Hugh Brogan. Kennedy. London: Longman, 1996. ix + 249 pp. $127.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-582-02889-0.

Reviewed by Kostadin Grozev

Published on H-USA (July, 1997)

The most natural place for a John F. the contention that Kennedy's was indeed a highly Kennedy's portrait to appear is in a book-series signifcant presidency in which decisions were quite intentionally called "Profles in Power." The taken and choices made that, for good and ill, allusion to JFK's Profles in Courage brings the changed the course of history and still make reader to look for a capacity for leadership in his‐ themselves felt, that it was a lens through which torical and national contexts--no matter whether the United States and the US presidency can efec‐ the profle is that of Oliver Cromwell, Peter the tively be studied" (p. 2). The author rightly admits Great or General De Gaulle. In this instance Long‐ that Kennedy is no longer part of our present-- man Publishers has made quite a good choice in with the end of the a real Cold War Pres‐ assigning this task to Hugh Brogan. He presents to ident can be more easily evaluated. Thus Prof. the readers with a thought-provoking narrative, Brogan presents the clear theme of his profle-- giving a contemporary, balanced perspective to that of leadership in a democracy. the personality of John Fitzgerald Kennedy and Chapter Two, "A Candidate for Ofce" (pp. the most important aspects of his Presidency. That 6-56), is the longest one in the narrative. This is perspective is far away from the eulogies or parti‐ explainable by the author's desire to follow-up the san views of the "Kennedy Myth," and its critics most important aspects of the personality and the and thus comes quite close to the fnal judgement political career of Kennedy leading to his famous associated with an established historical truth. Inauguration speech. Without excessive details, Hugh Brogan's book is not at all a high-sound‐ the careful reader will fnd out all of the well- ing dry academic biography of JFK. As the author known and frequently discussed biographical admits in his frst page, those "wanting a full ac‐ facts about JFK: the Boston family and the New count should look elsewhere." It is both an emo‐ England political background, the intellectual im‐ tionally uninvolved and scholarly objective view, pact of Harvard and the challenges of interven‐ aimed to "provide enough information to justify tionism in European politics surrounding the out‐ H-Net Reviews break of the Second World War (challenges an‐ initiated and Kissinger implicated at its best. The swered by the twenty-three year old, future U.S. reader will follow step by step that logic in the leader on the pages of his 1940 book Why England major foreign policy crisis of 1961--the Bay of Pigs Slept), the wartime experience and the PT 109 ac‐ incident, the challenges of stronger U.S. commit‐ cident that made him a war hero, the beginning of ment to Laos in terms of the "," and his active political involvement with the House fnally the rising emigration of East Germans to race of 1946 and the Senate race of 1952. Especial‐ the West that brought about the Wall. In fact the ly informative to the not-so-knowledgeable read‐ narrative about that last event coincides with an ers are the pages concerning Jack's health prob‐ interpretation, depicted in more detail in a recent lems and Brogan's comments (pp. 36-38) on Pro‐ book by Frank Mayer.[1] Mayer supports Brogan's fles in Courage (the book for which JFK was sole‐ arguments with his statement that the Kennedy ly awarded the Pulitzer Price for biography de‐ administration was determined to protect the in‐ spite the fact that Theodore Sorensen contributed tegrity of but committed to the much to writing it). The chapter gives a balanced preservation of a devided Germany and thus pri‐ account with thought-provoking comments on the vately heaved a sign of relief when the Wall 1960 presidential campaign both at the Democrat‐ stopped the tension over the emigration. ic Party and the national level--how much JFK In the fourth chapter "The View from the combined sound political calculations with skills White House" (pp. 86-120) Brogan explores very for manoeuvring and charming both the elec‐ well the leadership potential in Kennedy's domes‐ torate and the experienced party-brokers. tic policy record. The legislative achievements of The capacity for leadership that Kennedy pos‐ the administration are portrayed through the deli‐ sessed was demonstrated clearly during his White cate liberals vs. conservatives balance both in the House years. According to Brogan Kennedy's was House of Representatives and the Senate and the a typical Cold War Presidency which coincided or key role played there by such veteran Capitol Hill even caused a signifcant transformation in world fgures like Sam Rayburn, Howard Smith, Lyndon politics--the transition from the so-called Acheson Johnson and the eventual newcomer Larry O' phase (frst phase) to the Kissinger phase. That Brien. The main success of the administration transition was marked by the trend towards a came with the overcoming of the anti-liberal re‐ more static change in the East-West military and sistance coming from the coalition between Re‐ political balance and was symbolized best by the publicans and Southern conservative Democrats, building of the . For Brogan, Kennedy's so vigorous in the preceding decades. The conclu‐ real weakness was that "the difcult area grand sion is that especially the House of Representa‐ designs have to be turned into real politics" (p. tives "was never a liberal body in Kennedy's 60). That was expressed well during the Vienna years, but it became a manageable one" (p. 97). meeting with Khrushchev and the events that fol‐ Brogan argues that Kennedy was lucky in many of lowed. his endeavours due to the exact timing of certain The building of the Wall, in Kennedy's mind, initiatives and gives as examples two typical New showed that both the and NATO Frontiers ventures--the Peace Corps initiative and were permanent features of the landscape and the Moon-landing program. That was true also in major changes would not be made in the near fu‐ the economic policy arena where Keynesian style ture. Thus it was not a worth cause for a Third policy proved efective in the relations with big World War and some co-operation between the business (e.g., with tax investment credits). The superpowers might be reached--a trend Kennedy overall domestic record of JFK is evaluated as a

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"respectable one; it showed him as competent yet options (immediate intervention in Cuba, the idealistic, prudent yet courageous" (p. 118). blockade etc.) that the Executive Committee of the Brogan's eforts to discover the crusades and National Security Council put before the Presi‐ crisis that made Kennedy's presidency passionate‐ dent's eyes depended on his will and personal de‐ ly memorable turn his attention to three historical cision. JFK stood frm and at the same time tried facts--the Cuban missiles confrontation of October the negotiations path which eventually ended the 1962, the civil rights movement, and the confict confict and lead to the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty of that later evolved into the . All those 1963. That was a clear sign of leadership on the cases still bring passions and disputes among his‐ side of the President who as a result of the nucle‐ torians and the general public so the author has ar war threat replaced the crusade for freedom walked over thin ice in presenting a balanced pic‐ with a crusade for peace. ture of what really happened and how that afect‐ One of Kennedy's greatest challenges during ed presidential leadership. his administration was the political nightmare of The treatment of the Missile Crisis (pp. combining the New Frontier idealism with the 121-150) follows the mainstream account of the racial segregation realities, especially in the events made by leading actors on the scene (e.g. South. Brogans deals with that in his sixth chap‐ Robert Kennedy, Dean Rusk and Theodore ter, adequately named "Revolution" (pp. 151-178). Sorensen) complemented by recent scholarship The end of white supremacy in the 1960's is in on that problem (mainly the study of Michael Brogan's words "one of the brightest moments in Beschloss).[2] The events of October 1962 are por‐ American history and Kennedy's in bringing it is trayed on the background of Cold War controver‐ the brightest part in his record" (p. 151). The nar‐ sies in the Latin American region and the Allience rative gives the main facts and the background to for Progress designs. The reader will fnd the ma‐ the policy decisions in that area--how politically jor stages of the confrontation and the steps that sensitive it was to keep the balance between the brought its resolution. Kennedy's motives for his civil rights leaders and the important Democratic Cuban policy throughout 1962 are sought in the votes and power-brokers in the South, the North‐ outcome of the Bay of Pigs operation, the Mon‐ eastern element in Kennedy's thinking, his moder‐ goose plan (a CIA design for the physical elimina‐ ate approach in 1960-1961 and the change to tion of ) and the President's desire to faster actions brought by the incoming confronta‐ match the idealistic romantic approach with the tions (the Freedom Riders of 1961, the James pragmatic needs of superpower geopolitics. Meredith case in Ole Miss, Mississippi in 1962 and Khrushchev's motives are shown as playing the Birmingham campaign and the March to around the same mistake--each side not consider‐ Washington next year). A due respect is given to ing seriously enough what the reaction of the oth‐ the role of Bobby Kennedy who managed to com‐ er one might be. Those misconceptions escalated plement his brother's efort at a time of crisis. As rapidly in mid-October and thus came the threat Brogan states, "it was in the North that the civil of nuclear annihilation. Brogan states that rights movement would eventually meet de‐ Kennedy believed that the U.S.S.R. was an aggres‐ feat,but before then it met victory in the South" sive state which should be vigorously resisted and (p. 153). The lessons of those hard decisions modi‐ that the missile afair confrmed his perception; at fed the President's attitude and consolidated his the same time however, he also believed that if he desire to pass a strong Civil Rights Bill. The fatal tried hard enough the Soviet leaders would one shots in Dallas prevented JFK from seeing that bill day see sense (p. 137). In such a frame of mind all passed but its time had already come and Lyndon

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Johnson realized it through his own conviction, desired to kill a John F. Kennedy, and was able to energy and cunning. do so" (p. 211). On that historical plane the author No story about the 1960's would go without a develops his fnal conclusions on Kennedy's reference to Vietnam, and neither does this one. record at a time when "Americans were looking Brogan's chapter about Vietnam (pp. 179-203) for leadership, guidance, counsel and liberation." plunges into that theme through the looking glass‐ His achievements abroad were not so many, but es of the domino theory and the Cold War para‐ the mistakes he made were few and he caused lit‐ digm. After presenting briefy the pre-history of tle harm in the sphere of foreign policy and inter‐ the Vietnam confict the author tries to follow the national relations--and he had the lucky chance to turns in Kennedy's Vietnam policy. The answer he overcome the Missile crisis. His short term makes is searching for is whether there are any inherent even difcultier the evaluation of his domestic intentions within the Administration for with‐ record where the start of the economic growth of drawal from Vietnam. Historians usually are the 1960's and the civil rights changes loom on the tempted to place the blame of a certain event on a horizon. Thus JFK is remembered best by his suc‐ single person or group of men who participated in cessful oratory for which Brogan says: "Had he certain historical trends. In this instance we see done nothing, he would at least, in his speeches, how Brogan analyzes the alternatives before have consolidated the American world view into Kennedy and asserts that the Diem crises in the something apparently rational, solid and noble" fall of 1963 was a turning point after which JFK (p. 222). By his leadership potential he gave to the began thinking about disengagement and political Americans a renewed belief in themselves and in alternatives to America's presence in Vietnam. their President that the author concludes is the That was against the tide of strong forces working strongest part of his legacy. for the fatal Vietnam commitment and the politi‐ Hugh Brogan's portrait of John Kennedy with cal considerations for votes which prevented its nice, eloquent and easy style will make a nice Kennedy from changing course. companion for the classrooms at colleges and uni‐ The most logical conclusion for a book like versities and will probably easily make its way to this is its fnal chapter (pp. 204-225) dealing with the reading lists of tutors, especially in countries Kennedy's death in Dallas and its efect on the where English is a second language. In this regard Presidency. Brogan, whose perhaps slightly over‐ a note should be made of the short but excellent confdent work is based on sound scholarship,[3] bibliographical essay which shows the most im‐ rejects all conspiracy theories and mysteries re‐ portant books and sources for the period and the volving around the November 1963 tragedy, and theme of the narrative. Without being pompous searches for the psychological motives that drove and superfuous it gavels enough information to Lee Harvey Oswald to shoot. The ritual of the fu‐ the interested readers where and how to enlarge neral inspired the American public to develop the their knowledge on the subject. young dead hero myth which nicely ftted to the NOTES: general atmosphere of the 1960's. Here the reader [1]. Frank A. Mayer Adenauer and Kennedy: A will fnd interesting insights on the attacks on the Study in German American Relations, 1961-1963, Warren Report from both the Left and the Right. New York, St. Martin's, 1996. According to Brogan the real meaning of the as‐ [2]. Michael R. Beschloss Kennedy v sassination is seldom touched upon and it stands Khrushchev: the Crisis Years 1960-1963, London, as follows: "The meaning is the fact the United Faber, 1991. States is a country in which a Lee Harvey Oswald

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[3]. Gerald Posner Case Closed: Lee Harvey Oswald and the Assassination of JFK, London, Warner, 1994. Copyright (c) 1997 by H-USA, all rights re‐ served. This book may be copied for non-proft ed‐ ucational use if proper credit is given to the au‐ thor and the list. For other permission, please con‐ tact [email protected]

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Citation: Kostadin Grozev. Review of Brogan, Hugh. Kennedy. H-USA, H-Net Reviews. July, 1997.

URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=1099

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