to abolish the mercenaries forces, for rebellion. In the independent Greek it was considered to be the most anti-pop- State, even though some taxes had been ular law of that period and caused many abolished, the tax of the Tenth (Ashar) still reactions for years to come, as well as the existed, which was assumed to be one of the uprising of the islands of Hydra and Spetses highest and all peasants had to pay (Dertilis in 1838 (Aroni-Tsichli 2009: 179-189). 1991: 273-288 ; 1993: 43). In addition, a new he rebels proclaimed that their upris- taxation that was imposed on the cultiva- ing were due to the fact that the goals of tors of national lands as a usufruct tax and the War of Independence in 1821 had never reached 15% ,unleashed a storm of protest been achieved and their perception that the (Petmezas 2003: 60-65). hat happened be- religion of their forefathers was in danger. cause the peasants were not used to pay any he proclamations of the uprisings that

45 Kaiti Aroni-Tsichli

took place in the ten-year period of King other uprising, which had exactly the same Otto’s total monarchy (1833-1843), apart demands (Weber 1976: 248). from protecting the Christian Orthodox In conclusion, the rebels of the multiple religion, demanded also a constitution for uprisings wanted to preserve the ‘good old the Greek people. Following the Constitu- times’, traditional religious practices, tradi- tion granted by King Otto, the main demand tional local autonomy and privileges, and to in the proclamation of uprisings from 1843 return to the traditional economic policies, and henceforth was the proper application of which they more or less idealised. But their the constitution and the provision for change demands did not go any further. of government. It was indeed impressive to Uprisings in Greece ater the War of In- notice that there was not a single demand dependence did not afect social structures concerning rural matters on behalf of the and institutions at all. he conlict did not rebels. For example, the major request for lie among social groups but among groups distributing national lands to landless peas- of interest.. Moreover, the uprisings in Sterea ants is nowhere to be found, neither in the Hellas (Roumeli) and the Peloponnese (Mo- revolutionary proclamations, nor in the pol- rias) in 1848 were not ideologically related icy statements of political parties that under- to the revolutionary movements of 1848 in took the country’s administration through the rest of Europe. (Aroni-Tsichli 2009: 317- elections. 326). Proclamations of the Greek rebels in According to the Constitution of 1844, 1848 did not include any social claims as, almost all Greeks over 25 would acquire the at the time, Greece was not dealing with 3) In the fields of right to vote, provided they had a profession the same social problems as the West, or politics and the right of vote, there or proprietorship of any kind. Only paying as the European South-East, where the na- is a differentiation in Greece regarding guests or apprentices were excluded from this tional problem is evident. (Sakellariou 1848: what is mentioned in right3 (Aroni-Tsichli 1994). Later, with the 322; Vournas 1952: 105,127; Sfyroeras 1976: the Introduction of the Volume. Constitution of 1864, universal sufrage was 135; Skopetea 1987: 289; Brekis 1984: 192). established for the male population (Aliviza- On the other hand however, the uprisings tos 1981; Mavromoustakou 2003: 27-50). of 1848 did not include any modern ideas, However, the introduction of parliamen- but were a mere repetition of the uprisings tarianism (1844), a new political system, of 1847 or earlier than1847 and a return to did not bring any signiicant improvements the past which, in their minds, was now ide- in the life of people. Although they had the alised (Aroni-Tsichli 2001b: 15-28; Aroni- right to vote, they did not have the ability Tsichli 1999a). to fully comprehend all constitutional mat- Traditional uprisings (1833-1852) during ters. Even in the Memoirs of Makrygiannis, the reign of King Otto (1833-1862) appear general in the Greek War of Independence, as revolutionary acts of the rural classes the constitution expresses a set of rather against poverty and the dire living condi- traditional values and the struggle to pur- tions they had to face and for which the new sue and restore them and not just a charter state with its modern institutions were to of political and parliamentary rights (he- blame. However, there were armed move- otokas 1985). ments of the rural population that was at he successive uprisings during the pe- a clearly pre-industrial and pre-capitalist riod of King Otto’s reign were misleading stage. Nevertheless, it should be mentioned for the people since there was no actual dif- that these uprisings also expressed a kind of ference in the leaders’ intentions and goals. social protest to the fact that the establish- Matters became even more complicated as ment of the new national and centralised some leaders of the uprisings would, ater state failed to fulil the unformulated expec- some time, ofer their support to the oppo- tations of the Greek people who had fought site front and ight against the group of an- for their independence.

46 The agrarian question: the agrarian movement and issues of land ownership in Greece, 1821-1923

36 instalments for the purchase of the lands First Agrarian reform (1871) (Greece, Government Gazette 1838). his law, though, was not popular with the It has already been mentioned that, during agrarian world because it did not grant land the Greek War of Independence against the for free (Petropoulos 1985: 272-275; Greece, Ottoman rule, all Ottoman land properties Government Gazette 1835). However, all fell under the Greek state which promised to these national land allocations refer to a lim- distribute the land to the Greeks as their re- ited area of 265,000 to 500,000 stremma. ward for ighting during the War (McGrew Hence, during this irst period, the 1985; Petropoulos, 1985: 272; Karouzou Agrarian Question never became a social 1989). he Greek State took care to consoli- conlict between two opposing groups as, in date its wish by including the distribution of this case, the land owner was the state itself. these lands to their cultivators in the Con- herefore, the matter of rehabilitation of stitution of 1844 (article 105), as well as in landless peasants was accepted by everyone the Constitution of 1864 (article 102). (the Greek government, landless cultivators, It is not possible to determine the expanse small holders, medium and major landown- of national lands in the freed areas as there ers) as a fair claim on the peasants’ part. he is no cadastral property registry (Damiana- debate was constricted to how the distribu- kos 2002: 188-191). According to estimates tion of the lands would take place, if they however, national lands in the majority of would be given for free or if the new owners the Peloponnese, amounted to more than would have to pay an amount of money to half of the arable land (McGrew 1985: 237- the state. It has to be pointed out that dur- 242; Petmezas 2003: 25-26; Tsoukalas 1977: ing that period the allocation of national 71-74; Vergopoulos 1975: 106; Greece. News- land did not have such a social nature be- paper of the Parliament Debates, Period 3, cause the cultivators of these lands were the Session B’, v.A’, p. 404). Out of a population ones who controlled them. hey could sell of 700,000-800,000 inhabitants, Greek land the land or give it to their children as in- owners were estimated to be 80,000-200,000 heritance. Moreover, the usufruct they had against 500,000 landless. It should also be to pay for the national lands was much more noted that apart from these lands, large areas to their advantage than being sharecroppers were owned by the Church (Aroni-Tsichli, for a landowner. 2004b; 2001a: 148). he characteristic of land proprietor- he Greek State was irm in its promise to ship in that period is the coexistence of all distribute national lands to the peasants and kinds of proprietorship (minor, medium, did not succumb to pressure from the land major). Within the lands that had been lib- owners who asked for national land auc- erated ater the Greek Revolution of 1821, tions so that they themselves would purchase there had been some Tschitliks (5% of to- them. Without settling for good the dis- tal). he peasants assumed that the national tribution issue, the state had made at times lands were enough to satisfy everybody, so individual arrangements (1834, 1838, 1848) they did not stake their claim to the ex- in order to satisfy speciic groups such as In- propriation of these few Tschitliks which dependence soldiers, widows and orphans, had not devolved to the Greek State as na- endowments to soldiers’ daughters, settle- tional lands because they had remained as ment of refugees in unredeemed lands. More compact proprieties during the signing of successful had been the 1835 endowment law the London Protocol for the Independence that distributed national lands by auction to of Greece (February 3rd 1830) and had all the Greeks, military or politicians, that not been occupied by rebellions. Even the had taken part in the War of Independence, Tschitlik owners of these lands were con- over a low price that was to be reimbursed in tent with the legal consolidation of their

47 Kaiti Aroni-Tsichli

rights as the Roman-German Law stated owned a rural plot. and which identiied full proprietorship of King Otto’s aim to create a nation of the land having adverse consequences for small land owners who would support the 4) See to the the koliyi who were to lose their traditional power of the monarchy was realized4 he Introduction of the Volume. rights as the Ottoman law and the Greek Greek peasants of that period were in their common law stated, thus becoming simple majority pro-royalists and voted for conser- hired agrarian workers. hese Tschitlik vative parties (Legg 1969: 325-327). owners had not tried to exercise their rights Nevertheless, it must be stressed that this in practice against the koliyi until the an- 1st in Greece is not strongly nexation of hessaly (1881). based on the principle of social justice. his Paradoxically, however, although during target belongs mainly to the 20th century. King Otto’s reign numerous uprisings broke In Greece, although one of the basic tar- out, national land distribution was not a de- gets of the Reform of 1871 was the reward mand, nor was this or any other agrarian of the Greeks for their participation in the claim included in the political party proc- liberation of the country, another impor- lamations. tant target as well was the institutional con- 5) Therefore, we observe a differentia- Finally, the national lands allocation to solidation of the right in full proprietorship, tion regarding what peasants was settled with a law ity years whether this involved national lands or mentioned in the Introduction of the ater the beginning of the Greek War of Tschitliks etc, with the ulterior purpose of Volume. Independence in 1871 (Franghiadis 1993; making the market function unhindered5. Karouzou 1990). It seems that by then the conditions were ripe for such an arrange- ment in Greece too, since other European the agrarian question of corfu states had also ventured allocating large land (1864-1868) properties to landless peasants. Additionally, Immediately ater the annexation of the Io- it can be observed that since the middle of nian Islands into the Greek state (1864), a the 19th century, major land owners had al- crucial agrarian question arises especially ready started to lose interest in land occupa- in Corfu (Marcoras 1868; Moustoxidis tion and turned to acquiring high positions 1848). he administrative structure of the in public administration and politics. Ionian Islands is completely diferent from he irst agrarian reform was implement- that of the mainland, due to their constant- ed by the government of Alexandros Kou- ly diferent foreign occupation. moundouros when Sotirios Sotiropoulos Corfu fell under Venetian rule ater the served as Minister of Finance; this reform Fourth Crusade in 1204 (Bacchion 1956). dictated the division of 2,650,000 stremma So from the beginning of the Venetian rule of a total value of 90,000,000 drachmae to (1204-1797) an extremely feudalistic system 357,217 allotments at a low price. Ater na- was implemented, similar to that of feudal tional lands were distributed, land owner- Europe, which, nevertheless, continued to ship in Greece was characterized by the exist during the following years as well as equal existence of small, medium and large during the British Protectorate: 1815-1864 6) In bibliography rural ownership each of which covers ap- (Anogiatis-Pelé and Prontzas 2002). he the term “timars” in the Ionian Islands proximately 1/3 of the total of arable lands Venetians had allocated to the nobles plots is used for western (Franghiadis 1993; Vergopoulos 1975: 110 ; of land, the so called feuds6. type feuds as well, even though the two Tsoukalas 1977: 74 ; Mouzelis 1978 : 35; Der- his feudal system surviving through systems, Feudal and tilis 1977: 44). According to the 1879 census, the centuries was still in place when the Io- Timariot are com- pletely different. the rural population in Greece amounts to nian Islands were annexed to Greece, as an 254,000 families, and therefore the Agrar- obsolete and fossilized medieval institution ian Reform in 1871 answered the agrarian under which Coriot peasants were particu- question as almost every Greek peasant larly burdened (Asdrachas 1996: 21-37; As-

48 The agrarian question: the agrarian movement and issues of land ownership in Greece, 1821-1923 dracha and Asdrachas 1985). According to ian question in Corfu was set on the table this feud system, rich land owners - the feud (Sideris 1934: 57-58). Besides, peasants were holders - assigned the cultivation of their already demanding social justice. To this plots to peasants (Pantazopoulos 1962). efect, ights were also given by the Coriot he situation was even further complicated agrarian deputies to liberate peasants from because of the variety of plot assignments. the medieval feudal oppressions, which he peasant who could not aford to pay caused a number of reactions on behalf of the the rent for the plot turned to moneylend- parties involved. he strong arguments of ers who, in the end, made claims on the plot the old regime as well as the ights of the sup- itself. Money lending had been a plague for porters of the peasants are all evident in the Coriot croters even ater the annexation of opposing parliamentary discussions, as well Corfu to Greece, when the feud system was as in the newspapers and in the pamphlets abolished and laws favouring farmers were of the time (Aroni-Tsichli 2005a: 593-607; enacted. More oten than not peasants, not Progoulakis 2003; Greece Parliament 1968). being able to fulil their obligations to their Despite reactions and the polemic raised lenders, were dragged to courts and then in Corfu by the parties involved between imprisoned due to the old law on detention. 1864 and 1868, a series of laws was enacted Another factor that was making things that, with subsequent amendments, freed ever worse for peasants was the way that the inhabitants of the “countryside” from agricultural products, and especially olive the obsolete medieval feudal system of the oil, were handed to the land owners (Con- past and set the foundation for the small stantini 1996: 11-19). What was making this land ownership (Kouris 1868). However, diicult to sort out was the fact that peas- peasants lived in squalor for a long ater that ants were forced to pay tax on olive trees in as implementing legislation on agriculture oil and not olives. his is the reason why it required funds which were nowhere to be was necessary to pre-estimate the amount found due to the lack of credit institutions produced. But estimators were appointed to and agricultural banks. the task by the land owners and they over Finally, once and for all a solution to the estimated the future amount of olive oil to agrarian question in Corfu was brought be given to their boss; as olives in Corfu about with the laws enacted by the pro- were collected from the ground, it was long E. Venizelos administration in 1912-1914 ater the estimate had been made. It was, which dictated that still existing “enduring therefore, possible during this long period weights” to the Domestic Administration that olives were damaged and the crop was of Corfu [Eγχώριον Διαχείρησιν Kερκύρας] lower than the peasants’ expectations. How- were abolished without reward, and those ever, even in this case, peasants were forced towards private entities with reward paid to give the amount agreed upon at the time by the Special Fund with resources from of the pre-estimate. his unfair system was exported products, mainly the oil exports catastrophic for many Coriots who were in- tax (Sideris 1934: 57-58). he last remaining debted on the basis of an assumed income. If “weights of the past” were abolished in 1925. the peasant failed to give the pre-estimated amount of oil, he was detained. If the peasant was delaying his instalments of three consec- the Agrarian issue in : utive years or was deemed to be neglecting the Problem of tschiftliks farming the plot, then the land owner evict- the second Agrarian reform in 1917 ed him and the plot reverted to his owner- ship. his is the so-called “reversion”. As has been the case of the Ionian Islands As soon as the Ionian Islands were an- (1864), hessaly and the area of Arta, that nexed to the mainland, this burning agrar- formed part of the Ottoman Empire, were

49 Kaiti Aroni-Tsichli annexed to the Greek state in 1881 fol- Ali Pasha had also many Tschitliks in other lowing diplomatic procedures which parts of Greece: 411 Tschitliks in Epirus, 100 had started in the Congress of Berlin in in Macedonia and 172 in Aetolia-Akarnania 1878. Before hessaly and the region of Arta (Triantafyllidis 1906; Aravantinos 1895: in Epirus were annexed to Greece (1881), the 604-606 ; Giannopoulos 1972 ; Alivisatos fertile expanses of these areas had been gov- 1932: 143; Petmezas 2000: 75; Newspaper of erned by the Ottoman law (tasarruf), dic- the Parliament Debates, 1883: 906, 915-916; tating that the right to own does not mean Newspaper of the Parliament Debates, 1882: right to absolute ownership of the land 202). Ater the extermination of Ali in 1822 (Ioannidou-Bitsiadou 1983). According to by the Porte, these vast areas were conis- most probable estimations in 1881, among cated and then given over to Ottoman func- 658 villages only 198 were “free” and ap- tionaries. proximately 460 were Tschitliks (Sivignon he institution of Tschitliks is assumed 1992: 117-175). to have contributed to the decline of the During the prime period of the Ottoman classic Ottoman proprietorship status in fa- Empire the main feature of the Ottoman vour of the Tschitlik owners, thus leading land ownership was the timarion. he sipahi to a transition of the proprietorship status, to whom the timarions were allotted had no in a way, to a form of total proprietorship, right of ownership over the land. here were yet without achieving the establishment of army oicers who were forced to march out full and unlimited private landed property, with a precise number of soldiers ater hav- during the period of the Ottoman Empire, ing been invited by the Porte and, instead that was completed with the foundation of of a wage, they took over the collection of independent Christian States in the Balkans the Tenth for life (Asdrachas 1999: 23-83; (Vergopoulos 1975: 64; Karouzou 2006). Tsopotos 1912: 47-48, 89-107; Pantazopou- In Tschitliks, the landowners held the los 1987; Vergopoulos 1975: 54-56). With property which was cultivated by the peas- the gradual decline of the Timariot system ants according to the system of share farm- when the Ottoman expansionist wars came ing on a part of the produce, while the state to an end and the dominant owners of ti- preserved its bare ownership. In essence, marions did not ofer to the state any mili- this was a kind of “continuous partnership” tary services, the prior timariotic partition between the land owner and the peasant. In in hessaly, Macedonia and other districts this relationship, the peasant, according to of Greece were substituted by Tschitliks. the Ottoman and custom laws, was linked According to F. Braudel (1982: 67), Tschif- for life to the land and bore a transferable tliks already appear for the irst time in 17th hereditary right on it, as well as other tradi- century, marking an innovation. he process tional rights on his house, the forests, pas- of creating Tschitliks in the Hellenic region tures, vineyards, fresh water sources on the developed in the same way it generally hap- Tschitliks; this meant limiting the owner- pened in the Balkans. A characteristic case of ship of the land owner (Hatzigiannis 1910: creating Tschitliks is the practice Ali Pasha 10-19; Karavidas 1982: 171-172, 111-122). of Ioannina used. By using terrorist meth- his situation changed completely in ods, he forced many villages to become Tsch- hessaly and Arta in Epirus when, follow- itliks, in order to be granted protection from ing the annexation land owners - accord- the predatory raids and the vulgarities that ing to the bare and complete ownership of he himself provoked. hus, although he did the Roman-German law of the Greek State not own even one of the Tschitliks, he and - perceived their relation to share peasants his sons ended up having 263 Tschitliks in as a simple tenancy given that the land had the region of hessaly, a number that tallies been relieved of the tangible rights of koliyi. with 66% of the major properties of hessaly. Already before the annexation of part

50 The agrarian question: the agrarian movement and issues of land ownership in Greece, 1821-1923 of Epirus and hessaly to Greece, Ottoman on the land they farmed. Koliyi manifested landowners, fearing a possible nationalisa- their struggle in refusing to sign the yearly tion, hastily sold their properties (Sika- tenancy contracts imposed by the Tschit- heodosiou 1989). he new buyers of these liks owners. In refusing to pay additional Tschitliks belonged mostly to the Greek tax and kicking out foremen or any other Diaspora, including Andreas Syngros, Con- Tschitliks representative and, in general, in stantinos Zappas, George Zariis, Chris- their refusal to accept the new order origi- takis Zografos, Constantinos Karapanos, nating from the new legislation - dictating Pavlos Stefanovik-Skylitsis, Evangelos Bal- bare ownership of the landowners on the tatzis, who made their purchases in good lands that themselves had been farming prices making the best out of the sell out in for generations- more oten than not led to the markets of Constantinople. their eviction from the lands following the , Prime Minister at expiry date. hese ighting claims of the the time, did not attempt an agrarian reform koliyi resulted in never ending quarrels and in hessaly and the Arta area in Epirus. In friction leading oten to bloody conlicts, vi- fact, he tolerated the absolute Tschitlik olence and arrests, given that state oicials, system anticipating that these purchasers the gendarmerie, the army, court decisions would invest important funds in Greece, es- etc., represented the interests of the Tschit- sential for modernizing and industrializing liks owners (Aroni-Tsichli 2005b: 53-82). At the country. In addition, he believed that this early stage, the agrarian issue, making these new Tschitliks owners would venture its irst steps in the area of Arta, was aggra- modernizing agriculture in hessaly; this vated in dozens of rebellious other villages, was not the case, however, with only a few mostly in the area of western hessaly (Tri- exceptions. Not only these landowners did antafyllidis 1974: 35; Pachis 1882: 37-43; Ar- not seek to modernize agriculture, but on seniou 1994: 34-35). the contrary, they contributed to an even he Government under h. Deliyannis greater shortage in grain production as they attempted to solve the problem of hessaly preferred to free from cultivation continu- and in January 1896 submitted ive drat ously larger expanses, making use of Trik- laws to Parliament, suggesting for the irst oupis’ favourable provisions (such as tarifs time the expropriation of 1/8 of arable lands on grain imports, abolishment of the hes- from every Tschitlik in hessaly. In this saly customs oice), and then rent them to way, that 20-25 stremma would be given to traveller livestock peasants at high prices. each landless share cropper along with the hus, grain cultivated areas decreased by house they lived in, providing for the way of 42,4% from 1885 to 1897 (Agriantoni 1986: payment and other measures and aiming at 285; Sika-heodosiou 1989: 184-187). the development of agriculture in hessaly he conlict between Tschitliks own- (Hatzigiannis 1910: 30-32; Sideris 1934: 73- ers and koliyi following the annexation was 74). However, Deliyannis did not manage to brought about because these landless share move to voting and referred the drat laws to croppers. hey refused to accept the aggra- a special committee whose indings bore no vation of their situation as a result of the substantial result; the reason was the reac- new demands of landowners according to tion of Tschitliks owners on the one hand the new ownership status which was alien- and the Greek-Turkish war in 1897 on the ating them from their traditional rights other. As Greece was defeated in this war, (Triantafyllidis 1974: 35; Hatzigiannis 1910: more hardship was in store for the people of 18). hat is, according to the law in force hessaly (Louvi 1998: 145-159). at the time in the Greek State, landowners Despite the peasants’ continuous and had the bare ownership of the lands in their strong resistance, from the annexation of possession, whereas koliyi had lost all rights hessaly to the beginning of 20th century,

51 Kaiti Aroni-Tsichli their claims had not been incorporated into was this way that the struggle claiming the a structured ighting framework and did not expropriation of Tschitliks was organised bear any kind of modernizing vision. It was and welded together. mainly looking to the past in an attempt to he presence and activity in hessaly restore an obsolete regime of share farming, of Marinos Antypas was quite typical. He as this had been applied under the Ottoman aimed at raising the living and education rule; this regime recognized the relation of standards of the peasantry. He served for a the koliyi as a relationship of “continuous few months only as a foreman in the estate partnership” between the Tschitlik owner of his uncle, G. Skiadaressis in 1906. Because and the share cropper. In this “partnership” of his struggles and his subsequent assassina- croppers had many rights and their rela- tion, Antypas has been one of the two sym- tionship with the land owner included not bols of the peasant movement in hessaly, only obligation, but also tangible terms. the other symbol being the Kileler incident Despite the importance of the problem itself (Karanikolas 1988: 197-206). for more than three decades, an organized In the irst decade of the 20th century, in- peasant movement failed to be born, as did tense farmer claims were targeting the land- some agrarian body or party. his is not owners as much as the state itself, since large a surprise, considering that many of the expanses from the Tschitliks of large land- members of Parliament of the area were owners such as Stefanovik, Zappas, Zariis Tschitliks owners themselves. were now property of the State either as a be- In the eve of 20th century many changes quest or following a takeover at a low price. took place and the irst round of the struggle he need to solve the problem originated by farmers in hessaly, as described until in a Law passed in 1907 by the government now, was about to come to an end. At this of G. heotokis, allowing for the distribu- point, the peasant movement was strength- tion of land to landless peasants. he reason ened and changed its form and content to for enacting this legislation was the wish run alongside the labour movement of the to reinstate the refugees who had arrived time. Now, the peasant movement in hes- to Greece from Eastern Rumelia, Bulgaria saly did not restrict itself to the reaction of and Romania, following the persecution peasants towards foremen, the gendarmerie, of Greeks with rural ownership. he law and so forth, but attempted to articulate new provided for voluntary and non-obligatory claims in new, modern forms of negotiation expropriation and was addressing refugees such as massive actions, protests, and rallies and not indigenous peasants. he Tschitliks taking place in the large cities of hessaly. owners had not reacted at the Parliament’s hese ended in addressing resolutions to the vote because the law was rather obscure and government, the parliament, and the King by they didn’t realize that indigenous landless forming associations and committees. In this persons were made eligible for the plot. phase, the centre of the struggle is transfered Other social strata ofered mobile sup- from the country side of western hessaly to port to the struggle of peasants in hessaly. mostly the urban centres in eastern hessaly he middle class / bourgeois and middle (Aroni-Tsichli 2005b: 145-197). class intellectuals were on the side of peas- he peasant movement was signiicant- antry of hessaly, taking over - in general ly pushed forward by the establishment of terms - the leadership of the peasantry agrarian associations such as the Agrarian movement. Bringing together intellectu- Association of hessaly in Larissa in 1904, als was further reinforced in 1908 when the Farming Union in Trikala in 1906, and the Sociological Society was established by culminating with the Farming Lowland As- Alexandros Papanastasiou, Spyros Melas sociation in Karditsa in May 1909 under and Alexandros Delmouzos (Papanastasiou the presidency of Dimitrios Bousdras. It 1988; Damianakos 2002: 191-194). he La-

52 The agrarian question: the agrarian movement and issues of land ownership in Greece, 1821-1923 bour Centre in Volos also played a crucial months, the agrarian issue expanded to new role in developing the peasantry movement lands, such as Macedonia. he rremaining in hessaly. he press also played a role as part of Epirus was also liberated and an- well, and particularly the newspaper Pan- nexed to Greece following the victorious thessaliki of Sofoklis Triantafyllidis. Balkan wars of 1912-1913. Finally, hrace he irst large scale of programming was annexed in 1920 (see map). However, in and manifestations for the promotion of these areas, despite their large Tschitliks, the peasant movement were launched in especially in Macedonia and Epirus, the the large cities and towns in hessaly be- agrarian issue was not of too much impor- tween September and October 1909 and tance for two reasons: irstly, the Greek state on 20th January 1910 (Karanikolas 1980: managed to avoid repeating any unsuccess- 197-206). A typical example, an emblem of ful actions of the past at the annexation of the struggle of hessaly, are the incidents hessaly and Arta, and secondly, a large that took place in the train station of Kileler number of land ownership questions had and Tsoular, among protesters travelling to been settled by relevant legislation. the rally in Larissa and soldiers who were he second agrarian reform regulating on the train, which resulted in some dead the main agriculture problem in Greece, the protesters and many seriously wounded. problem of the Tschitliks, was efectuated by More people were killed or wounded in in- the government of E.Venizelos in 1917 with cidents that took place in Larissa later. his the ive legislative decrees of May 20th 1917 is the “uprising” that came to be known as which came to force when Law 1072 was en- the Kileler incident that had actually hap- acted on December 29th 1917 (Sideris 1934: pened in Larissa (6 March 1910), where un- 170; Greece, Government Gazette 1917). armed peasants were defending themselves Finally, the law on agriculture took its in street ights against army units. (Karan- deinitive form with the Asia Minor Catas- ikolas 1980; Kordatos 1973: 152) trophe in 1922 when the Greek army was A landmark of the hessaly issue was defeated by the army of Mustafa Kemal the discussion on the expropriation in the in Asia Minor. Population exchanges fol- Second Revisionary Parliament in 1911. lowed between the two countries: Orthodox he issue of the expropriation conlict with Greeks and Muslim Turks. So, under the the Constitution was solved by passing an pressure of 1,069,957 refugees arriving in amendment “on ownership” to article 17 Greece, half of whom were farmers, inding of the 1864 Constitution and the approval a solution to the problem was expedited. of the term “public beneit” instead of the he “Revolution of 1922” party, with “public need” which was the valid term Minister of Agriculture G. Sideris, proceed- used at the time (Sideris 1934: 147-149). ed with the agrarian reform by enacting a During the 1910-1920 decade, the course Legislative Decree “on the reinstitution of for the settlement of the agrarian question landless peasants” on February 15th 1923. was in process with several partial adjust- he Legislative Decree of the Revolutionary ments. Prior measures had been the creation Government of N. Plastiras, a landmark in of agrarian Champers, the organisation of the agrarian policy of the Greek state, insti- agrarian services and institutes, the promo- tuted the expropriation of private lands and tion of partnership association with the fun- the grant of public, municipal and commu- damental law 602/1914, and the foundation nal plots for the agrarian indemniication of of the Ministry of Agriculture and Public Es- share croppers and refugees (Sideris 1934: tate in 1917 (Sideris 1934: 159-160). 176-181; Alivisatos 1932). Following the victorious end of the Bal- he 1917 agrarian reform in Greece was kan wars in 1912-1913, the territory and the the most important in depth, in relation to population of Greece doubling within ten the rest countries in Europe. In addition,

53 Kaiti Aroni-Tsichli

among the countries of Eastern Europe manent and steady customer, they absorbed where agrarian reforms took place, Greece high-quality currant, since they used it for came in second as far as the allocated sur- making meals and sweets, especially the face of land to farmers was concerned (Ver- traditional English pudding, widely spread gopoulos 1975: 178-179). Consequently, the to all social ranks. rural policy of the Greek State regarding he prosperity since mid-19th century land ownership was placed among the most had beneited all the categories of peasants as radical ones of its time. he rapid rise of the well as the townsmen in the areas of North- middle class, which was directly connected western Peloponnese, who were almost ex- to the industry, as well as the development clusively occupied with currant cultivation of the impersonal capitalistic system and and currant commerce. herefore, the cur- the increasing state interventionism, had rant crisis at the end of 19th century that was contributed greatly to the formation and brought about by the overproduction and materialization of this radical rural policy non-corresponding absorption of the prod- of the Greek State. uct when the French market closed, led to a herefore, the formation of a great num- huge economic and social crisis. he fall in ber of minor domestic exploitations that the prices of the currant and of the revenues arose from the agrarian reform did not hin- from the exploitation of land that followed, der the penetration of capitalism. On the neither led to an exclusively capitalistic agri- contrary, the Greek domestic agriculture culture, nor did it result in the creation of a optimally integrated in the capitalistic sys- strong agrarian party, as it happened in other tem through the mechanisms of the market. countries (Mouzelis 1978: 204; Dertilis 1977: 129; Liakos 1986: 114-115)8. A decisive stage, 7) Currant vineyard that directly concerns the current study, is or Corinthian currant the crisis of the currant7 in greece the protective tarif list in the import of cur- is a Greek variety and its fruit (stafilai) (1892-1910) rant that the French Minister of Agricul- give after drying a pre-eminently known ture, Jules Méline, introduced with a law in Greek product called he economic structure of Northwestern January 1892 (Barral 1968: 85-87; Agriantoni Corinthian currant or black currant Peloponnese during 19th century is asso- 1986: 275-276). which is mainly ciated with the cultivation and trading of Although the proportion of the currant consumed as a dried fruit or used for the the currant (Kalafatis 1990: 212-218; Pan- cultivators that turned to emigration or ur- preparation of food and pastry like for agiotopoulos 1980; Sakellaropoulos 1991: ban pull during that period was substantial, example the famous 89-92; Patronis 1993a; Patronis 1992). Due the countryside was not yet devastated. he English pudding. to the continuously increasing demand of governments frequently orientated their 8) Moreover, at least currant abroad, in the mid-19th century policy to this direction and the “social is- for the 19th century, the “ideological and Greece had become a quasi mono-export- sue” commenced to be laid on the table. political inactivity of the agricultural ing country (Franghiadis 1990). he ex- However, at the same time, the people of class” has been par- pansion of the currant cultivations spurted the countryside started to constitute a fac- ticularly stressed. ater the unexpected opening of the French tor that we cannot overlook. In hessaly, as market during the 1870s, attributed to the well as in Northwestern Peloponnese, the destruction of the French vineyards from peasants airm strongly their presence, in the grape-disease phylloxera. Moreover, connection with the burning issues that France absorbed lower quality currant as preoccupy them, and not exclusively for raw material for mass consumption wine, food shortage or a temporary crisis. namely raisin wine (Augé-Laribé 1907: 21- In Peloponnese, rural mobilizations 95; Garrier 1973; Pech 1975; Pizanias 1988: took place in an area - one of the more in- 71-80; Patronis 1993b). On the contrary, all corporated ones in the capitalistic economy the other countries consumed currant as - while the agricultural emancipation has a dried fruit. Especially in England, a per- preceded enough to claims of its direct in-

54 The agrarian question: the agrarian movement and issues of land ownership in Greece, 1821-1923 terest (Aroni-Tsichli 1999b: 108-111, 152- did not derive from a speciic class, nor did 184, Aroni-Tsichli 2006). hrough the cur- it relect - as the generally held view is - the rant crisis that started in the early 1890s, we interest of individual social groups (for in- witness the transformation of the rural class stance, of the currant traders). and its organization under a collective ac- he demand for withholding was raised tion. Now, except for the traditional meth- by areas that produced massive quanti- ods of rural protest, the currant cultivators ties of lower-quality currant. hese areas protested and fought for their demands us- constituted the vast majority of the cur- ing modern negotiation tactics, carrying on rant production places. On the contrary, a joint ight with the other social classes. P. the parties that produced fewer quantities, Barral (1968) considers such movements to but of ine quality of currant, were against be of ‘agriculturist type’, meaning that there the withholding. his dispute had reached is an agrarian population, which, despite such large extent, that the Press of the time all its diversiications, is opposed to an ur- named it a “new Peloponnese war” (News- ban industrialized world; P. Gratton (1972: paper of the Parliament Debates. Period 14. 9-12) denies the existence of such a society Session A. Meeting no 38). depending on interests. However, he notes herefore, under the mass pressure that in an economic crisis, small holders and from the majority of the currant produc- agrarian workers may temporarily side them- tion areas, the Prime Minister heodoros selves with the big bosses, like for example in Deligiannis passed a new law in Parliament, 1907 in Languedoc-Roussillon. Commercial in July 1895. he withholding was imposed, and land associations, as well as commit- amounting to 15% in species (Newspaper of tees for the organization of demonstrations the Parliament Debates. Period 14, Session are created, mobilizations and demonstra- A, Meeting no 46-47). his law constituted tions are organized, memos and resolutions the irst form of implementation of a cur- in which several demands are stated are sent rant policy on the part of the state, yet with- to the King, the Parliament and the Govern- out being able to deinitely solve the currant ment. (Gratton 1971: 188-190). problem (Etaxias 1898: 15). From September 1893, an enormous In 1899 Prime Minister G. heotokis wave of dynamic demonstrations and mo- introduced in the Parliament a new drat bilizations broke out. However, Prime Min- law, which led to the establishment of the ister Charilaos Trikoupis refused the gov- Currant Bank in July of 1899 (Sideris 1934). ernmental intervention for the settlement he shareholders of the Bank - whose term of the currant exports. Finally, in the begin- was set to twenty years - were all the cur- ning of January 1895, Trikoupis submitted rant planters who contributed currant fruit his resignation and, a little later, failing to through the tax in species or the exporting be elected in the next general election, let duty. the political scene of Greece for good. Great turmoil was caused and many mo- he vital demand that was inally bilizations took place in the currant produc- raised was the withholding (parakratima/ tion areas of the Peloponnese in 1903. hese παρακράτημα) (Newspaper of the Parlia- upheavals were due to the proposal of an ment Debates, Period 14, Session A’, Meet- English fund holders’ company for the con- ings No. 43). hrough the withholding, a clusion of a Currant Monopoly Agreement, proportion of the currant production excess which had to pass in Greek Parliament. his would be deducted and, under the direct time, people in all the currant production management of the state, it would be trans- areas sided themselves over the materializa- ferred exclusively and solely to the domestic tion of this proposal, and pressed the gov- industry, aiming at the best possible coun- ernment with demonstrations, resolutions terbalance of ofer and supply. his demand and great mobilizations to adopt this solu-

55 Kaiti Aroni-Tsichli

tion of the currant problem. and, thus, the Self-Governed Currant Orga- However, the distillery industrialists nization (ASO) was established (ΑΣΟ) (Sid- had ranged themselves against the Currant eris 1934: 227-243). Monopoly Agreement, as their interests had However, ater 1905, the old vigor of the been injured with the annulment of with- currant issue began to fade due to many holding. Furthermore, several merchants, reasons, such as the emigration of many grocers and currant recipients in London currant growers to America or to major were also against the Monopoly. he pres- cities in Greece. Another reason was the sures of the latter to their government, as diferentiation in the types of cultivation: well as the opinion of the Foreign Powers, tobacco and the production of grapes that particularly England, resulted in a stance could be used in winery started to replace against the Monopoly. Considering that the the currant in 1910. he extirpation of cur- Monopoly Agreement was contrary to the rant grapevines was done with a payment of terms of the already existing Commercial an indemniication to their growers (Evel- Agreement of 1890 between Greece and Eng- pides 1956: 123; Pizanias 1988: 99). land, as well as to the terms of other Com- Nevertheless, the fact that contributed mercial Treaties between Greece and other to a large extent in the reduction of the great Powers, led the Monopoly Agreement to a tension of the currant issue was the so-called dead end and inally in its voting down in “currant reformation” in 1905 by the govern- the Greek Parliament. An immediate conse- ment of Demitrios Rallis. According to the quence of the Monopoly cancellation in June Agreement, by which the Privileged Com- 1903 was the heightening of the mobilizations pany was established, the prosecutions of the and commotions in the currant production currant producers for their old debts towards areas, resulting in the governments’fall one the Currant Bank stopped, and the terms on ater the other (Aroni-Tsichli 1999b: 249-293; the basis of which the Privileged Company Kalafatis 1990: 1112). would make the settlement of their relations he settlement of the currant issue was with those old debtors would be deined. achieved with the signing of an Agreement In a way, these enactments favored the between the Greek State, the Currant Bank entry of agriculture in a modern, urban so- and the Bank of Athens. his was ratiied ciety and everyone accepted them. Further- by Parliament in July 1905 on the basis of more, through several organizations - agri- 9) Analysis and the Agreement, and an Anonymous Soci- cultural, land, commercial associations - as critique on the currant Agreement of ety was established under the name of the well as through several mobilizations-dem- «Ενιαία» see France. “Privileged Company for the Production onstrations, manifestations, resolutions and Archives du Ministere des Affaires Etrang- and Trading of the Currant” or “Uniied” other protests - the foundations of a cor- eres, Paris, (AMAE) [Eniaia/Ενιαία] (Greece. Newspaper of the poration activity were laid (Kalafatis 1990: Nouvelle Serie, Grece 9 (NS/GR), Vol. 1,2,5, Debates in the Parliament 1905) . With 1112). However, the study of the main laws 51, and in the AMAE, Correspondance the establishment of the Privileged Com- that were passed during the currant crisis Politique, Grece (CP/ pany, the Currant Bank was abolished. he reveals the indecision of the state to proceed GR), Vol.130, 131, 132, 133,134, 135, Privileged Company did not belong to the to a bold and eicient initiative. 136 and Correspon- currant producers, but it was a private, prof- As far as the currant population is con- dance Consulaire et Commerciale (CCC) itable enterprise (Agriantoni 1986: 227; Sid- cerned, we notice that the agrarian move- Patras, Vol. 6,7 and Great Britain. Foreign eris 1934: 86-87). ment during the currant crisis is a move- Office, Public Record With the establishment of the Privileged ment that uniies the classes against the Office, London, (F. O.), 286, Vol. Company, a new period began for the his- unfavorable economic conditions. he 428,431, 437, 457, tory of the currant issue. his Company agrarian movement in Northwestern Pelo- 458, 463,468, 470, 478, 479, 481, 483, was dissolved in 1924, since meanwhile new ponnese (1893 - 1910) constitutes a great 485, 486, 493. conlicts had arisen between the aforemen- agrarian protest, a “global rebellion” of the tioned company and the currant producers area (Aroni-Tsichli 1999b; 332-343). Regard-

56 The agrarian question: the agrarian movement and issues of land ownership in Greece, 1821-1923 ing the political and social messages, this feeling for the defense of the main Medi- ight was characterized by its conservative terranean product, the grapevine, against content. he political trend that prevailed the increasing economic crisis. In addition, in the agrarian movement during the cur- we can consider the currant crisis as a irst rant crisis was directed by the urban class. symptom of the negative consequences of herefore, the initiatives did not derive the integration of agriculture in the inter- from the agrarian class. hey were directed national capitalistic market. by major proprietors, currant merchants, political parties’ agents or personalities of the area, doctors, lawyers etc. Consequent- conclusion ly, the ight of the currant growers did not take place within the bounds of a ight of Following the Independence of Greece till the classes, as it started to happen in labor the distribution of national lands (1871), the environments of the time, mainly because dominating agrarian issue was the prob- there were many categories of peasants. So, lem of the distribution of national lands to at this phase, the ight of the classes did not peasants. Paradoxically, however, although touch the currant production provinces. during King Otto’s reign numerous upris- he revolution of the currant production ings broke out (1833-1852), national land areas of Northwestern Peloponnese were the distribution was not a demand, nor was this instinctive outburst of populations that sud- or any other agrarian claim included in the denly found themselves in a kind of economic political party proclamations. Τhose suc- limbo. Exhausted by the blows of an unfavor- cessive uprisings cannot be characterized as able coincidence which they were not pre- clearly agrarian ones because they were not pared to face and to which, they desperately part of a deinite agrarian movement with tried to resist and threatened by an imminent deined rural demands. Nevertheless, these destruction, the people involved in the grow- uprisings could be seen as part of the early ing and trading of currant, were activated history of the Greek agrarian movement be- proclaiming a local and universal “rebellion cause they were carried out by peasants and of despair”. he big crisis of the currant grow- also because they were part of a pro-capital- ing afected the entire population of the area. ist stage of rural rebellion. Moreover, in the economic and social history Immediately ater the annexation of the of agriculture, “the Mediterranean vineyard Ionian Islands to the Greek state (1864), a was the irst one to be harmed” (Bardissa crucial agrarian question arose, especially 1976: 33; Sagnes 1978: 3-30). in Corfu, where a feudalistic system similar In conclusion, the movement of the cur- to that of feudal Europe continued to exist. rant production provinces of the Pelopon- he medieval feudal system was abolished nese during currant crisis can be character- with a series of laws between 1864 and 1868. ised as an apolitical movement. A movement Both the allotment of national lands of rebellion against the economic destruc- in 1871 and the settlement of the agrarian tion and sordid poverty, the agrarian move- question in Corfu were animated by the ment of the years of the big currant crisis same prescriptive rules. let deep scars in the collective local psy- In both Peloponnese and hessaly, where chology. here was a protest of a population acute agrarian movements appeared at the that tried to maintain not only their living turning of the 20th century, the land propri- standards, but also a way of living accord- etorship status, the crops, landed relations ing to the vineyard ways and customs, the and working and living conditions of the res- vineyard “culture”. Finally, it was the move- idents in general were completely diferent. ment of a unanimous local defense that was In southern Greece and especially Pelo- fed with the power of a “Mediterranean” ponnese, small and middle domestic hold-

57 Kaiti Aroni-Tsichli ings had been established as the dominant to organize themselves autonomously into form of proprietorship which expanded in a powerful agrarian party, as it happened 1871 with the allotment of national lands in other Balkan countries during interwar, and very soon ailiated to the merchandized when Bulgaria, for example, had the most cultivation of the currant. In these regions powerful agrarian party in the Balkans. In the agrarian question did not exist. Only Greece, discontent and the reactions of the during the currant crisis at the end of the rural strata actually hemmed in within the 19th century did agrarian mobilizations ap- limits of the bourgeois conlict of the politi- pear in northwest Peloponnese that aimed cal parties. he Greek Agrarian Party had at state intervention for the settlement of just been founded in 1922 and, as far as the the problem arising from the great surplus number of its members is concerned or the of undisposed currant. Still, the confronta- political inluence it exerted, it composed a tion of this crisis did not divide the social petty force in the Greek political life. body. On the contrary, all social groups In consequence, it is interesting to note jointly confronted a crisis due to a juncture that the Greek peasants did not pursue the that had arisen from the international mar- conquest of immediate political authority ket and not from landed relations. for many decades. As for the diferentia- On the other hand, in hessaly, where tion between North and South, it is noted grain was cultivated, major land ownership that in southern regions, the so-called “Old with Tschitliks and koliyi (dependent peas- Greece”, the peasants were in their majority ants) was prevalent. With the annexation of pro-royalists, at least during the 19th cen- hessaly and Arta 1881, a burning agrarian tury, and voted for conservative parties. On question appears for the irst time in the the contrary, peasants in northern Greece Hellenic area with the aggravated juxtapo- were always radical in their political views, sition between two social groups: Tschitlik in relation to those of “Old Greece” and vot- landowners, (in whom the state itself was ed for progressive parties. included in some cases) on one side and In conclusion, it can be said that the three koliyi, or small land cultivators, on the oth- agrarian questions of the 19th century, that er side, both claiming the same lands. So, in is to say, the question of national lands, the that case, a sheer social agrarian movement question of early uprisings and the agrarian emerged. he same problem was confronted question of Corfu, were related to the tran- by the new regions of Epirus, Macedonia sition of the agrarian world and agriculture and hrace that united with Greece ater from a pre-industrial and pro-capitalistic the Balkan wars of 1912-1913. he Tschitlik framework to a liberal nation-state frame- problem was solved with the radical agrar- work that released land from “feudal” or oth- ian reform that commenced in 1917 and er burdens and placed it in the merchandized was completed in 1923. Yet, it could also be circuit, thus making it merchandise. added that the agrarian struggle, emerging he question of the currant and Tschit- in these northern areas of Greece, also ex- liks, that characterized the end of the 19th presses the reaction of the traditional agrar- and the beginning of the 20th century, was ian world to a broader market or, in other related to the embodiment of Greek agri- words, the vibrations that the embodiment culture in the market and the problems that of peasants caused to such a market. arose from this embodiment. It must be pointed out that in Greece Consequently, the 1st Agrarian Reform the two major reforms (1871 and 1917-1923) of 1871 did not have so much a social fea- that resolved the question of national lands ture as an institutional one: it remitted total and the Tschitlik question respectively individual proprietorship from legal ambi- were basically imposed from high quar- guities (state ownership, sharecroppers’ oc- ters. he Greek peasants did not manage cupation, etc.), making it so that it could be

58 The agrarian question: the agrarian movement and issues of land ownership in Greece, 1821-1923 placed as merchandise in the market. question. However, the social feature of this he 2nd Agrarian Reform in 1917, reform did not prevent the full embodiment though, had a more social feature as it al- of the peasants in the market, but, instead, it located major farms to landless cultivators accelerated it, thus accelerating their subjec- and koliyi for the settlement of the social tion to the commercial and banking capital. bIbLIogrAPhy

Agriantoni, Christina. 1986. he Beginning of the Industri- Aroni-Tsichli, Kaiti. 2005a. “he Agrarian Question of alization in Greece in the 19th century, Athens: Historical Corfu ater the Union of the Ionian Islands with Greece Archives of the Commercial Bank of Greece. through pamletia of that time”, In Proceedings of Congress: he Union of the Ionian Islands with Greece, 1864-2004, ed. Alivisatos, Babis Basile. 1932. La reforme agraire en Grèce: au Helen Gardikas–Katsiadakis and Eleni Belia 593-607. Ath- point de vue économique et social, Paris: Librairie du Receuil ens: and the Academy of Athens Sirey. Aroni-Tsichli, Kaiti. 2005b. The Agrarian Issue and the Alivizatos, Nikos. 1981. Introduction to the Greek Consti- Agrarian Movement in hessaly, 1881-1923. Athens: Papazis- tutional History, 1821-1941. Athens: Ant. Sakkoulas Publica- sis Publishers. tions. Aroni-Tsichli, Kaiti. 2006. “he crisis of currant in Greece: Anogiatis-Pelé, Dimitrios and Prontzas, Evangelos. 2002. protectionism and social conlicts 1892-1905”, In Proceeding Corfou, 1830-1832: between feudalism and colonization. of the sixth European Social Science History Conference, hessaloniki: University Studio Press. (in Greek) Amsterdam, Holland, 22-25 March. Aravantinos, Spyridon. 1895. History of Ali Pasha Tepelenli. Aroni-Tsichli, Kaiti. 2009. Rural uprisings in Old Greece, Athens: Spyridon Kousoulinou Printing House. 1833-1881. Athens: Papazissi publishers. Aroni-Tsichli, Kaiti. 1994. “Formes de révolte état centralisa- Arseniou, Lazaros A. 1994. he Epic of the hessalians peas- teur. Le cas du Magne dans la Grèce post-revolutionnaire”, ants and theirs revolts. Trikala: Philological Historical Lit- In Rapportes du septième Congrès International des Études erary Association of Trikala. du Sud-Est Européen, p. 11-57. Association Internationale d’Études du Sud-Est Européen (AIESEE). hessaloniki, Asdracha, Aikaterini and Asdrachas, Spyros. 1985. «In feu- Grèce, 29 August – 4 September. dal Corfu: from the aliens residents to the “vassali agrararii.” Ta Istorika 2(3): 77-94. (in Greek) Aroni-Tsichli, Kaiti. 1999a. “La version grecque de 1848: nouveauté et resistances traditionelles”, In Rapportes du Asdrachas, Spyros. 1996. “Rendita feudale e rendita fondiaria VIIIème Congrès International des Études du Sud-Est Euro- a Corfu all’ epoca della dominazione veneziana”, In Levante péen, Association Internationale d’Etudes du Sud-Est Euro- veneziano.Aspetti di storia delle Isole Ionie al tempo delle péen (AIESEE). Bucharest, Romania, 24-29 August. Serenissima, ed. Massimo Costantini and Aliki Nikiforou, 21-38. Roma: Bulzoni Editore. Aroni-Tsichli, Kaiti. 1999b. he Currant issue and the social Asdrachas, Spyros. 1999. Mechanisms of the rural economy ights: Peloponnese 1893-1905, Athens: Papazissis publishers. during the Ottoman domination, 15th – 16th centuries. Aroni-Tsichli, Kaiti. 2001a.”Views of Europeanism in post- Athens: hemelio. revolutionary Greece. he ecclesiastical policy of the State Augé-Laribé, Michel. 1907. Le problème agraire du social- within the scope of innovation” In Europe and New Helle- isme. La viticulture du Midi de la France. Paris : V. Giard nism: scientiic symposium, ed. he Moraitis Foundation for & E. Brière. Literary and Cultural Studies, 143-162. Athens: he Moraitis Foundation for Literary and Cultural Studies. Bacchion, Eugenio. 1956. Il dominio Veneto su Corfu : 1386- 1797. Venezia: Altino. Aroni-Tsichli, Kaiti. 2001b.”he Greek version of 1848: Mod- ern ideas and traditional opposition.” In Romanticism in Bardissa, Jaume. 1976. Cent Ans de Guerre du vin. Paris: Greece: scientiic symposium, ed. he Moraitis Foundation Tema éditions. for Literary and Cultural Studies, 15-28. Athens: he Mo- raitis Foundation for Literary and Cultural Studies. Barral, Pierre. 1968. Les agrariens français de Méline à Pisani. Paris: A. Colin. Aroni-Tsichli, Kaiti. 2004a. “Peasants and nation building in Greece in the 19th century”, In Proceeding of the ith Europe- Braudel, Fernand. 1982. La Méditerranée et le monde médi- terranéen à l’époque de Philippe II. Paris: Colin an Social Science History Conference, Humboldt University (Berlin, Germany), 24-27 March. Brekis, Spyros. 1984. he Year 1848 in Greece: PhD thesis. Athens: University of Athens. Aroni-Tsichli, Kaiti. 2004b. “Accumulation and Dissolution of Church’s and Monasteriers’ Great Estates in the Modern Constantini, Massimo. 1996. “L’ olio della Serenissima, dal and Contemporary Greece”. In Conische e sviluppo capital- commercio alla produzione. Per una storia dell’ uso produt- istico. I grandi patrimoni del clero regolare in età moderna tivo di un territorio d’ oltremare in una strategia mercantilis- in Europa e nel Continente Americano. ed. Fiorenzo Landi. ta”, In Levante veneziano.Aspetti di storia delle Isole Ionie al Milano : FrancoAngeli. tempo delle Serenissima, ed. Massimo Costantini and Aliki

59 Kaiti Aroni-Tsichli

Nikiforou, 11-19. Roma: Bulzoni Editore. Parliament, Period 8th, Session A, Meeting 32 (8-3-1882) Dakin, Douglas. 1985. he Uniication of Greece, 1770-192. Greece, Parliament. 1883. Newspaper of the Debates in the Athens: MIET. Parliament, Period 8th, Session B, Meetings 57 (12-2-1883) Damianakos Stathis. 2002. From the peasant to the farmer: Greece, Parliament. Newspaper of the Debates in the Parlia- the Greek rural society towards of the globalization. Athens: ment, Period 17th, Session A, Meetings 50, 52, 53, 54, 56. Exantas Greece, Parliament Newspaper of the Parliament Debates. Dertilis, George. 1991. “Taxation, Social Classes and Politics” Period 3, Session B’, v. A’, p. 404 (Εφημερίς Συζητήσεων της In History Issues: 18th-20th century, ed. G. Βουλής, Περίοδος Γ’, Σύνοδος Β’, τ. Α’, σ. 404). Dertilis and K. Kostis, p. 273-288. Athens: Greece Parliament. Newspaper of the Parliament Debates. Dertilis, George. 1993. Inefectives or efectuals: taxes and Period 14. Session A. Meeting no 43. power in Modern Greek state. Athens: Alexandreia. Greece Parliament. Newspaper of the Parliament Debates. Dertilis, Georgios. 1977. Social transformation and military Period 14. Session A. Meeting no 38; intervention, 1880-1909. Athens: Exantas. (in Greek) Greece Parliament. Newspaper of the Parliament Debates, Diamandouros, Nikiforos P. 2002. he early building of the Period 14, Session A’, Meetings 46-47. modern Greek state, 1821-1828. Athens: MIET. Hatzigiannis, Dimitrios. 1910. he agrarian Issue of hes- Etaxias, Athanasios. 1898. Address regarding the Currant saly. Athens: Vergianitou. Crisis in the Congress of October 1898, of the B’ Session of the Currant Congress. Athens: Sakellariou Publishing Press. Ioannidou-Bitsiadou, Georgia. 1983. La structure économique de la hessalie a la veille de l’annexion (1878- Evelpides, Chryssos.1956. Agricultural Policy. Athens: Pa- 1881). In La dernière phase de la crise orientale et l’ Hellé- pazissis Publishing nisme: 1878-1881. Athens: Franghiadis, Alexis. 1990. Peasant Agriculture and Export Kalafatis, Athanasios. 1990. Agricultural Credit and Econom- Trade, Currant Viticulture in Southern Greece, 1830-1893. ic Transformation in the Northern Peloponnese, 1864-1900. Florence: European University Institute. Athens: Historical Archives of National Bank of Greece. Franghiadis, Alexis. 1993. “Réforme agraire et développe- Karanikolas, Georgios. 1980. Kililer: contribution to the his- ment de la propriété individuelle en Grèce au 19ème siècle: la tory of Greek Peasant Movement. Athens: Grammi publishers. distribution des ‘Domaines Nationaux’, 1871-1887. In Espace Agrarians: comparative study et Familles dans l’Europe du sud a l’âge moderne, ed. Woolf, Karavidas, Kostas D. 1982. . Athens: Papazissis publishers Stuart, 53-75. Karouzou, Evi. 1990. “Systema de propriedad y “Tierra Na- Frazee, Charles. 1987. he Greek Orthodox Church and the cional”: Reforma y realidades, 1830-1930.” AREAS 12 : 27-34. Greek Independence, 1821-1852. Athens: Domos publishers. Karouzou, Evi. 2006. Institutional framework and rural Giannopoulos, Ioannis. 1972. “ he Tschitliks of Veli Pasha, economy” In he development of the Greek economy in the the son of Ali Pasha” Mnemon, 2 : 135-158 19th century, ed. Κostas Kostis and Sotiris Petmezas, σ.175- Gilbert Garrier. 1973. Paysans du Beaujolais et du Lyonnais: 218. Athens: Alexandreia. 1800-1870. Grenoble : Presses d’Universitaires de Grenoble. Karouzou, Evi.1989. “Possession issues of national land, Glytsis, Philippos, Loukos, Christos and Belia Eleni. 1987- 1833-1871.” Mnemon, 12: 149-161 1998. Abstracts of documents of the British Department of Kordatos, Gianis. 1973. he History of the Agrarian Move- Foreign Afairs: general correspondence of the years 1833- ment in Greece, Athens: Boukoumanis publishers. 1835. Athens: Athens Academy. Kouris, Socrates. 1868. he duty to the homeland:historical Gratton, Philippe. 1971. Les luttes des classes dans les cam- report on Corfu property issues in the newly terminated Par- pagnes. Paris: Anthropos. liament Period. Corfu: Athena Press. Gratton, Philippe. 1972. Les paysans français, contre Laskaris, S. h. 1924. he Catholic Church in Greece. Athens: l’agrarisme. Paris: Maspero. From hanou Tzavela Printing Press. Greece, Government Gazette. 1833. he Government Ga- Legg, Keith. R. 1969. Politics in Modern Greece, Stanford, Ca- zette of the Kingdom of Greece, No 28, 7 September. lif.: Stanford University Press. Greece, Government Gazette. 1835. he Government Ga- Liakos, Antonis. 1986. “he possibilities of Marxism’s assim- zette of the Kingdom of Greece, No 2, 19 June. ilation in Greece in the 19th century.” Bulletin of the Society Greece, Government Gazette. 1838. he Government Ga- of Modern Greek Civilization and General Education Studies, zette of the Kingdom of Greece, No 1, 1 January. 8:114-115. Greece, Government Gazette. 1917. he Government Gazette Louvi, Lina. 1998. “From the physical limits of Hellenism in of the Kingdom of Greece, No 305, 29 December. lost crop of hessaly: the issue of boundaries arrangement” In he War of 1897: Two-day symposium on the occasion of Greece, Parliament. 1868. Collection at the Parliamentary 100 years, ed. he Moraitis Foundation for Literary and Cul- C session in 1867 and becoming discussions on the Corfu tural Studies, 145-159. Athens: he Moraitis Foundation for Question: on land possession, agricultures etc. Literary and Cultural Studies. Greece, Parliament. 1882. Newspaper of the Debates in the Marcoras, Gerasimos. 1868. Précis et esprit de la question ag-

60 The agrarian question: the agrarian movement and issues of land ownership in Greece, 1821-1923 ricole de Corfou. Corfou: Nachamouli. Languedoc-Roussillon, Toulouse : Publication de l’Université Maurer, Georg Lutwig. 1976. he Greek people. Athens: Afoi de Toulouse-le Mirail. Tolidi. Sagnes, Jean. 1978. “Le mouvement de 1907 en Languedoc- Mavromoustakou Ivi. 2003. “he Greek government, 1833- Rousillon: de la révolte viticole a la révolte régionale.” Le 1871: political institutions and administrative organization”, Mouvement Social, 104 : 3-30. In History of the Modern Hellenism 1770-2000. Ed. Vasilis Panagiotopoulos. Athens: Ellinika Grammata. Sakellariou, M. 1848. «L’Hellénisme et 1848» In 1848 dans McGrew, W.W. 1985. Land and Revolution in Modern le Monde, le Printemps des Peuples, ed. François Fejto, 322-. Greece, 1800-1880: the Transition in the Tenure and Exploita- Paris: Éditions de Minuit. tion of Land from Ottoman Rule to Independence. Kent, OH: Kent State University Press. Sakellaropoulos, heodoros. 1991. Institutional transforma- tion and economic development; State and economy in Greece, Moustoxidis, Andreas. 1848. Delle cose corciresi. Corfou : Nella Τipograia del Governo. 1830-1922. Athens: 1991. Mouzelis, Nikos. 1978. Modern Greek Society, Underdevelop- Sika-heodosiou, Aggeliki. 1989. he annexation of hessaly, ment aspects. Athens: Exantas (in Greek) 1881-1883, PhD diss, Aristotelian University of hessaloniki.

Pachis, Georgios. 1882. “he Agrarian Issue in Epirus.” In Sfyroeras, Vasilis. 1976.”A period of domestic disorders and Documents, ed. Adamantios Pepelassis. 37-43. Athens: Agri- foreign pressure, 1847-1853.” In he History of the Greek Na- cultural Bank of Greece, 1981. tion, Athens: Ekdotiki Athinon publishers, vol. C p. 132-143 Panagiotopoulos, Vasilios. 1980. “he industrial revolution ideris, A. 1934. he agricultural policy of Greece during the and Greece 1832-1871”, In Modernization and Industrial Rev- olution in the Balkans in the 19th century, ed. Klaus-Detlev expired one hundred-year period, 1833-1933, Athens: K. S. Grothusen et al., 225-231. Athens: hemelio. Papadogiannis publishers (in Greek) Pantazopoulos, Nikolaos. 1987. “Traditional agrarian insti- Sivignon, M. 1992. hessaly: geographical analysis of a Greek tutions to the challenge. he case of hessaly” In Alexan- region. [La hessalie, Lyon, 1975] translated by G. Anasto- dros Papanastasiou, Institutions, Ideology and Politics in in- poulos. Athens: Agricultural Bank of Greece. terwar period, ed. George Anastasiadis, George Kontogiorgis and Pavlos Petridis, 193-253. Athens: Polytypo. Skopetea, Elli. 1987. “1848: European revolution and the Pantazopoulos, Nikolaos.1962. “Timariōtismos kai epimortos Greek inactivity”. Mnemon, 11: 289 agrolēphia en eptanēsō epi Venetokratias.” In Proceedings of the hird Panionio Congress, 155-195. Athens. (in Greek) Strong, Frederick. 1842. Greece as a kingdom: or a Statistical Description of that country from the arrival of king Otho in Papanastasiou, Alexandros. 1988. “he land [belongs] to 1833 to the present time. London: Longman. the growers”, In Alexandros Papanastasiou: research stud- ies – speeches - articles, ed. X. Leukoparidis, p. 58-72. Athens: heotokas, Nikos. 1985. “he relection of real life and dream Agricultural Bank of Greece. in the texts of Makrygiannis.” Ta Istorika. 2(4) 288- Patronis, Vasilis. 1992. Production agricole et commerce exté- rieur. Le cas de la région de Patras, 1860-1900: hèse pour le Triantafyllidis, Sofoklis. 1906. he koliyi of hessaly. Volos: Doctorat,. Paris : Université Paris I. “Panthessaliki” Newspaper Patronis, Vasilis. 1993a. “Currant and agricultural reform.” Troianos, Spyridon and Dimakopoulou, Charikleia. 1999. Issues of political economy: review of economic and social sci- he church and the state, the relation between them in 19th ences. 2: 56-82 century, 1833-1852. Athens: Ant. Sakkoulas Patronis, Vasilis. 1993b. “he Corinthian currant in the French market.” Ta Istorika, 10 (18-19): 53-78. Tsopotos, Dimitrios. 1912. Land and farmers of hessaly dur- ing the Ottoman domination. Volos: Newspaper hessaly Petmezas, Socrates. 2000. “Agrarian Economy”, In History of Printing Press. Greece in 20th century, 1900-1922 the beginnings, ed. Christos Hadziiosif, V. A1, p. 75. Athens: Vivliorama. Tsoukalas, Konstantinos. 1977. Dependence and Reproduc- Petmezas, Socrates. 2003. he Greek agrarian economy dur- tion: he Social role of the educational mechanisms in Greece, ing the 19th century: the regional dimension. Heraklion: Uni- 1830-1922. Athens: hemelio. versity of Crete Press. Vergopoulos, Kostas. 1975. he agrarian issue in Greece. Ath- Petropulos, John Antonis. 1985. Politics and Statecrat in the ens: Exantas. Kingdom of Greece, 1833-1843, Athens: MIET. Pizanias, Petros. 1988. Economic history of the Greek raisin, Vournas, Tasos. 1952. he Greek 1848: struggles for social and 1851-1912. Athens: Commercial Bank of Greece. political transformation in Greece under the inluence of Eu- ropean bourgeois uprisings. Athens: Progoulakis, George. 2003. Between the honor and the mon- ey: Corfu in the years of English occupation, 1814-1864. Ath- Weber, Eugen. 1976. Peasants into Frenchmen. he Modern- ens: Historical Archives of the Commercial Bank of Greece. ization of Rural France, 1870-1914. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Remy, Pech 1975. Entreprise viticole et Capitalisme en University Press.

61 62