The Athens Polytechnic Uprising: Myth and Reality
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C.I. Clement, 'Enmity Over Amity: US Belligerence
Enmity over Amity: US Belligerence toward Latin American Elected Governments Presented at the International Studies Association 2008 Annual Conference Do not cite or reproduce without the author’s permission. Christopher I. Clement Pomona College Department of Politics [email protected] Several works focusing on the use of covert operations by one democracy against another have challenged some of the central claims of democratic peace theory (DPT). Most notably, Forsythe (1992) shed light on the United States use of covert actions against elected governments in the Third World and suggested they might present some complications for DPT. James and Mitchell (1995) also found that powerful established democracies are likely to use covert actions when disputes arise with weaker democracies attempting to overcome their structural dependencies. If DPT were to include covert actions, its claims regarding the pacific relations among democracies would be less convincing. As Barkawi (2001:107) notes, the zone of peace among democracies “may not extend to core-periphery relations” and “would be considerably reduced, largely applicable only to a Western context where many other variables may account for the lack of war.” Forsythe (1992:393) offered two tentative explanations that transcend the Cold War. Borrowing from Michael Hunt (1988), he suggested a cultural predisposition of US leaders that consisted of “disdain for non-European politicians, fear of social revolution, and resentment that US leadership was rejected,” might have encouraged covert action. Forsythe also acknowledged that the targeted democracies may not have been considered “mature liberal states.” Thus a powerful, well-established democracy may use covert actions if it believes another democracy is “weak and poorly established” and incapable of resolving disputes at home and abroad peacefully. -
Ideology, Social Basis, Prospects REPORT 2018
European Centre for Democracy Development Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects REPORT 2018 Athens-London-Berlin-Paris-Moscow-Krakow-Budapest-Kiev-Amsterdam-Roma 1 Editor in Chief and Project Head: Dr. Valery Engel, Chairman of the Expert Council of the European Centre for Tolerance, principal of the Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications Authors: Dr. Valery Engel (general analytics), Dr. Jean-Yves Camus (France), Dr. Anna Castriota (Italy), Dr. Ildikó Barna (Hungary), Bulcsú Hunyadi (Hungary), Dr. Vanja Ljujic (Netherlands), Tika Pranvera (Greece), Katarzyna du Val (Poland), Dr. Semen Charny (Russia), Dr. Dmitry Stratievsky (Germany), Ruslan Bortnik (Ukraine), Dr. Alex Carter (UK) Authors thank the Chairman of the European Centre for Tolerance, Mr. Vladimir Sternfeld, for his financial support of the project CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects Report “Contemporary far-rights. Right-wing radicalism in Europe: ideology, social base, prospects" is the result of the work of an international team of experts from 10 European countries. The report answers the question of what is the social basis of European right- wing radicalism and what are the objective prerequisites and possible directions for its development. In addition, the authors answer the question of what stays behind the ideology of modern radicalism, what the sources of funding for right-wing radical organizations are, and who their leaders are. Significant part of information is introduced for the first time. © European Center for Democracy Development, 2018 © Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications, 2018 © Institute for Ethnic Policy and Inter-Ethnic Relations Studies, 2018 2 Introduction Radicalism is a commitment to the extreme views and concepts of the social order associated with the possibility of its radical transformation. -
2014 National History Bowl National Championships Round #4
2014 National History Bowl National Championships Round 4 First Quarter 4 1. This man instituted doctrines such as "mutual criticism" and instructed postmenopausal women to introduce teenage boys to sex. His community also had a committee that determined whether requests for intercourse would be granted. His settlement practiced "Bible Communism" and "Complex Marriage" but later changed its focus to silverware manufacture under his son Pierrepont. For 10 points, name this founder of the most notorious commune of the 1840s utopian movement, the Oneida Community. ANSWER: John Humphrey Noyes 186-13-94-04101 2. This man's wife Sarah had a mental breakdown that required she be restrained in their home at Scotchtown plantation. He declined to attend the Constitutional Convention because he claimed he "smelt a rat." In a speech urging military action, he argued "Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston!" For 10 points, name this Virginian who, according to his biographer William Wirt, ended a speech with "Give me liberty or give me death!" ANSWER: Patrick Henry 121-13-94-04102 3. This character often tells the speaker that he would "sooner live in hell." This man from Plumtree, Tennessee dies the day after Christmas, but not before extracting a promise that is fulfilled when the narrator spots the "Alice May" on the "marge of Lake Lebarge," lights the boiler, and sticks this man's corpse in it. For 10 points, name this gold prospector whose cremation is told of in a Robert Service poem that is a key part of the cultural heritage of the Yukon. -
Spyros Ploumidis
NUANCES OF IRREDENTISM: THE EPIROTE SOCIETY OF ATHENS (1906-1912) Spyros Ploumidis Abstract: The story of the Epirote Society, which was established in Athens in 1906, adds colour to the broader mosaic of irredentism. The account of the Society’s past, especially of its Ioannina branch, given by one of its participants omits several inner aspects and does not offer a comparative perspective. The aim of this paper is to place the history of the Society in a more general context and offer a better understanding of the actions and practices of this particular agent of irredentism. The course that was followed by Greek irredentism in Ottoman Epirus was not an exception but rather a rule in the Balkans at the time. The paper examines critically the Society’s agenda and illustrates certain issues, such as social banditry and the clash between communalism and nationalism, in the light of contemporary academic findings. The other-definition of the Greek nation-building process in the area towards the Albanian national “awakening” is also discussed, while emphasis is placed on the interconnection of these processes with the agrarian question. The canonical annals of irredentism in the late Ottoman Balkans are certainly well-known. The main parameters and effects of post-state nationalism in the area have been extensively discussed and analysed. Yet numerous facets, inner agents and side-effects of the nationalist ideology are still waiting to be narrated and academically examined. Multiple nuances of irredentism can be traced in matters of social history and the locale. The course that Greek irredentism followed in Ottoman-ruled Epirus at the turn of the twentieth century was mostly the rule rather than the exception. -
A Mapping of Their Great Divide and Its EU Implications
European Research Studies Journal Volume XXI, Issue 3, 2018 pp. 14 - 42 Germany and Greece: A Mapping of their Great Divide and its EU Implications George C. Bitros1 Abstract: The economic constitutions of Germany and Greece have resulted in the post-war period in two economies that are based on two vastly different philosophies. Germany has built a highly competitive, outward looking economy based essentially on the principles of the so-called “Social Market Economy”, whereas Greece has set up a “state- managed economy” by drawing on the principles of central planning and administrative controls. This divide is equally stark, if assessed on the basis of the performance of the two economies. For, as it is known by now, Germany has become once again the powerhouse of Europe while Greece has gone bankrupt. As to the implications of this great divide for the future of the EU, its identification and map- ping helps understand why convergence criteria on the basis of economic performance and living standards should be abandoned in favour of criteria based on the widening and deep- ening of the four European freedoms. A multispeed Euroland enmeshed in these freedoms is going to be more democratic, more cohesive and a much happier union for the European citizens to call homeland. Keywords: Social market economy, central planning, economic performance, structural differences, four European freedoms. JEL Classification: E02, F02, P51, H1, L5. 1Emeritus Professor of Political Economy, Athens University of Economics and Business, e- mail: [email protected] G.C. Bitros 15 1. Introduction2 The visionaries who embarked in the 1950s on the monumental project of Europe- an unification aimed initially at economic integration. -
Killing Hope U.S
Killing Hope U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II – Part I William Blum Zed Books London Killing Hope was first published outside of North America by Zed Books Ltd, 7 Cynthia Street, London NI 9JF, UK in 2003. Second impression, 2004 Printed by Gopsons Papers Limited, Noida, India w w w.zedbooks .demon .co .uk Published in South Africa by Spearhead, a division of New Africa Books, PO Box 23408, Claremont 7735 This is a wholly revised, extended and updated edition of a book originally published under the title The CIA: A Forgotten History (Zed Books, 1986) Copyright © William Blum 2003 The right of William Blum to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Cover design by Andrew Corbett ISBN 1 84277 368 2 hb ISBN 1 84277 369 0 pb Spearhead ISBN 0 86486 560 0 pb 2 Contents PART I Introduction 6 1. China 1945 to 1960s: Was Mao Tse-tung just paranoid? 20 2. Italy 1947-1948: Free elections, Hollywood style 27 3. Greece 1947 to early 1950s: From cradle of democracy to client state 33 4. The Philippines 1940s and 1950s: America's oldest colony 38 5. Korea 1945-1953: Was it all that it appeared to be? 44 6. Albania 1949-1953: The proper English spy 54 7. Eastern Europe 1948-1956: Operation Splinter Factor 56 8. Germany 1950s: Everything from juvenile delinquency to terrorism 60 9. Iran 1953: Making it safe for the King of Kings 63 10. -
Greek Cultures, Traditions and People
GREEK CULTURES, TRADITIONS AND PEOPLE Paschalis Nikolaou – Fulbright Fellow Greece ◦ What is ‘culture’? “Culture is the characteristics and knowledge of a particular group of people, encompassing language, religion, cuisine, social habits, music and arts […] The word "culture" derives from a French term, which in turn derives from the Latin "colere," which means to tend to the earth and Some grow, or cultivation and nurture. […] The term "Western culture" has come to define the culture of European countries as well as those that definitions have been heavily influenced by European immigration, such as the United States […] Western culture has its roots in the Classical Period of …when, to define, is to the Greco-Roman era and the rise of Christianity in the 14th century.” realise connections and significant overlap ◦ What do we mean by ‘tradition’? ◦ 1a: an inherited, established, or customary pattern of thought, action, or behavior (such as a religious practice or a social custom) ◦ b: a belief or story or a body of beliefs or stories relating to the past that are commonly accepted as historical though not verifiable … ◦ 2: the handing down of information, beliefs, and customs by word of mouth or by example from one generation to another without written instruction ◦ 3: cultural continuity in social attitudes, customs, and institutions ◦ 4: characteristic manner, method, or style in the best liberal tradition GREECE: ANCIENT AND MODERN What we consider ancient Greece was one of the main classical The Modern Greek State was founded in 1830, following the civilizations, making important contributions to philosophy, mathematics, revolutionary war against the Ottoman Turks, which started in astronomy, and medicine. -
Golden Dawn and the Right-Wing Extremism in Greece
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Golden Dawn and the Right-Wing Extremism in Greece Lymouris, Nikolaos November 2013 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/106463/ MPRA Paper No. 106463, posted 08 Mar 2021 07:42 UTC Golden Dawn and the Right-Wing Extremism in Greece Dr Nikolaos Lymouris London School of Economics - Introduction There is an ongoing controversy as to whether extreme right has been a longstanding political phenomenon in Greece or whether it is associated with the ongoing economic crisis. The first view suggests that the extreme right ideology has been an integral part of modern Greek political history because of its tradition of far-right dictatorships. The other view emphasizes the fact that the extreme right in Greece never actually existed simply because of the lack of a nationalist middle class. In effect, the emergence of Golden Dawn is simply an epiphenomenon of the economic crisis. At the same time, a broad new trend was adopted not only by the mass media but also -unfortunately– the academia in order to expand – by using false criteria - the political boundaries of the extreme right, to characterize as many parties as possible as extreme right. In any case, the years after the fall of the Greek junta (from 1974 until today) there are mainly two right-wing parties in the Greek political life: the “United Nationalist Movement” (ENEK in its Greek acronym), a fridge organisation acted during the mid 80’s and has ceased to exist, and the Golden Dawn, whose electoral success provoked an important political and social debate. -
George C. Bitros
WORKING PAPER SERIES 06-2017 Germany and Greece: A mapping of their great divide and its EU implications George C. Bitros Πατησίων 76, 104 34 Αθήνα. Tηλ.: 210 8203303‐5 / Fax: 210 8238249 76, Patission Street, Athens 104 34 Greece. Tel.: (+30) 210 8203303‐5 / Fax: (+30) 210 8238249 E‐mail: [email protected] / www.aueb.gr 1 Germany and Greece: A mapping of their great divide and its EU implications By George C. Bitros Emeritus Professor of Political Economy Athens University of Economics and Business Abstract The economic constitutions of Germany and Greece have resulted in the postwar period in two economies that are based on two vastly different philosophies. Germany has built a highly competitive, outward looking economy based essentially on the principles of the so-called “Social Market Economy”, whereas Greece has set up a “state-managed econ- omy” by drawing on the principles of central planning and administrative controls. This divide is equally stark, if assessed on the basis of the performance of the two economies. For, as it is known by now, Germany has become once again the powerhouse of Europe while Greece has gone bankrupt. As to the implications of this great divide for the future of the EU, its identification and mapping helps understand why convergence criteria on the basis of economic performance and living standards should be abandoned in favor of criteria based on the widening and deepening of the four European freedoms. A multi- speed Euroland enmeshed in these freedoms is going to be more democratic, more cohe- sive and a much happier union for the European citizens to call homeland. -
Greece and NATO Master's Thesis Presented
The “Menace from the North” and the Suppression of the Left: Greece and NATO Master’s Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University Ioannis Pavlou, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2015 Thesis Committee: Georgios Anagnostou, advisor Anthony Kaldellis Copyright by Ioannis Nikos Pavlou 2015 Abstract In the aftermath of the Greek Civil War, the right-wing elements of Greece’s government felt that they needed to join NATO to protect Greek interests from the perceived threat posed by Communism and their Balkan neighbors. Throughout this period of time, the Greek state implemented several drastic and often undemocratic motions that led to measures against minority groups, suppressing left-wing politicians, and applying old nationalistic rhetoric such as the “Menace from the North” to the situation with the Communist regimes in their neighboring countries. During this time, Greek interests often were pushed aside in order to appease the United States and other members of NATO while at other points, Greece nearly went to war with their NATO ally Turkey over the future of Cyprus. Meanwhile, Greece’s new-found alliance with NATO led to an improvement of their military capabilities to the point where the highly nationalistic, anti-Communist army would seize control of the government in 1967 and form a Military Junta. During the seven years of military control, NATO continued to work with the Military Junta which in turn would have drastic consequences when Greece nearly went to war with Turkey over Cyprus. -
The United States and the Greek Coup of 1967
Were the Eagle and the Phoenix Birds of a Feather? The United States and the Greek Coup of 1967 by Louis Klarevas Assistant Professor of Political Science City University of New York—College of Staten Island & Associate Fellow Hellenic Observatory—London School of Economics Discussion Paper No. 15 Hellenic Observatory-European Institute London School of Economics Houghton Street London WC2A 2AE http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/hellenicObservatory February 2004 Author’s Note: The author wishes to thank the Hellenic Observatory of the London School of Economics for its generous support in the undertaking of this project. The author also wishes to thank Kevin Featherstone, Spyros Economides, and Dimitrios Triantaphyllou for comments on a previous draft. In the summer of 2004, Greece will host the Olympic Games. Americans attending the games and visiting traditional tourist stops in Athens are sure to be greeted with open arms. But for those who delve a bit further into the country-side seeking a taste of average Greek life, some are sure to hear some fascinating tales flavored with a strong hint of anti-Americanism. To many foreigners that visit Greece these days, it might seem like the cradle of democracy is also the cradle of conspiracy. Take these schemes, for example: (1) Orthodox Serbs, not Muslims, were the true victims of the slaughters in the Balkans during the 1990s—and the primary reason that NATO intervened was so that the United States could establish a military foothold there;1 (2) the U.S. Ambassador played a tacit role in the removal of the Secretary- General of Greece’s ruling political party;2 and (3) the attack on the World Trade Center was a joint Jewish-American conspiracy to justify a Western war against Muslims—with reports that no Jews died in the September 11 attacks.3 All of these perspectives have numerous subscribers in Greece. -
Greek Elections 2012: a Political Crisis As an Anti-Marketing Tool for Traditional Parties
American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 3 No. 1; January 2013 Greek Elections 2012: A Political Crisis as an Anti-Marketing Tool for Traditional Parties Dr. Nasios Orinos European University Cyprus Kastorias 6A, Lykavitos, 1055, Nicosia, Cyprus Abstract This article strives to answer the question how a political crisis can be an anti-marketing tool for traditional parties. It presents a road map of the 2012 Greek Parliamentary Elections. It begins with a discussion of the context within which the elections have taken part, explaining how the memorandum and the bailout agreement imposed have impacted the country. It reviews the Greek election law and discusses the campaign strategies and tactics that have been used historically. But foremost the article tries to bridge between the two elections, 6th of May 2012 and 17th of June 2012, presenting the strategies used in those, while discussing and analyzing the campaigns used by the two major parties now in Greece, New Democracy and SYRIZA. It concludes by presenting the results of the two elections noting the huge percentage drop of PASOK and the end of two-party system, synthesizing it with the impact these results will have on the country. Keywords: Pasok , Syriza, New Democracy, Memorandum 1. Introduction Newman (1999) highlighted that marketing strategy lies at the heart of electoral success because it induces a campaign to put together, in a relatively short period of time, a forceful organization that mobilizes support and generates a winning coalition of disparate and sometimes conflicting groups. Garecht (2010) has posed a question. Why on earth would we want to get involved in politics? As he noted, the political lifestyle seems enjoyable.