DOCSLIB.ORG

British Intelligence Against Eoka in Cyprus 1945-1960

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

BRITISH INTELLIGENCE AGAINST EOKA IN CYPRUS 1945-1960 A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY NİHAL ERKAN IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS JULY 2019 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences ___________________________ Prof. Dr. Tülin Gençöz Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ___________________________ Prof.Dr.Oktay Tanrısever Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. _____________________ Prof.Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı Supervisor Examining Committee Members Assoc. Prof. Dr. M. Fatih Tayfur (METU, IR) _____________________ Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı (METU,IR) _____________________ Prof. Dr. Oktay Tanrısever (METU,IR) _____________________ Prof. Dr. Gökhan Koçer (Karadeniz Teknik Uni., ULS) _____________________ Assist. Prof.Dr. Merve Seren (Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt Uni., INRE) _____________________ I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Nihal Erkan Signature : iii ABSTRACT BRITISH INTELLIGENCE AGAINST EOKA IN CYPRUS, 1945-1960 Erkan, Nihal Ph.D; Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof.Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı July 2019, 367 pages This thesis analyses the role of British intelligence activities in the fight against EOKA in Cyprus between 1945 and 1960. In the study, the concepts of intelligence and intelligence failure as well as development of British intelligence system will be examined. Based on these preliminary Works, this thesis will seek to answer how British intelligence played a role against EOKA in Cyprus with respect to intelligence collection, intelligence analysis, counterintelligence and covert action. Keywords: intelligence, intelligence failure, Cyprus, EOKA iv ÖZ EOKA’YA KARŞI MÜCADELEDE KIBRIS’TA İNGİLİZ İSTİHBARATI, 1945-1960 Erkan, Nihal Doktora:Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü Tez Yöneticisi : Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı Temmuz 2019, 367 sayfa Bu tez, 1945 ve 1960 yılları arasında, İngiliz istihbaratının EOKA’ya karşı Kıbrıs’taki faaliyetlerini analiz etmektedir. Çalışmada istihbarat ve istihbarat hatası kavramları ile birlikte İngiliz istihbarat sisteminin oluşumu incelenmektedir. Bu öncül çalışmalar kapsamında, bu tez İngiliz istihbaratının Kıbrıs’ta EOKA’ya karşı nasıl bir rol oynadığını, istihbarat toplama, istihbarat analizi, istihbarata karşı koyma ve örtülü faaliyet bağlamında değerlendirmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: istihbarat, istihbarat hatası, Kıbrıs, EOKA v TABLE OF CONTENTS PLAGIARISM................................................................................... iii ABSTRACT...................................................................................... iv ÖZ...................................................................................................... v TABLE OF CONTENTS.................................................................. vi LIST OF FIGURES........................................................................... ix LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS........................................................... xi CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION..................................................................... 1 1.1 The Research Question...................................................... 2 1.2 Contribution of Study........................................................ 5 1.3 Methodology and Sources.................................................. 10 1.4 Structure of the Thesis....................................................... 14 2. INTELLIGENCE AND FAILURE........................................... 18 2.1 Introduction........................................................................ 18 2.2 The Concept of Intelligence............................................... 21 2.3 Failure in the Intelligence System...................................... 43 2.3.1 Inteligence Failure................................................. 44 2.3.2 Counterintelligence Failure.................................... 74 2.3.3 Covert Action Failure............................................ 85 3. DEVELOPMENT OF BRITISH INTELLIGENCE SYSTEM..... 95 3.1 Introduction........................................................................ 95 3.2 Development of British “Intelligence Machinery”............ 98 vi 3.2.1 The Origins of British Intelligence........................ 99 3.2.2 Modernisation of British Intelligence.................... 104 3.2.3 British Colonial Intelligence System……………. 130 3.2.4 British Intelligence System in Cyprus…………... 137 4. BRITISH INTELLIGENCE IN CYPRUS 1945-1960.............. 142 4.1 Introduction........................................................................ 142 4.2 The Start of British Rule on Cyprus.................................. 144 4.3 The British Rule on Cyprus,1878-1945............................. 148 4.4 British Intelligence in Cyprus............................................ 151 4.4.1 The British Strategy............................................... 152 4.4.2 British Intelligence and Enosis Movement (1945-1st April 1955)............................................. 160 4.4.3 British Intelligence and EOKA (1st April 1955-4th November 1957)...................... 170 4.4.3.1 British Diplomatic Strategy....................... 171 4.4.3.2 British Intelligence and EOKA.................. 175 4.4.3.3 EOKA’s Intelligence System..................... 204 4.4.3.4 Covert Action:Propaganda Wars............... 217 4.4.4 British Intelligence and the Republic of Cyprus (4th November 1957-16th August 1960)................. 233 4.4.4.1 Political Developments.............................. 233 4.4.4.2 British Intelligence and EOKA.................. 238 4.4.4.3 EOKA’s Intelligence System.................... 244 4.4.4.4 Zurich and London Agreements (1959-16th August 1960)........................................ 248 vii 5. CONCLUSION.......................................................................... 252 REFERENCES.................................................................................. 263 APPENDICES A: SOME DEFINITIONS OF INTELLIGENCE………………... 307 B: LIST OF THE MAJOR INCIDENTS IN CYPRUS…………. 309 C: APPRECIATION OF SITUATION BY DIGHENIS………… 315 D: THE BOOK “APPLE OF DISCORD”...................................... 320 E: NOTE ON THE CIC REPORT………………………………. 321 F: GRIVAS DIARIES AND OTHER BELONGINGS................. 323 G: RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MAKARIOS AND GRIVAS....... 325 H: DEPORTATION OF MAKARIOS........................................... 326 I: BRITISH COUNTER-PROPAGANDA................................... 327 J: EOKA LEAFLET...................................................................... 328 K: EOKA LEAFLET...................................................................... 331 L: SABOTAGES AND AMBUSHES BY EOKA......................... 333 M: A DAILY SITUATION REPORT……………………………. 336 N: THE CIC REPORT…………………………………………… 337 O: EOKA KILLINGS 1955-1958……………………………...… 341 P: UNNAMED LETTER FROM A GREEK CYPRIOT............... 342 Q: EOKA TERRORISM REPORT BY AUGUST 1956............... 343 R: END OF STATE OF EMERGENCY IN CYPRUS................. 344 S: CURRICULUM VITAE............................................................ 345 T: TURKISH SUMMARY/TÜRKÇE ÖZET................................ 346 U: TEZ İZİN FORMU/THESIS PERMISSION FORM ............... 367 viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 First Drawing of the Intelligence Cycle……………. 52 Figure 2 Intelligence Cycle………………………………….. 53 Figure 3 Key Agencies of British Intelligence………………. 127 Figure 4 British Intelligence Structure………………………. 129 Figure 5 Map of Cyprus by Piri Reis, 1526…………………. 145 Figure 6 Map of Cyprus, 1878………………………………. 147 Figure 7 British Sovereign Base Areas in Cyprus………….. 159 British Soldiers Uncovering an EOKA arms Figure 8 189 cache………………………………………………. Figure 9 EOKA’s reply to Governor Harding, 1956……….. 190 Figure 10 Operation Black Mac……………………………… 194 Figure 11 Pepper Grains Used by EOKA Terrorists………… 203 Figure 12 EOKA Communication by Courier System……….. 216 Round-Up Operation at Paramlymni near Figure 13 244 Famagusta………………………………………….. Figure 14 Signing of the Treaty of Establishment …………… 251 ix LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS Abwehr Germany’s Military Intelligence AKEL Progressive Party of the Working Class CA Covert Action CI Counterintelligence CIC Cyprus Intelligence Committee CIA Central Intelligence Agency CID Command Intelligence Operations Center CISC Cyprus Internal Security Committee CO Colonial Office COMINT Communications Intelligence CoS Chief of Staff CS Cypher School CYBINT Cyber Intelligence DIC District Intelligence Committee ELINT Electronic Intelligence EMAK National Liberation Front of Cyprus EOKA National Organization of Cypriot Fighters FCO Foreign and Commonwealth Office FIS Foreign Instrumentation Signals GCHQ The Government Communications Headquarters GEOINT Geospatial Intelligence HUMINT Human intelligence x IC Unites States Intelligence Community IMINT Imagery Intelligence IRD Information Research Department JIC Joint Intelligence Committee KITEM Cyprus Turkish Resistance Union LTC Lieutenant Colonel MASINT
Recommended publications
  • Ireland and the End of the British Empire: the Republic and Its Role in the Cyprus Emergency

    Ireland and the End of the British Empire: the Republic and Its Role in the Cyprus Emergency

    Ireland and the End of the British Empire: The Republic and Its Role in the Cyprus Emergency HELEN O’SHEA I.B. Tauris (London, 2015), xviii and 288 pp. ISBN: 978-1-78076-752-9 In April 2004, in the weeks leading up to the referendum on the Annan Plan, numerous events were held across Cyprus to discuss the relative merits and, more usually, drawbacks of the proposals for the island’s reunification. One of these events, which took place in Nicosia, involved the then Irish Ambassador to Cyprus. Like many other European Union diplomats based on the island at the time, he openly supported the Plan. He therefore used the opportunity to call on people to vote ‘Yes’ in the forthcoming poll. At the end of his speech, a Greek Cypriot man got up from his seat and launched in to a full scale condemnation of the ambassador’s position. In doing so, he uttered an immortal line. In all seriousness, he asked the ambassador what he could possible know about conflict and division. The rest of the audience was left utterly dumbfounded. It simply defied belief that anyone could have made such a comment. Indeed, it was almost impossible to quite take in what had just been said. If anything, most Greek Cypriots were more than aware of the apparent commonalities shared by the two islands. Indeed, to most Greek Cypriots, it is almost as though the people of Cyprus and Ireland are spiritual kin. Against this backdrop, it is perhaps surprising that there has been remarkably little written on the relationship between Cyprus and Ireland.
  • Wilson, MI5 and the Rise of Thatcher Covert Operations in British Politics 1974-1978 Foreword

    Wilson, MI5 and the Rise of Thatcher Covert Operations in British Politics 1974-1978 Foreword

    • Forward by Kevin McNamara MP • An Outline of the Contents • Preparing the ground • Military manoeuvres • Rumours of coups • The 'private armies' of 1974 re-examined • The National Association for Freedom • Destabilising the Wilson government 1974-76 • Marketing the dirt • Psy ops in Northern Ireland • The central role of MI5 • Conclusions • Appendix 1: ISC, FWF, IRD • Appendix 2: the Pinay Circle • Appendix 3: FARI & INTERDOC • Appendix 4: the Conflict Between MI5 and MI6 in Northern Ireland • Appendix 5: TARA • Appendix 6: Examples of political psy ops targets 1973/4 - non Army origin • Appendix 7 John Colin Wallace 1968-76 • Appendix 8: Biographies • Bibliography Introduction This is issue 11 of The Lobster, a magazine about parapolitics and intelligence activities. Details of subscription rates and previous issues are at the back. This is an atypical issue consisting of just one essay and various appendices which has been researched, written, typed, printed etc by the two of us in less than four months. Its shortcomings should be seen in that light. Brutally summarised, our thesis is this. Mrs Thatcher (and 'Thatcherism') grew out of a right-wing network in this country with extensive links to the military-intelligence establishment. Her rise to power was the climax of a long campaign by this network which included a protracted destabilisation campaign against the Liberal and Labour Parties - chiefly the Labour Party - during 1974-6. We are not offering a conspiracy theory about the rise of Mrs Thatcher, but we do think that the outlines of a concerted campaign to discredit the other parties, to engineer a right-wing leader of the Tory Party, and then a right-wing government, is visible.
  • Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 British Imperialism, Public Opinion and the Coming of the Cold War

    Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 British Imperialism, Public Opinion and the Coming of the Cold War

    Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 British Imperialism, Public Opinion and the Coming of the Cold War JOHN SAKKAS Harrassowitz Verlag (Germany, 2013), 149 pp/28 illust. ISBN: 978-3-447-06718-8 The Greek civil war holds a significant place in the history of twentieth-century Europe for many reasons. Firstly, it was Europe’s bloodiest conflict in the second half of the 1940s; secondly, it marked a turning point in the Cold War; and lastly, it showed how Greece had become an ‘apple of discord’ for both American and Soviet involvement in Greek affairs which led to even more complexity in the country’s post-war politics. Yet despite its significance, only a limited number of studies have been carried out on the subject of this era. After the troubled period of the 1950s and 1960s, a time dominated by extreme conservatism, anti-communism and nationalist paroxysms, it was difficult to access material sources and this made it nearly impossible to conduct scholarly research, so that older politically-charged interpretations and accounts went mostly unchallenged. However, in the past two decades a new historiographical current has developed as regards the civil war in Greece and new evaluations and debates have emerged that shed fresh light on conventional supposition. Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 draws upon the author’s doctoral dissertation and provides a welcome addition to studies on that period in Greek history. John Sakkas takes up a novel approach that does not focus solely on Greek politics, whether they are national or local, nor does it centre simply on British policy in Greece.
  • I Was Happy and Flattered to Be Invited to Deliver This Lecture Because Like So Many Others Who Knew Michael Quinlan I Was an Impassioned Admirer

    I Was Happy and Flattered to Be Invited to Deliver This Lecture Because Like So Many Others Who Knew Michael Quinlan I Was an Impassioned Admirer

    I was happy and flattered to be invited to deliver this lecture because like so many others who knew Michael Quinlan I was an impassioned admirer. Yet I cannot this evening avoid being a little daunted by the memory of an occasion twenty years ago, when we both attended a talk given by a general newly returned from the Balkans. Michael said to me afterwards: ‘Such a pity, isn’t it, when a soldier who has done really quite well on a battlefield simply lacks the intellectual firepower to explain coherently afterwards what he has been doing’. Few of us, alas, possess the ‘intellectual firepower’ to meet Michael’s supremely and superbly exacting standard. I am a hybrid, a journalist who has written much about war as a reporter and commentator; and also a historian. I am not a specialist in intelligence, either historic or contemporary. By the nature of my work, however, I am a student of the intelligence community’s impact upon the wars both of the 20th century and of our own times. I have recently researched and published a book about the role of intelligence in World War II, which confirmed my impression that while the trade employs some clever people, it also attracts some notably weird ones, though maybe they would say the same about historians. Among my favourite 1939-45 vignettes, there was a Japanese spy chief whose exploits caused him to be dubbed by his own men Lawrence of Manchuria. Meanwhile a German agent in Stockholm warned Berlin in September 1944 that the allies were about to stage a mass parachute drop to seize a Rhine bridge- the Arnhem operation.
  • The Gordian Knot: American and British Policy Concerning the Cyprus Issue: 1952-1974

    The Gordian Knot: American and British Policy Concerning the Cyprus Issue: 1952-1974

    THE GORDIAN KNOT: AMERICAN AND BRITISH POLICY CONCERNING THE CYPRUS ISSUE: 1952-1974 Michael M. Carver A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of The requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2006 Committee: Dr. Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor Dr. Gary R. Hess ii ABSTRACT Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor This study examines the role of both the United States and Great Britain during a series of crises that plagued Cyprus from the mid 1950s until the 1974 invasion by Turkey that led to the takeover of approximately one-third of the island and its partition. Initially an ancient Greek colony, Cyprus was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in the late 16th century, which allowed the native peoples to take part in the island’s governance. But the idea of Cyprus’ reunification with the Greek mainland, known as enosis, remained a significant tenet to most Greek-Cypriots. The movement to make enosis a reality gained strength following the island’s occupation in 1878 by Great Britain. Cyprus was integrated into the British imperialist agenda until the end of the Second World War when American and Soviet hegemony supplanted European colonialism. Beginning in 1955, Cyprus became a battleground between British officials and terrorists of the pro-enosis EOKA group until 1959 when the independence of Cyprus was negotiated between Britain and the governments of Greece and Turkey. The United States remained largely absent during this period, but during the 1960s and 1970s came to play an increasingly assertive role whenever intercommunal fighting between the Greek and Turkish-Cypriot populations threatened to spill over into Greece and Turkey, and endanger the southeastern flank of NATO.

  • The Liberation Struggle of Eoka 1955-1959 and the Chloraka Coast

    THE LIBERATION STRUGGLE OF EOKA 1955-1959 AND THE CHLORAKA COAST Today the Chloraka coast in Paphos is a busy tourist area. At the time of the 1955-1959 struggle for liberation, however, it was a remote deserted shoreline, and this is why it was cho- sen as the site for the secret arrival from Greece of EOKA leader George Grivas Dhigenis and for receipt of the first shipments of arms. Because of the very important events that took place here during preparations for the EOKA struggle in 1954 and the early part of 1955, the Chloraka coast and particularly the areas "Alyki", "Rodafinia" and "Vrexi" are among the most important monumental sites of the 1955-1959 struggle for freedom. It was here that the flame of freedom was lit for the first time. It was from here that the message was spread to the whole of Cyprus that the yoke of English Colonial Rule was about to be thrown off. THE CHAPEL OF SAINT GEORGE About two hundred metres from the sea, at the place known as "Alyki", where the leader Dhigenis disem- barked on 10 November 1954, Zena Gunther built the chapel of Saint George, at her own expense, in honour of the military leader. The chapel, which was later decorated with icons by George and Alexander Constantinides under the supervision of Paphos Diocese and with donations from Christians, is now an integral part of the monu- mental site on the Chloraka coast. Together with the other monumental works, it serves to perpetuate his- toric memory and to underline the Christian faith that inspired the freedom fighters of the struggle and was indissolubly linked to their love for freedom for the fatherland.
  • Military Entrepreneurship in the Shadow of the Greek Civil War (1946–1949)

    Military Entrepreneurship in the Shadow of the Greek Civil War (1946–1949)

    JPR Men of the Gun and Men of the State: Military Entrepreneurship in the Shadow of the Greek Civil War (1946–1949) Spyros Tsoutsoumpis Abstract: The article explores the intersection between paramilitarism, organized crime, and nation-building during the Greek Civil War. Nation-building has been described in terms of a centralized state extending its writ through a process of modernisation of institutions and monopolisation of violence. Accordingly, the presence and contribution of private actors has been a sign of and a contributive factor to state-weakness. This article demonstrates a more nuanced image wherein nation-building was characterised by pervasive accommodations between, and interlacing of, state and non-state violence. This approach problematises divisions between legal (state-sanctioned) and illegal (private) violence in the making of the modern nation state and sheds new light into the complex way in which the ‘men of the gun’ interacted with the ‘men of the state’ in this process, and how these alliances impacted the nation-building process at the local and national levels. Keywords: Greece, Civil War, Paramilitaries, Organized Crime, Nation-Building Introduction n March 1945, Theodoros Sarantis, the head of the army’s intelligence bureau (A2) in north-western Greece had a clandestine meeting with Zois Padazis, a brigand-chief who operated in this area. Sarantis asked Padazis’s help in ‘cleansing’ the border area from I‘unwanted’ elements: leftists, trade-unionists, and local Muslims. In exchange he promised to provide him with political cover for his illegal activities.1 This relationship that extended well into the 1950s was often contentious.
  • London School of Economics and Political Science Department of Government

    London School of Economics and Political Science Department of Government

    London School of Economics and Political Science Department of Government Historical Culture, Conflicting Memories and Identities in post-Soviet Estonia Meike Wulf Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD at the University of London London 2005 UMI Number: U213073 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U213073 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Ih c s e s . r. 3 5 o ^ . Library British Library of Political and Economic Science Abstract This study investigates the interplay of collective memories and national identity in Estonia, and uses life story interviews with members of the intellectual elite as the primary source. I view collective memory not as a monolithic homogenous unit, but as subdivided into various group memories that can be conflicting. The conflict line between ‘Estonian victims’ and ‘Russian perpetrators* figures prominently in the historical culture of post-Soviet Estonia. However, by setting an ethnic Estonian memory against a ‘Soviet Russian’ memory, the official historical narrative fails to account for the complexity of the various counter-histories and newly emerging identities activated in times of socio-political ‘transition’.
  • Propaganda War During the Peak of the Enosis Campaign: the Case of the English Edition of Halkin Sesi

    Propaganda War During the Peak of the Enosis Campaign: the Case of the English Edition of Halkin Sesi

    Propaganda War During the Peak of the Enosis Campaign: The Case of the English Edition of Halkin Sesi Nikolaos Stelgias,1 Magdalene Antreou2 Abstract During the second half of the 1950s, the Greek Cypriot leadership, the British colonial administration and the Turkish Cypriot community contested for the right to decide the future of the island. The local press had a unique role in this political battle as a medium for the unleashing of a fierce ‘propaganda war’. The British administration propagated its messages to the public through the local English-language press, while the Turkish Cypriot community took part in this ‘propaganda war’ through the short- lived ‘English Edition of the Halkın Sesi’, which is the object of this study. The study, which relies on archival material, finds that the second largest community of the island was not a reactionary element in Cyprus’ political field. With innovations, such as the English-language version of a propagandist newspaper, the Turkish Cypriot community emerged as a vital player in the field of the Cyprus Problem. Keywords: Cyprus Problem, propaganda, Turkish Cypriots, Halkın Sesi, English language press Introduction: Propaganda war in Cyprus’ English-language press during the peak of the Enosis campaign We have decided to publish an English edition of Halkın Sesi after serious con- sideration. The object of this English edition is to state and restate the Turkish point of view on Cyprus and counter fight the prolific Greek propaganda, which is based on falsehoods or sentiment. We feel that it is high time the English-speak- ing world has a serious look at the other side of the Cyprus coin, a side, which in modesty and due to lack of means has not been sufficiently stated so far3.
  • From the “Millet System‟‟ to a Hostage Minority: Greek Community of Turkey Or a Trump Card in Cyprus Issue 1954-1955

    From the “Millet System‟‟ to a Hostage Minority: Greek Community of Turkey Or a Trump Card in Cyprus Issue 1954-1955

    International Journal of Social Science and Humanity, Vol. 5, No. 6, June 2015 From the “Millet System‟‟ to a Hostage Minority: Greek Community of Turkey or a Trump Card in Cyprus Issue 1954-1955 Resul Babaoglu the weakening of the central authority. It can be said that Abstract—The Cyprus issue, especially since 1951, was non-Muslims in the Ottoman Empire lived the most evaluated as an important topic in Turkey's foreign policy comfortable period in every aspect especially as agenda. Since that date, Cyprus issue has created the main demographically from the declaration of the Kanun-u Esasi reason of the tension observed in the relations with Greece. On (The first Meshrutiyet period) in 1876 to the World War I [4]. the other hand, this negative table also had too deep effects on the Greek originated citizens of Turkey. For the realization of On the other hand, the Young Turks' (Jeune Turq) appearing the purpose of connecting the island of the Greeks to Greece, in political scene and working to place the secular order the offensive and destruction actions against the Turks and the across the country has also influenced the Greek society. British rule after a short time in Turkey found correspond to During this period, the Greeks sent the chosen people to the nationalist reflexes. In this article, by investigating the Meclis-i İdare-i Vilayet and Karma Milli Meclis. [5]. When effects of the tension lived in Cyprus to Turkey Greek evaluated in this respect, the Ottoman Greek community has community, the difficulties and societal responses caused by that period are evaluated in terms of Greek community.
  • The Crux of the Cyprus Problem

    The Crux of the Cyprus Problem

    PERCEPTIONS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS September - November 1999 Volume IV - Number 3 THE CRUX OF THE CYPRUS PROBLEM RAUF R. DENKTAŞ His Excellency Rauf R. Denktaş is President of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Anthony Nutting, who was the British Minister of State at the Foreign Office during the period 1954-56, wrote in his book I Saw for Myself his impression following talks with the leaders of Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots: “There is nothing Cypriot about Cyprus except its name. In this beautiful beleaguered island you are either a Greek or a Turk. From the leaders of the two communities downwards the chasm of suspicion and hatred which separates them is frighteningly wide.”1 EOKA terrorism, which aimed to unite the island with Greece (enosis), was at its height and the Turkish Cypriots, who looked upon enosis as changing colonial masters for the worst, resisted it with every means at their disposal. Hence, the message passed on to all young Greek Cypriots was, “the struggle against the real enemy of our nation and religion, the remnants of the occupying power in Cyprus, will commence as soon as the fight for enosis comes to a successful conclusion”! Any Greek Cypriot who saw the futility and the danger of the drive for enosis, and thus supported independence as a more suitable solution, was regarded as a traitor to the national cause and murdered by EOKA (the Greek Cypriot terrorist organisation). In fact, everyone who opposed enosis was declared an enemy and lived under a constant threat. All Turkish Cypriots were against enosis! By 1957, inter-communal clashes assumed the character of a civil war.
  • The Cyprus Question and the Role of the UN: an Overall Assessment

    The Cyprus Question and the Role of the UN: an Overall Assessment

    The Cyprus Question and the Role of the UN: An Overall Assessment Andreas Theophanous Odysseas Christou Since its creation the Republic of Cyprus has had a very turbulent history. From the outset the geopolitical implications of the Treaty of Establishment, the Treaty of Alliance, and the Treaty of Guarantee on the one hand and the particular characteristics of the Cold War on the other were not fully understood. Domestic tensions as well as foreign interventions led eventually to the cataclysmic events of the summer of 1974. Fifty years after the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus, this island-state faces critical problems and multidimensional challenges.1 The greatest challenge remains the reestablishment of the territorial integrity and unity of the country. Prior to the Turkish invasion of 1974, the basis of the intercommunal negotiations revolved around the establishment of a unitary state with elements of local and communal, self-administration on issues of low level politics. Since the latter part of the 1970s, the model for the solution to the Cyprus problem, according to conventional orthodoxy, has essentially been a bizonal bicommunal federation.2 Yet despite successive and repeated rounds of intercommunal negotiations under the auspices of the UN and the support of the international community there has not been an agreement.3 In fact, the problem remains unresolved while the gap between the two sides is widening. Thus, it is not surprising that to the present day the bizonal bicommunal federation does not yet have a commonly accepted precise definition. Besides it is indeed doubtful whether the implementation of such a model could lead to stability and cooperation.4 Historical Background and Context Cyprus is the third largest island in the Mediterranean, located approximately 70 km to the south of Turkey.