DOCSLIB.ORG

The Foreign Policy of the Arab Gulf Monarchies from 1971 to 1990

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Foreign Policy of the Arab Gulf Monarchies from 1971 to 1990 The Foreign Policy of the Arab Gulf Monarchies from 1971 to 1990 Submitted by René Rieger to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Middle East Politics in June 2013 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………… ………… 2 ABSTRACT This dissertation provides a comparative analysis of the foreign policies of the Arab Gulf monarchies during the period of 1971 to 1990, as examined through two case studies: (1) the Arab Gulf monarchies’ relations with Iran and Iraq and (2) the six states’ positions in the Arab-Israeli conflict. The dissertation argues that, in formulating their policies towards Iran and Iraq, the Arab Gulf monarchies aspired to realize four main objectives: external security and territorial integrity; domestic and regime stability; economic prosperity; and the attainment of a stable subregional balance of power without the emergence of Iran or Iraq as Gulf hegemon. Over the largest part of the period under review, the Arab Gulf monarchies managed to offset threats to these basic interests emanating from Iran and Iraq by alternately appeasing and balancing the source of the threat. The analysis reveals that the Arab Gulf monarchies’ individual bilateral relations with Iran and Iraq underwent considerable change over time and, particularly following the Iranian Revolution, displayed significant differences in comparison to one another. These developments are attributable to both disparities among Arab Gulf monarchies and change over time with respect to a variety of factors: geostrategic position, military strength, the existence of military aggression, territorial claims, subversive activities, or ideological challenges by either Iran or Iraq, the national and sectarian composition and ideological orientation of the population, and national economic orientation. The thesis reveals that the Arab Gulf monarchies’ policies in the Arab-Israeli conflict were mainly influenced by (1) identity/ideology, (2) religion, and (3) strategic considerations. In consequence, during the entire period under review, all Arab Gulf monarchies, although setting different priorities, shared an objective in the realization of following interests: the realization of Palestinian national rights, the return of occupied Arab lands, and the restoration of Muslim control over the holy places in Jerusalem; the guarantee of regime stability; the preservation of strategic relations with the United States; the containment of Soviet penetration into the Arab world; the maintenance of Arab unity dominated by moderate Arab forces; and the attainment of a holistic peace settlement supported by an Arab consensus. The analysis shows that the Arab Gulf monarchies succeeded in realizing most of these objectives. In addition, 3 the thesis highlights a significant rapprochement in the Arab Gulf monarchies’ individual policies in the Arab-Israeli conflict, a development most visible in the 1980s. The dissertation identifies the Arab Gulf monarchies as a unit of state and regime entities with broadly similar interests and challenges and, despite a striking power disparity among themselves, inferiority in power status compared with and vulnerability to their neighbours. The similarity of both their objectives and constraints motivated and even required them to cooperate and coordinate in the foreign policy arena. As the analysis demonstrates, this cooperation and coordination increased during the timeframe under review, even when individual foreign policies diverged. 4 To Julia 5 6 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I should like to express my deepest gratitude to several individuals without whose great help and support the completion of this dissertation would not have been possible. My thanks go to Prof. Dr. Martin Geyer, Professor of Modern and Contemporary History at Ludwig-Maximilians University of Munich, for encouraging me to pursue a doctorate and guiding me in the early phase of my dissertational work. I owe particular thanks to Prof. Gerd Nonneman, former Al-Qasimi Chair in Gulf studies at the University of Exeter, for the great confidence he put in me, one and a half years of exceptional supervision, and his continuing support after his departure for Doha. My great gratitude goes to Prof. Tim Niblock, Professor Emeritus at the University of Exeter’s Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, for his excellent supervision during the last one and a half years of my dissertation, his outstanding guidance and support, and his great kindness. I shall also like to thank Prof. Gene R. Garthwaite, Professor Emeritus of History at Dartmouth College, for all the advice and support he granted me years after I had the privilege to be his student. My explicit thanks go to my dear friend Ashwan Reddy for his efforts in drawing the brilliant maps that greatly enrich this dissertation. I am especially grateful to my parents. Without their constant support over the past three decades, I would not be where I am today. Last but not least, my indefinite gratitude is owed to Julia, for her unconditional love, her unfailing support, and her patience during the seemingly never-ending final phase of my dissertation work. 7 8 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT .......................................................................................................... 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS....................................................................................... 7 TABLE OF CONTENTS ....................................................................................... 9 List of Abbreviations ........................................................................................... 11 1. Introduction and Conceptual Framework................................................. 13 1.1 Background...................................................................................13 1.2 Rationale, Research Puzzle, and Scope ....................................... 17 1.3 Literature Review........................................................................... 21 1.4 Primary Source Material and Research Methods .......................... 28 1.5 Foreign Policy Analysis ................................................................. 32 2. The Arab Gulf Monarchies in 1971: Interests, Options, and Challenges............................................................................................... 47 2.1 The Global International System, the Middle East, and the Gulf in 1971 ................................................................................... 49 2.2 The Arab Gulf Monarchies in 1971: Material Capabilities.............. 55 2.3 The Arab Gulf Monarchies in 1971: The Domestic Realm............. 67 2.4 The Arab Gulf Monarchies in 1971: Foreign Policy Interests......... 85 2.5 The Arab Gulf Monarchies in 1971: Non-Material Capabilities and Weaknesses.......................................................87 2.6 Overview of Key Domestic and Environmental Changes, 1971-1990 ..................................................................................... 88 3. The Relationship of the Arab Gulf Monarchies with Iran and Iraq, 1971-1990 ............................................................................................... 95 3.1 The Pre-1971 Era.......................................................................... 96 3.2 From the British Withdrawal to the Algiers Accord....................... 133 3.3 From the Algiers Accord to the Iranian Revolution ...................... 162 3.4 From the Iranian Revolution to the End of the Iran-Iraq War ....... 186 3.5 From the End of the Iran-Iraq War to the Invasion of Kuwait....... 239 3.6 Chapter Conclusion ..................................................................... 253 4. The Position of the Arab Gulf Monarchies in the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1971-1990................................................................................ 263 4.1 The Pre-1971 Era........................................................................ 267 4.2 Britain’s Withdrawal, the October War, and the Use of the Oil Weapon.................................................................................. 290 9 4.3 Camp David and Egypt’s Expulsion from the Arab League ......... 319 4.4 The Fahd Plan and Egypt’s Return to the Arab Fold ................... 344 4.5 The First Intifada and Oman’s Change of Policy ......................... 359 4.6 Chapter Conclusion ..................................................................... 363 5. General Conclusion and Outlook........................................................... 367 APPENDIX.......................................................................................................375 Map 1: The Arab Gulf Monarchies in 1971 ............................................ 375 Map 2: The Arab Gulf Monarchies in 1990 ............................................ 376 Map 3: Giant Oil Fields in the Gulf......................................................... 377 Map 4: Warba and Bubiyan Island......................................................... 378 Map 5: Abu Musa and the Tunb Islands ................................................ 378 Permission for Use of Third Party Copyright Material...........................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The BCCI Affair
    The BCCI Affair A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations United States Senate by Senator John Kerry and Senator Hank Brown December 1992 102d Congress 2d Session Senate Print 102-140 This December 1992 document is the penultimate draft of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee report on the BCCI Affair. After it was released by the Committee, Sen. Hank Brown, reportedly acting at the behest of Henry Kissinger, pressed for the deletion of a few passages, particularly in Chapter 20 on "BCCI and Kissinger Associates." As a result, the final hardcopy version of the report, as published by the Government Printing Office, differs slightly from the Committee's softcopy version presented below. - Steven Aftergood Federation of American Scientists This report was originally made available on the website of the Federation of American Scientists. This version was compiled in PDF format by Public Intelligence. Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................................................................ 4 INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF INVESTIGATION ............................................................................... 21 THE ORIGIN AND EARLY YEARS OF BCCI .................................................................................................... 25 BCCI'S CRIMINALITY .................................................................................................................................. 49 BCCI'S RELATIONSHIP WITH FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS CENTRAL BANKS, AND INTERNATIONAL
    [Show full text]
  • American Cold War Ideology in the Dances of West Side Story Daniel Belgrad University of South Florida, [email protected]
    University of South Florida Scholar Commons Humanities and Cultural Studies Faculty Humanities and Cultural Studies Publications 2016 Dancing with Knives: American Cold War Ideology in the Dances of West Side Story Daniel Belgrad University of South Florida, [email protected] Ying Zhu University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/hcs_facpub Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Scholar Commons Citation Belgrad, Daniel and Zhu, Ying, "Dancing with Knives: American Cold War Ideology in the Dances of West Side Story" (2016). Humanities and Cultural Studies Faculty Publications. 4. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/hcs_facpub/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Humanities and Cultural Studies at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Humanities and Cultural Studies Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dancing with Knives: American Cold War Ideology in the Dances of West Side Story Author(s): Daniel Belgrad, Ying Zhu Source: Kyiv-Mohyla Humanities Journal 3 (2016): 1–22 Published by: National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy http://kmhj.ukma.edu.ua/ Dancing with Knives: American Cold War Ideology in the Dances of West Side Story Daniel Belgrad University of South Florida, Department of Humanities and Cultural Studies Ying Zhu University of South Florida, School of Theatre and Dance Abstract In cultural studies today, there is emerging an interpretive revolution “from below” — that is, a radical reassessment of the politics of cultural forms, based on a recovery of the embodied and affective subject as the center of meaning-making.
    [Show full text]
  • Saudi Arabia.Pdf
    A saudi man with his horse Performance of Al Ardha, the Saudi national dance in Riyadh Flickr / Charles Roffey Flickr / Abraham Puthoor SAUDI ARABIA Dec. 2019 Table of Contents Chapter 1 | Geography . 6 Introduction . 6 Geographical Divisions . 7 Asir, the Southern Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �7 Rub al-Khali and the Southern Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �8 Hejaz, the Western Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �8 Nejd, the Central Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �9 The Eastern Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �9 Topographical Divisions . .. 9 Deserts and Mountains � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �9 Climate . .. 10 Bodies of Water . 11 Red Sea � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 11 Persian Gulf � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 11 Wadis � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 11 Major Cities . 12 Riyadh � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �12 Jeddah � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �13 Mecca � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �
    [Show full text]
  • Bulletin of the Society for Arabian Studies 2009 Number 14 ISSN
    Bulletin of the Society for Arabian Studies 2009 Number 14 ISSN: 1361-9144 Registered Charity No. 1003272 2009 £5.00 1 Bulletin of the Society for Arabian Studies 2009 The Society for Arabian Studies President Bulletin of the Society for Arabian Studies Miss Beatrice de Cardi OBE FBA FSA Editor Dr Robert Carter Chairman Ms Sarah Searight Book Reviews Editor Mr William Facey Vice Chairman Dr St John Simpson Treasurer Col Douglas Stobie Honorary Secretary Mrs Ionis Thompson Grants Sub-Committee Prof. Dionisius A. Agius Honorary Secretary Dr St John Simpson Dr Lucy Blue Ms Sarah Searight Dr Harriet Crawford Dr Nelida Fuccaro Dr Nadia Durrani Dr Nadia Durrani Mr William Facey Dr Nelida Fuccaro British Archaeological Mission in Yemen Dr Paul Lunde (BAMY) Dr James Onley Mrs Janet Starkey Chairman Prof. Tony Wilkinson Dr Lloyd Weeks Prof. Tony Wilkinson Notes for contributors to the Bulletin The Bulletin depends on the good will of Society members and correspondents to provide contributions. News, items of general interest, ongoing and details of completed postgraduate research, forthcoming conferences, meetings and special events are welcome. Please contact the Honorary Secretary, Ionis Thompson. Email [email protected] Applications to conduct research in Yemen Applications to conduct research in Yemen should be made to the Society’s sub-committee, the British Archaeological Mission in Yemen (BAMY). Contact Professor Tony Wilkinson, Durham University, Department of Archaeology, South Road, Durham, DH1 3LE. Tel. 0191 334 1111. Email [email protected] Grants in aid of research Applicants are advised to apply well ahead of the May and October deadlines.
    [Show full text]
  • Inconsistent U.S. Representation in Saudi Arabia: a Continuing Problem | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 789 Inconsistent U.S. Representation in Saudi Arabia: A Continuing Problem by Simon Henderson Oct 2, 2003 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Simon Henderson Simon Henderson is the Baker fellow and director of the Bernstein Program on Gulf and Energy Policy at The Washington Institute, specializing in energy matters and the conservative Arab states of the Persian Gulf. Brief Analysis he surprise announcement that Robert Jordan, U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia, will leave his post by mid- T October means that Washington will lack an authoritative voice in the kingdom at a crucial time in the war on terror. One State Department official has claimed that Jordan's resignation was for personal reasons and that "Saudi Arabia holds him in the highest regard." Yet, other reports suggest that Jordan's public and semipublic criticisms of the kingdom have annoyed Riyadh. Controversial Remarks In the months since May 12, 2003, when ten Americans were killed in attacks against three expatriate residential compounds in Riyadh, several of Ambassador Jordan's comments have created a stir. Analysts are accustomed to U.S. officials employing a cautious and laudatory approach when publicly describing relations with Saudi Arabia. Hence, many were astonished when, during an interview with CBS News soon after the Riyadh attacks, Jordan stated that Washington's previous requests for increased security at the compounds had been ignored. He made similar comments to the New York Times a day later, this time singling out Crown Prince Abdullah and Saudi foreign minister Prince Saud al-Faisal for praise. By implication, Jordan was pointing the blame in the direction of Interior Minister Prince Nayef, who is in charge of internal security and has a reputation for being difficult.
    [Show full text]
  • Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979) Nima Baghdadi Florida International University, [email protected]
    Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 3-22-2018 Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979) Nima Baghdadi Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FIDC006552 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Baghdadi, Nima, "Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979)" (2018). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 3652. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3652 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida DYNAMICS OF IRANIAN-SAU DI RELATIONS IN THE P ERSIAN GULF REGIONAL SECURITY COMPLEX (1920-1979) A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICAL SCIENCE by Nima Baghdadi 2018 To: Dean John F. Stack Steven J. Green School of International Relations and Public Affairs This dissertation, written by Nima Baghdadi, and entitled Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979), having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. __________________________________ Ralph S. Clem __________________________________ Harry D.
    [Show full text]
  • Suddensuccession
    SUDDEN SUCCESSION Examining the Impact of Abrupt Change in the Middle East SIMON HENDERSON KRISTIAN C. ULRICHSEN EDITORS MbZ and the Future Leadership of the United Arab Emirates IN PRACTICE, Sheikh Muhammad bin Zayed al-Nahyan, the crown prince of Abu Dhabi, is already the political leader of the United Arab Emirates, even though the federation’s president, and Abu Dhabi’s leader, is his elder half-brother Sheikh Khalifa. This study examines leadership in the UAE and what might happen if, for whatever reason, Sheikh Muham- mad, widely known as MbZ, does not become either the ruler of Abu Dhabi or president of the UAE. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ POLICY NOTE 65 ■ JULY 2019 SUDDEN SUCCESSION: UAE RAS AL-KHAIMAH UMM AL-QUWAIN AJMAN SHARJAH DUBAI FUJAIRAH ABU DHABI ©1995 Central Intelligence Agency. Used by permission of the University of Texas Libraries, The University of Texas at Austin. Formation of the UAE moniker that persisted until 1853, when Britain and regional sheikhs signed the Treaty of Maritime Peace The UAE was created in November 1971 as a fed- in Perpetuity and subsequent accords that handed eration of six emirates—Abu Dhabi, Dubai, Sharjah, responsibility for conduct of the region’s foreign rela- Fujairah, Ajman, and Umm al-Quwain. A seventh— tions to Britain. When about a century later, in 1968, Ras al-Khaimah—joined in February 1972 (see table Britain withdrew its presence from areas east of the 1). The UAE’s two founding leaders were Sheikh Suez Canal, it initially proposed a confederation that Zayed bin Sultan al-Nahyan (1918–2004), the ruler would include today’s UAE as well as Qatar and of Abu Dhabi, and Sheikh Rashid bin Saeed al-Mak- Bahrain, but these latter two entities opted for com- toum (1912–90), the ruler of Dubai.
    [Show full text]
  • Ruling Families and Business Elites in the Gulf Monarchies: Ever Closer? Ruling Families and Business Elites in the Gulf Monarchies: Ever Closer?
    Research Paper Mehran Kamrava, Gerd Nonneman, Anastasia Nosova and Marc Valeri Middle East and North Africa Programme | November 2016 Ruling Families and Business Elites in the Gulf Monarchies: Ever Closer? Ruling Families and Business Elites in the Gulf Monarchies: Ever Closer? Summary • The pre-eminent role of nationalized oil and gas resources in the six Gulf monarchies has resulted in a private sector that is highly dependent on the state. This has crucial implications for economic and political reform prospects. • All the ruling families – from a variety of starting points – have themselves moved much more extensively into business activities over the past two decades. • Meanwhile, the traditional business elites’ socio-political autonomy from the ruling families (and thus the state) has diminished throughout the Gulf region – albeit again from different starting points and to different degrees today. • The business elites’ priority interest in securing and preserving benefits from the rentier state has led them to reinforce their role of supporter of the incumbent regimes and ruling families. In essence, to the extent that business elites in the Gulf engage in policy debate, it tends to be to protect their own privileges. This has been particularly evident since the 2011 Arab uprisings. • The overwhelming dependence of these business elites on the state for revenues and contracts, and the state’s key role in the economy – through ruling family members’ personal involvement in business as well as the state’s dominant ownership of stocks in listed companies – means that the distinction between business and political elites in the Gulf monarchies has become increasingly blurred.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Fall of the 5/42 Regiment of Evzones: a Study on National Resistance and Civil War in Greece 1941-1944
    The Rise and Fall of the 5/42 Regiment of Evzones: A Study on National Resistance and Civil War in Greece 1941-1944 ARGYRIOS MAMARELIS Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy The European Institute London School of Economics and Political Science 2003 i UMI Number: U613346 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U613346 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 9995 / 0/ -hoZ2 d X Abstract This thesis addresses a neglected dimension of Greece under German and Italian occupation and on the eve of civil war. Its contribution to the historiography of the period stems from the fact that it constitutes the first academic study of the third largest resistance organisation in Greece, the 5/42 regiment of evzones. The study of this national resistance organisation can thus extend our knowledge of the Greek resistance effort, the political relations between the main resistance groups, the conditions that led to the civil war and the domestic relevance of British policies.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond the Shatt Al-Arab: How the Fall of Saddam Hussein Changed Iran-Iraq Relations
    Beyond the Shatt al-Arab: How the Fall of Saddam Hussein Changed Iran-Iraq Relations Item Type text; Electronic Thesis Authors Rousu, David A. Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 27/09/2021 18:35:54 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193287 1 BEYOND THE SHATT AL-ARAB: HOW THE FALL OF SADDAM HUSSEIN CHANGED IRAN-IRAQ RELATIONS by David A. Rousu ________________________ Copyright © David A. Rousu 2010 A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2010 2 STATEMENT BY AUTHOR This thesis has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library. Brief quotations from this thesis are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgement of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the copyright holder. SIGNED: David A. Rousu APPROVAL BY THESIS DIRECTOR This thesis has been approved on the date shown below: ________________________________ 5/7/2010 Charles D. Smith Date Professor of History 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS…………………………………………………………………….
    [Show full text]
  • Class Struggle During the Gulf
    “From the very start the Western media has grossly misrepresented these uprisings. The uprising in the South, centred on Basra, was portrayed as a Shia Muslim revolt. Whereas the insurrection in the North was reported as an exclusively Kurdish Nationalist Class Struggle uprising which demanded little more than an autonomous Kurdish region within Iraq. The truth is During The Gulf War that the uprisings in both the North and South of Iraq were proletarian insurrections.” In this pamplet p.1- Iraq: a century of war and rebellion by anonymous p.12-Ten Days that shook Iraq - inside information from an uprising by anonymous p. 18- A Comrades Testimony: A Journey to Iraq by the International Communist Group p. 39-The Class Struggle in Iraq - an interview with a veteran by Workers Scud p.45-Do you remember the first time? Resistance to the 1991 Gulf Massacre by No War But The Class War (UK) prole.info Iraq: a century of war and rebellion Since the state of Iraq was created early this century, the working class in the area have suffered brutal exploitation and repression at the hands of the rival ruling class groups competing for power. As if dealing with these home grown gangsters wasn’t enough, they have also faced the bullets and bombs of the global capitalist powers (especially Britain and America) seeking to control the oil wealth of this part of the world. Meanwhile opposition political organizations such as the Iraqi Communist Party and the Kurdish Democratic Party have consistently made deals with both Iraqi regimes and the global powers at the expense of those who they claimed to be leading in resistance to the state.
    [Show full text]
  • Annual Report 1962-63
    1962-63 Content Jan 01, 1962 ANNUAL REPORT OF THE MINISTRY OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS FOR 1962-63 REPORT 1962-63 MINISTRY OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I Administration PAGE (i) Headquarters . 1 (ii) Rationalisation of the methods of work and connected matters 2 (iii) Indian Foreign Service 3 (iv) Missions Abroad 3 (v) Inspectorate 4 (vi) Expenditure 4 (vii) Indian Frontier Administrative Service 6 (viii) Assam Rifles 6 (ix) North East Frontier Agency 7 (x) Nagaland 8 (xi) Goa, Daman and Diu 8 (xii) Pondicherry, Karaikal, Yanam and Mahe 9 PART II A-States in Special Treaty Relations with India :- (i) Bhutan 11 (ii) Sikkim 11 B-India's neighbours:-- (i) Afghanistan 12 (ii) Burma 12 (iii) Ceylon 13 (iv) China (See under East Asia) 13 (v) Nepal 13 (vi) Pakistan 14 C-South East Asia, Australia and New Zealand 21 D-East Asia 24 E-West Asia 30 F-Africa 32 G-Europe 36 H-The Americas (i) North America 39 (ii) Central and South America 40 I-External Publicity 41 (i) (ii) J-Miscellaneous :- (i) Central Passport and Emigration Organisation 46 (ii) Haj 49 (iii) Legal and Treaties Division 50 (iv) Consular Division 50 (v) Economic and Co-ordination Division 54 (vi) Diplomatic Missions and Consular Posts in India 54 (Vii) Distinguished visitors from Abroad 55 PART III A-United Nations 57 B-International Conferences 63 APPENDICES (i) Indian Missions abroad 64 (ii) Indian Information Units abroad 68 (iii) Foreign Diplomatic Missions in India 69 (iv) Foreign Consular Offices in India 70 (v) Treaties, Conventions and Agreements concluded or renewed by India with other countries during 1962-63 73 (vi) International Organisations of which India is a member 74 INDIA BHUTAN AFGHANISTAN BURMA CHINA NEPAL PAKISTAN AUSTRALIA NEW ZEALAND USA Jan 01, 1962 Administration PART I Administration Organisation of the Ministry (i) Headquarters.-The Ministry of External Affairs is responsible for the conduct of India's relations with foreign countries.
    [Show full text]