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Machine : the Political Origins of the Greek Debt During Metapolitefsi
This is a repository copy of Fuelling the (party) machine : the political origins of the Greek debt during Metapolitefsi. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/171742/ Version: Published Version Monograph: Kammas, P., Poulima, M. and Sarantides, V. orcid.org/0000-0001-9096-4505 (2021) Fuelling the (party) machine : the political origins of the Greek debt during Metapolitefsi. Working Paper. Sheffield Economic Research Paper Series, 2021002 (2021002). Department of Economics, University of Sheffield ISSN 1749-8368 © 2021 The Author(s). For reuse permissions, please contact the Author(s). Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Department Of Economics Fuelling the (party) machine: The political origins of the Greek debt during Metapolitefsi Pantelis Kammas, Maria Poulima and Vassilis Sarantides Sheffield Economic Research Paper Series SERPS no. 2021002 ISSN 1749-8368 February 2021 Fuelling the (party) machine: The political origins of the Greek debt during Metapolitefsi Pantelis Kammasa, Maria Poulimab and Vassilis Sarantidesc a Athens University of Economics and Business, Patission 76, Athens 10434, Greece. -
Report from Greece
Reprinted fro~ THE AMERICAN Scuo~, Volume 119, Number 11, Summer, 1970 Copynght@ 1970 by the Umted Chapters of Phi Beta Kappa. REPORT FROM GREECE Under the Junta NICHOLAS GAGE and EUAS KULUKUNDIS The hold of Greece's military dictator arrested for insulting a representative of ship on the average Greek citizen might the regime, condemning the coup or other be compared to the effect of a choke col such offenses. But they have been held lar on a dog. The colonels hold the leash only briefly and then released. In one vil carefully-the repression, the controls are lage in the northwest corner of the coun there-but the leash is so long that it is try, for example, a merchant was arrested not felt until someone forgets and steps for calling the new junta-appointed mon too far, and is brought to the realization arch of the province a thief, in the heat of that the initiative for his actions is not his a debate with fellow villagers. He was own. arrested, imprisoned for a month and The regime has an unusually good sense then tried and acquitted. The purpose of of when to pull and when to give rein. such arrests is to cut off open criticism At the funeral of the late Premier George by making the threat of imprisonment Papandreou, the junta did not use its real in every village. People are made an full police power to scatter the huge example of, and then freed to create the crowd that had gathered. Had it done so, impression that the regime is not arbitrary it probably would have caused further and oppressive but capable of compas demonstrations that would have been sion and even justice. -
Evanthis Hatzivassiliou Greek-Yugoslav Relations Is A
Evanthis Hatzivassiliou From Adversity to Alliance: Greece, Yugoslavia and Balkan Strategy, 1944-1959 Greek-Yugoslav relations is a subject of pivotal importance for understanding the shaping of twentieth century Balkan balances. In the post-war period this relationship became even more interesting: Greece and Yugoslavia had radically different political, economic and social systems; they were bitterly divided in 1944-1948, but then they norma lized relations, participated in a Balkan alliance together with Turkey, and when this alliance broke down, they continued their co-operation on a bilateral basis. In this paper it will be argued that the factor which divi ded Greece and Yugoslavia in 1944-1948 was not ideology, but strate gy; and it was strategy that brought them closer after Tito’s split with Stalin. After 1948 both countries shaped their policy on the basis of a mild realism, and their relationship was dominated by their perception of their respective national interests. In this paper, emphasis will be placed on Greek perceptions and assessments, but Yugoslav views will also be mentioned. I During the inter-war period Greece’s major problem with Yugo slavia derived from the latter’s great size: Belgrade was a powerful neighbour, capable of pressing Athens and of attracting support from the great powers, mainly France. At that time Greece was afraid of Yugo slavia’s hegemonist tendencies in the Balkans, as well as of its desire to pose as the protector of the Slav-speaking minority of Greece and as a suitor for the port of Thessaloniki. It was clear that, facing Bulgarian revisionism, it would be impossible for Athens to resist pressures from both its northern neighbours; this was why the possibility of a Bulgarian- Yugoslav rapprochement was the nightmare scenario of the Athens policy-makers'. -
7. Political Development and Change
F. Yaprak Gursoy 1 Democracy and Dictatorship in Greece Research Question: From its independence in 1821 until 1974 democracy in Greece witnessed several different types of military interventions. In 1909, the military initiated a short-coup and quickly returned to its barracks, allowing democracy to function until the 1920s. During the 1920s, the armed forces intervened in politics frequently, without establishing any form of dictatorship. This trend has changed in 1936, when the Greek military set up an authoritarian regime that lasted until the Second World War. In 1967, again, the Generals established a dictatorship, only to be replaced by democracy in 1974. Since then, the Armed Forces in Greece do not intervene in politics, permitting democracy to be consolidated. What explains the different behaviors of the military in Greece and the consequent regime types? This is the central puzzle this paper will try to solve. Studying Greece is important for several reasons. First, this case highlights an often understudied phenomenon, namely military behavior. Second, analyzing Greece longitudinally is critical: military behavior varied within the country in time. What explains the divergent actions of the same institution in the same polity? Looking at Greece’s wider history will allow showing how the same coalitional partners and how continuous economic growth led to different outcomes in different circumstances and what those different circumstances were. Finally, studying the divergent behavior of the Greek military helps to understand democratic consolidation in this country. Even though Greece has a record of military interventions and unstable democracies, since 1974, it is considered to have a consolidated democracy. -
Britain and the Greek Security Battalions, 1943-1944
VOL. XV, Nos. 1 & 2 SPRING-SUMMER 1988 Publisher: LEANDROS PAPATHANASIOU Editorial Board: MARIOS L. EVRIVIADES ALEXANDROS KITROEFF PETER PAPPAS YIANNIS P. ROUBATIS Managing Eidtor: SUSAN ANASTASAKOS Advisory Board: MARGARET ALEXIOU KOSTIS MOSKOFF Harvard University Thessaloniki, Greece SPYROS I. ASDRACHAS Nlcos MOUZELIS University of Paris I London School of Economics LOUKAS AXELOS JAMES PETRAS Athens, Greece S.U.N.Y. at Binghamton HAGEN FLEISCHER OLE L. SMITH University of Crete University of Copenhagen ANGELIKI E. LAIOU STAVROS B. THOMADAKIS Harvard University Baruch College, C.U.N.Y. CONSTANTINE TSOUCALAS University of Athens The Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora is a quarterly review published by Pella Publishing Company, Inc., 337 West 36th Street, New York, NY 10018-6401, U.S.A., in March, June, September, and December. Copyright © 1988 by Pella Publishing Company. ISSN 0364-2976 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS DAVID GILMORE is professor of anthropology at the State Uni- versity of New York at Stony Brook . MOLLY GREENE is a doc- toral candidate at Princeton University . CLIFFORD P. HACKETT is a former aide to U.S. Representative Benjamin Rosenthal and Senator Paul Sarbanes. He is currently administering an exchange program between the U.S. Congress and the European Parliament and is also executive director of the American Council for Jean Monnet Studies . JOHN LOUIS HONDROS is professor of history at the College of Wooster, Ohio ... ADAMANTIA POLLIS is professor of political science at the Graduate Faculty of the New School for Social Re- search . JOHN E. REXINE is Charles A. Dana Professor of the Classics and director of the division of the humanities at Colgate Uni- versity . -
West European Politics the Transformation of the Greek Party
This article was downloaded by: [Harvard University] On: 11 July 2010 Access details: Access Details: [subscription number 915668586] Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37- 41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK West European Politics Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713395181 The transformation of the Greek party system since 1951 Takis S. Pappasa a Politics at the Aristotle University, Thessaloniki, Greece To cite this Article Pappas, Takis S.(2003) 'The transformation of the Greek party system since 1951', West European Politics, 26: 2, 90 — 114 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/01402380512331341121 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380512331341121 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. -
A Mapping of Their Great Divide and Its EU Implications
European Research Studies Journal Volume XXI, Issue 3, 2018 pp. 14 - 42 Germany and Greece: A Mapping of their Great Divide and its EU Implications George C. Bitros1 Abstract: The economic constitutions of Germany and Greece have resulted in the post-war period in two economies that are based on two vastly different philosophies. Germany has built a highly competitive, outward looking economy based essentially on the principles of the so-called “Social Market Economy”, whereas Greece has set up a “state- managed economy” by drawing on the principles of central planning and administrative controls. This divide is equally stark, if assessed on the basis of the performance of the two economies. For, as it is known by now, Germany has become once again the powerhouse of Europe while Greece has gone bankrupt. As to the implications of this great divide for the future of the EU, its identification and map- ping helps understand why convergence criteria on the basis of economic performance and living standards should be abandoned in favour of criteria based on the widening and deep- ening of the four European freedoms. A multispeed Euroland enmeshed in these freedoms is going to be more democratic, more cohesive and a much happier union for the European citizens to call homeland. Keywords: Social market economy, central planning, economic performance, structural differences, four European freedoms. JEL Classification: E02, F02, P51, H1, L5. 1Emeritus Professor of Political Economy, Athens University of Economics and Business, e- mail: [email protected] G.C. Bitros 15 1. Introduction2 The visionaries who embarked in the 1950s on the monumental project of Europe- an unification aimed initially at economic integration. -
George C. Bitros
WORKING PAPER SERIES 06-2017 Germany and Greece: A mapping of their great divide and its EU implications George C. Bitros Πατησίων 76, 104 34 Αθήνα. Tηλ.: 210 8203303‐5 / Fax: 210 8238249 76, Patission Street, Athens 104 34 Greece. Tel.: (+30) 210 8203303‐5 / Fax: (+30) 210 8238249 E‐mail: [email protected] / www.aueb.gr 1 Germany and Greece: A mapping of their great divide and its EU implications By George C. Bitros Emeritus Professor of Political Economy Athens University of Economics and Business Abstract The economic constitutions of Germany and Greece have resulted in the postwar period in two economies that are based on two vastly different philosophies. Germany has built a highly competitive, outward looking economy based essentially on the principles of the so-called “Social Market Economy”, whereas Greece has set up a “state-managed econ- omy” by drawing on the principles of central planning and administrative controls. This divide is equally stark, if assessed on the basis of the performance of the two economies. For, as it is known by now, Germany has become once again the powerhouse of Europe while Greece has gone bankrupt. As to the implications of this great divide for the future of the EU, its identification and mapping helps understand why convergence criteria on the basis of economic performance and living standards should be abandoned in favor of criteria based on the widening and deepening of the four European freedoms. A multi- speed Euroland enmeshed in these freedoms is going to be more democratic, more cohe- sive and a much happier union for the European citizens to call homeland. -
Greece and NATO Master's Thesis Presented
The “Menace from the North” and the Suppression of the Left: Greece and NATO Master’s Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University Ioannis Pavlou, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2015 Thesis Committee: Georgios Anagnostou, advisor Anthony Kaldellis Copyright by Ioannis Nikos Pavlou 2015 Abstract In the aftermath of the Greek Civil War, the right-wing elements of Greece’s government felt that they needed to join NATO to protect Greek interests from the perceived threat posed by Communism and their Balkan neighbors. Throughout this period of time, the Greek state implemented several drastic and often undemocratic motions that led to measures against minority groups, suppressing left-wing politicians, and applying old nationalistic rhetoric such as the “Menace from the North” to the situation with the Communist regimes in their neighboring countries. During this time, Greek interests often were pushed aside in order to appease the United States and other members of NATO while at other points, Greece nearly went to war with their NATO ally Turkey over the future of Cyprus. Meanwhile, Greece’s new-found alliance with NATO led to an improvement of their military capabilities to the point where the highly nationalistic, anti-Communist army would seize control of the government in 1967 and form a Military Junta. During the seven years of military control, NATO continued to work with the Military Junta which in turn would have drastic consequences when Greece nearly went to war with Turkey over Cyprus. -
Il;;Iit;Iiror.R*H and Natural Gas Had Been Discovered (U.S.) Rltlilrllil.R :' Dlt a Meeting on the Same Day
r- -rrSt 12-18, L974 xnEstNcts coNTEMpoRARy aRcHrvES 26667 GREECE. End of Military Dictatorship. other hand, rejected this clairn and repeatedlv expressed its i,rrmation of Civilian Govemment uttaer-fvfr.- X"r"- readiness to negotiate !q::r'nlis. an agreenlent witil Gree6e to'determine -_ Dispute with Turkey over Continental Sh;If in the two countries' respective rights in the hxgean Sea. - Reintroductioir af rg12 Constitution, Aegean. -: rjntter the 1958 Geneva convention on the continental shelf lsee the *'ake of the events in CSprus 164151, [see 26661 A], the lfeads -page sigrred by Greece in lg72 but not sisned. by Turkey, tbe rrni' r"rr* Greek armed forces decided on iuly zs to citi tq)on nine bouniLaty within wLtich a state hail exclusive fisltis ti-exploit ltttntt*-,-"--ent persons-all for.mer leading politicians-to form mineral resources of its continental shelf might be determinea, by ., States iuri :r'tr Government in view of the n6tibnal emergency ". lying opposite to each other on the same shelf, eittier fy -:l: mutual agreement or, failing: such agreement, by the meclian rine Cabinet led try Mr. Adamantios Androutsopoulos, who betrveen the two shores. irtturur -'p"eatgdlV !een, severely criticized by his fo" Mr. prime llrttrr" ':€ u-.ed "oit"ug;", Alaio"Fqpoulos, then Greek Minister, had the Government merely to endorse actionJalready announced rl,**' :-h]' the military readers, ha.i in February that significant deposits of crucle oil il;;iit;iiror.r*h and natural gas had been discovered (u.s.) rltlilrllil.r :' dlt a meeting on the same day. "a"ii"" by ftre oceanic ';:"r€k Exploration Conrpany near the Grcek island of Thas'os, in the li officers of thc Third. -
Government Reorganization-Formation of New Minor Parties- Economic Policies-Foreign Relations Cabinet Reshuffle (Jan
Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 30, April, 1984 Greece, Page 32791 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. Government reorganization-Formation of new minor parties- Economic policies-Foreign relations Cabinet reshuffle (Jan. 16–17, 1984). Further cabinet change (March 26). Formation of right-wing EPEN party (Jan. 29). Formation of left-wing ESPE party (Feb. 22). Parliamentary approval of draft five-year plan (Nov. 21, 1983). Presentation and approval of 1984 budget (Nov. 30–Dec. 23). Congress of General Confederation of Greek Workers (Dec. 9–11). Proposed prices and incomes policy (Dec. 20). Private sector wage agreement (Feb. 12, 1984). Killing of US naval officer (Nov. 15, 1983). Controversy over US policy towards Greece and Turkey (February 1984). Alleged Turkish firing on Greek ship (March 8). Joint alumina plant agreement with Soviet Union (March). The government of Dr Andreas Papandreou, formed after the 1981 elections [see 31261 A] and extensively reshuffled in July 1982 [see 32585A] with further minor changes in 1983 [ibid.], underwent several modifications in January 1984. Mr Gregoris Varfis, a member of the Cabinet as Deputy Foreign Minister with responsibility for European Affairs (and described in The Times of Jan. 17 as ‘a rare pro-EEC voice in the Socialist government’), resigned for health reasons on Jan. 16. His replacement was announced on the following day as part of a reshuffle affecting several portfolios as follows: Prof. Apostolos Lazaris Minister -
Greek Elections 2012: a Political Crisis As an Anti-Marketing Tool for Traditional Parties
American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 3 No. 1; January 2013 Greek Elections 2012: A Political Crisis as an Anti-Marketing Tool for Traditional Parties Dr. Nasios Orinos European University Cyprus Kastorias 6A, Lykavitos, 1055, Nicosia, Cyprus Abstract This article strives to answer the question how a political crisis can be an anti-marketing tool for traditional parties. It presents a road map of the 2012 Greek Parliamentary Elections. It begins with a discussion of the context within which the elections have taken part, explaining how the memorandum and the bailout agreement imposed have impacted the country. It reviews the Greek election law and discusses the campaign strategies and tactics that have been used historically. But foremost the article tries to bridge between the two elections, 6th of May 2012 and 17th of June 2012, presenting the strategies used in those, while discussing and analyzing the campaigns used by the two major parties now in Greece, New Democracy and SYRIZA. It concludes by presenting the results of the two elections noting the huge percentage drop of PASOK and the end of two-party system, synthesizing it with the impact these results will have on the country. Keywords: Pasok , Syriza, New Democracy, Memorandum 1. Introduction Newman (1999) highlighted that marketing strategy lies at the heart of electoral success because it induces a campaign to put together, in a relatively short period of time, a forceful organization that mobilizes support and generates a winning coalition of disparate and sometimes conflicting groups. Garecht (2010) has posed a question. Why on earth would we want to get involved in politics? As he noted, the political lifestyle seems enjoyable.