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The Demos in Demokratia.Pdf
The Classical Quarterly 1–20 © The Classical Association (2019) 1 doi:10.1017/S0009838819000636 THE DĒMOS IN DĒMOKRATIA* The meaning of dēmokratia is widely agreed: ‘rule by the people’ (less often ‘people- power’), where dēmos, ‘people’, implies ‘entire citizen body’, synonymous with polis, ‘city-state’,orπάντες πολίται, ‘all citizens’.1 Dēmos, on this understanding, comprised rich and poor, leaders and followers, mass and elite alike. As such, dēmokratia is interpreted as constituting a sharp rupture from previous political regimes.2 Rule by one man or by a few had meant the domination of one part of the community over the rest, but dēmokratia, it is said, implied self-rule, and with it the dissolution of the very distinction between ruler and ruled.3 Its governing principle was the formal political equality of all citizens. In the words of W.G. Forrest, between 750 and 450 B.C. there had developed ‘the idea of individual human autonomy … the idea that all members of a political society are free and equal, that everyone had the right to an equal say in determining the structure and the activities of his society’.4 * Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the 2013 meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, the 2015 meeting of the Northeastern Political Science Association and the department of Classics at Yale in 2016. In addition to those audiences, I thank Cliff Ando, Victor Bers, Paul Cammack, Paul Cartledge, David Grewal, Kinch Hoekstra, David Lewis, John Mulhern, Hari Ramesh, Gunnar Seelentag, George Scialabba, Richard Tuck, John Tully, Jane Mansbridge, Josiah Ober, John Zumbrunnen, two anonymous referees and my colleagues in the department of Political Science at Yale, where this research was completed. -
Misunderstood and Forgotten: the Greek Naval Mutiny of April 1944 Mark C
Misunderstood and Forgotten 367 Misunderstood and Forgotten: The Greek Naval Mutiny of April 1944 Mark C. Jones Abstract After being driven from Greece by the German military in 1941, the Royal Hellenic Navy (RHN) operated alongside Britain’s Royal Navy (RN) from bases in Egypt, Lebanon, and Malta. In April 1944 the RHN experienced a widespread mutiny, which began in Alexandria, Egypt, over the political composition of the Greek government. This essay explores the importance of the Alexandria mutiny to the RHN. It investigates the role of the navy in the royalist/republican rivalry of the 1920s–1930s, the wartime return to service of republican officers, the RHN’s operations under British direction in the eastern Mediterranean, the political orientation of the government-in-exile, disturbances in the RHN prior to the mutiny, the events of the mutiny itself, the aftermath of the mutiny, how the mutiny affected the RN-RHN relationship, and the significance of the mutiny within the context of naval history in general. Wartime RN records held at the Public Record Office outside London, United States Navy intelligence reports held at the National Archives and Records Administration at College Park, Maryland, as well as unpublished and published secondary sources, provide the basis of this investigation. Multinational naval operations are a common occurrence in today’s world. While the United States Navy is presently the most powerful in the world, it frequently operates with ships from allied navies to reach its security goals. Such allied cooperation dates back to World War II when escort groups in the Battle of the Atlantic were composed of ships from the U.S., Canadian, and Royal Navies along with a handful of Polish, Free French, Norwegian, and Dutch ships. -
DONALD NICOL Donald Macgillivray Nicol 1923–2003
DONALD NICOL Donald MacGillivray Nicol 1923–2003 DONALD MACGILLIVRAY NICOL was born in Portsmouth on 4 February 1923, the son of a Scottish Presbyterian minister. He was always proud of his MacGillivray antecedents (on his mother’s side) and of his family’s connection with Culloden, the site of the Jacobite defeat in 1745, on whose correct pronunciation he would always insist. Despite attending school first in Sheffield and then in London, he retained a slight Scottish accent throughout his life. By the time he left St Paul’s School, already an able classical scholar, it was 1941; the rest of his education would have to wait until after the war. Donald’s letters, which he carefully preserved and ordered with the instinct of an archivist, provide details of the war years.1 In 1942, at the age of nineteen, he was teaching elementary maths, Latin and French to the junior forms at St-Anne’s-on-Sea, Lancashire. He commented to his father that he would be dismissed were it known that he was a conscientious objector. By November of that year he had entered a Friends’ Ambulance 1 The bulk of his letters are to his father (1942–6) and to his future wife (1949–50). Also preserved are the letters of his supervisor, Sir Steven Runciman, over a forty-year period. Other papers are his diaries, for a short period of time in 1944, his notebooks with drawings and plans of churches he studied in Epiros, and his account of his travels on Mount Athos. This material is now in the King’s College London Archives, by courtesy of the Nicol family. -
The Rise of Syriza: an Interview with Aristides Baltas
THE RISE OF SYRIZA: AN INTERVIEW WITH ARISTIDES BALTAS This interview with Aristides Baltas, the eminent Greek philosopher who was one of the founders of Syriza and is currently a coordinator of its policy planning committee, was conducted by Leo Panitch with the help of Michalis Spourdalakis in Athens on 29 May 2012, three weeks after Syriza came a close second in the first Greek election of 6 May, and just three days before the party’s platform was to be revealed for the second election of 17 June. Leo Panitch (LP): Can we begin with the question of what is distinctive about Syriza in terms of socialist strategy today? Aristides Baltas (AB): I think that independently of everything else, what’s happening in Greece does have a bearing on socialist strategy, which is not possible to discuss during the electoral campaign, but which will present issues that we’re going to face after the elections, no matter how the elections turn out. We haven’t had the opportunity to discuss this, because we are doing so many diverse things that we look like a chicken running around with its head cut off. But this is precisely why I first want to step back to 2008, when through an interesting procedure, Synaspismos, the main party in the Syriza coalition, formulated the main elements of the programme in a book of over 300 pages. The polls were showing that Syriza was growing in popularity (indeed we reached over 15 per cent in voting intentions that year), and there was a big pressure on us at that time, as we kept hearing: ‘you don’t have a programme; we don’t know who you are; we don’t know what you’re saying’. -
Download/Print the Study in PDF Format
GENERAL ELECTION IN GREECE 7th July 2019 European New Democracy is the favourite in the Elections monitor Greek general election of 7th July Corinne Deloy On 26th May, just a few hours after the announcement of the results of the European, regional and local elections held in Greece, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras (Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA), whose party came second to the main opposition party, New Analysis Democracy (ND), declared: “I cannot ignore this result. It is for the people to decide and I am therefore going to request the organisation of an early general election”. Organisation of an early general election (3 months’ early) surprised some observers of Greek political life who thought that the head of government would call on compatriots to vote as late as possible to allow the country’s position to improve as much as possible. New Democracy won in the European elections with 33.12% of the vote, ahead of SYRIZA, with 23.76%. The Movement for Change (Kinima allagis, KINAL), the left-wing opposition party which includes the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK), the Social Democrats Movement (KIDISO), the River (To Potami) and the Democratic Left (DIMAR), collected 7.72% of the vote and the Greek Communist Party (KKE), 5.35%. Alexis Tsipras had made these elections a referendum Costas Bakoyannis (ND), the new mayor of Athens, on the action of his government. “We are not voting belongs to a political dynasty: he is the son of Dora for a new government, but it is clear that this vote is Bakoyannis, former Minister of Culture (1992-1993) not without consequence. -
The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years*
■ Assaig] ENTREMONS. UPF JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY Barcelona ﺍ Universitat Pompeu Fabra Número 6 (juny 2014) www.entremons.org The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years* Enric UCELAY-DA CAL (Universitat Pompeu Fabra) abstract The following essay examines the political development in Spain and Greece between the World War I and World War II, comparing these two Mediterranean countries and placing them in a broader European and global context. The conflict between the supporters of monarchy and republic as forms of government was extremely important in the political debate in both countries, and shaped their history in a quite remarkable way. The discussion of these intricate dynamics will help to appreciate the problems that Spain and Greece faced at that time, and can also contribute to a deeper understanding of some key features of the historical change in these two countries. resumen El siguiente ensayo examina el desarrollo político en España y Grecia en el período entre la Primera y la Segunda Guerra Mundial, comparando estos dos países mediterráneos y situándolos en un contexto europeo y global más amplio. El conflicto entre los partidarios de la monarquía y la república como formas de gobierno fue muy importante en el debate político de ambos países, influyendo en su historia de una manera muy notable. La discusión de estas dinámicas complicadas ayudará a apreciar mejor los problemas a los que España y Grecia se enfrentaban en ese momento, contribuyendo asimismo a una comprensión más profunda de algunas de las características clave del cambio histórico en estos dos países. -
American Cold War Ideology in the Dances of West Side Story Daniel Belgrad University of South Florida, [email protected]
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Humanities and Cultural Studies Faculty Humanities and Cultural Studies Publications 2016 Dancing with Knives: American Cold War Ideology in the Dances of West Side Story Daniel Belgrad University of South Florida, [email protected] Ying Zhu University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/hcs_facpub Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Scholar Commons Citation Belgrad, Daniel and Zhu, Ying, "Dancing with Knives: American Cold War Ideology in the Dances of West Side Story" (2016). Humanities and Cultural Studies Faculty Publications. 4. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/hcs_facpub/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Humanities and Cultural Studies at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Humanities and Cultural Studies Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dancing with Knives: American Cold War Ideology in the Dances of West Side Story Author(s): Daniel Belgrad, Ying Zhu Source: Kyiv-Mohyla Humanities Journal 3 (2016): 1–22 Published by: National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy http://kmhj.ukma.edu.ua/ Dancing with Knives: American Cold War Ideology in the Dances of West Side Story Daniel Belgrad University of South Florida, Department of Humanities and Cultural Studies Ying Zhu University of South Florida, School of Theatre and Dance Abstract In cultural studies today, there is emerging an interpretive revolution “from below” — that is, a radical reassessment of the politics of cultural forms, based on a recovery of the embodied and affective subject as the center of meaning-making. -
The Berlin International Economics Congress 2014
ACADEMY for CULTURAL DIPLOMACY The Berlin International Economics Congress 2014 “Global Trends in Creative Economies: Green In- dustries, Education, Entrepreneurship and Tour- ism as Drivers of Sustainable Economic Growth” (Berlin; March 5th – 7th, 2014) The Berlin International Economics Congress 2014 (Berlin; March 5th - 7th, 2014) ACADEMY for The Berlin International Economics Congress 2014 “Global Trends in Creative Economies: Green Industries, Education, CULTURAL DIPLOMACY Entrepreneurship and Tourism as Drivers of Sustainable Economic Growth” The Berlin International Economics Congress 2014 Berlin; March 5th - 7th, 2014 Introduction Conference Agenda The onset of the global financial crisis has prompted the emergence of creative economies as an attractive The Berlin International Economics Congress is one of the world leading global conferences combining the and potentially viable alternative to classical growth strategies. Promising to generate sustainable economic fields of International Economics, Nation Branding and International Relations with an interdisciplinary growth through the creation of jobs and the innovation of trade, creative industries can simultaneously and multinational program. The Congress took place over 4 days and will analyze global trends in creative occupy a central role in promoting and maintaining cultural diversity, social inclusion and environmental economies whilst exploring the potential for green industries, education, entrepreneurship and tourism sustainability. The effects are thus two-fold, delivering both economic and socio-cultural benefits. to be used as drivers of sustainable economic growth. The congress also emphasized the role of cultural diplomacy in the fields of corporate social responsibility, economic bridges, global governance and nation The components of creative economies, such as green industries, new media, performing arts, heritage, branding with an international outlook. -
Hamilakis Nation and Its Ruins.Pdf
CLASSICAL PRESENCES General Editors Lorna Hardwick James I. Porter CLASSICAL PRESENCES The texts, ideas, images, and material culture of ancient Greece and Rome have always been crucial to attempts to appropriate the past in order to authenticate the present. They underlie the mapping of change and the assertion and challenging of values and identities, old and new. Classical Presences brings the latest scholarship to bear on the contexts, theory, and practice of such use, and abuse, of the classical past. The Nation and its Ruins: Antiquity, Archaeology, and National Imagination in Greece YANNIS HAMILAKIS 1 3 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford ox2 6dp Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With oYces in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York ß Yannis Hamilakis 2007 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2007 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. -
Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 British Imperialism, Public Opinion and the Coming of the Cold War
Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 British Imperialism, Public Opinion and the Coming of the Cold War JOHN SAKKAS Harrassowitz Verlag (Germany, 2013), 149 pp/28 illust. ISBN: 978-3-447-06718-8 The Greek civil war holds a significant place in the history of twentieth-century Europe for many reasons. Firstly, it was Europe’s bloodiest conflict in the second half of the 1940s; secondly, it marked a turning point in the Cold War; and lastly, it showed how Greece had become an ‘apple of discord’ for both American and Soviet involvement in Greek affairs which led to even more complexity in the country’s post-war politics. Yet despite its significance, only a limited number of studies have been carried out on the subject of this era. After the troubled period of the 1950s and 1960s, a time dominated by extreme conservatism, anti-communism and nationalist paroxysms, it was difficult to access material sources and this made it nearly impossible to conduct scholarly research, so that older politically-charged interpretations and accounts went mostly unchallenged. However, in the past two decades a new historiographical current has developed as regards the civil war in Greece and new evaluations and debates have emerged that shed fresh light on conventional supposition. Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 draws upon the author’s doctoral dissertation and provides a welcome addition to studies on that period in Greek history. John Sakkas takes up a novel approach that does not focus solely on Greek politics, whether they are national or local, nor does it centre simply on British policy in Greece. -
The Foreign Policy of the Arab Gulf Monarchies from 1971 to 1990
The Foreign Policy of the Arab Gulf Monarchies from 1971 to 1990 Submitted by René Rieger to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Middle East Politics in June 2013 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………… ………… 2 ABSTRACT This dissertation provides a comparative analysis of the foreign policies of the Arab Gulf monarchies during the period of 1971 to 1990, as examined through two case studies: (1) the Arab Gulf monarchies’ relations with Iran and Iraq and (2) the six states’ positions in the Arab-Israeli conflict. The dissertation argues that, in formulating their policies towards Iran and Iraq, the Arab Gulf monarchies aspired to realize four main objectives: external security and territorial integrity; domestic and regime stability; economic prosperity; and the attainment of a stable subregional balance of power without the emergence of Iran or Iraq as Gulf hegemon. Over the largest part of the period under review, the Arab Gulf monarchies managed to offset threats to these basic interests emanating from Iran and Iraq by alternately appeasing and balancing the source of the threat. The analysis reveals that the Arab Gulf monarchies’ individual bilateral relations with Iran and Iraq underwent considerable change over time and, particularly following the Iranian Revolution, displayed significant differences in comparison to one another. -
Greece Page 1 of 17
Country Report on Human Rights Practices in Greece Page 1 of 17 Greece Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2006 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 6, 2007 Greece is a constitutional republic and multiparty parliamentary democracy, with an estimated population of 11 million. In March 2004 the New Democracy Party won the majority of seats in the unicameral Vouli (parliament) in free and fair elections, and Konstantinos Karamanlis became the prime minister. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces. The government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however, there were problems in several areas. The following human rights abuses were reported: abuse by security forces, particularly of illegal immigrants and Roma; overcrowding and harsh conditions in some prisons; detention of undocumented migrants in squalid conditions; limits on the ability of ethnic minorities to self-identify; restrictions on freedom of speech; restrictions and administrative obstacles faced by members of non-Orthodox religions; detention and deportation of unaccompanied or separated immigrant minors, including asylum seekers; domestic violence against women; trafficking in persons; discrimination against ethnic minorities and Roma; substandard living conditions for Roma; inadequate access to schools for Romani children; and child exploitation in nontraditional labor. RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life There were no reports that the government or its agents committed any politically motivated killings; however, in September there were reports that coast guard authorities threw detained illegal migrants overboard and six of them drowned.