Hugh Brogan. Kennedy. London: Longman, 1996. ix + 249 pp. $127.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-582-02889-0. Reviewed by Kostadin Grozev Published on H-USA (July, 1997) The most natural place for a John F. the contention that Kennedy's was indeed a highly Kennedy's portrait to appear is in a book-series significant presidency in which decisions were quite intentionally called "Profiles in Power." The taken and choices made that, for good and ill, allusion to JFK's Profiles in Courage brings the changed the course of history and still make reader to look for a capacity for leadership in his‐ themselves felt, that it was a lens through which torical and national contexts--no matter whether the United States and the US presidency can effec‐ the profile is that of Oliver Cromwell, Peter the tively be studied" (p. 2). The author rightly admits Great or General De Gaulle. In this instance Long‐ that Kennedy is no longer part of our present-- man Publishers has made quite a good choice in with the end of the Cold War a real Cold War Pres‐ assigning this task to Hugh Brogan. He presents to ident can be more easily evaluated. Thus Prof. the readers with a thought-provoking narrative, Brogan presents the clear theme of his profile-- giving a contemporary, balanced perspective to that of leadership in a democracy. the personality of John Fitzgerald Kennedy and Chapter Two, "A Candidate for Office" (pp. the most important aspects of his Presidency. That 6-56), is the longest one in the narrative. This is perspective is far away from the eulogies or parti‐ explainable by the author's desire to follow-up the san views of the "Kennedy Myth," and its critics most important aspects of the personality and the and thus comes quite close to the fnal judgement political career of Kennedy leading to his famous associated with an established historical truth. Inauguration speech. Without excessive details, Hugh Brogan's book is not at all a high-sound‐ the careful reader will fnd out all of the well- ing dry academic biography of JFK. As the author known and frequently discussed biographical admits in his frst page, those "wanting a full ac‐ facts about JFK: the Boston family and the New count should look elsewhere." It is both an emo‐ England political background, the intellectual im‐ tionally uninvolved and scholarly objective view, pact of Harvard and the challenges of interven‐ aimed to "provide enough information to justify tionism in European politics surrounding the out‐ H-Net Reviews break of the Second World War (challenges an‐ initiated and Kissinger implicated at its best. The swered by the twenty-three year old, future U.S. reader will follow step by step that logic in the leader on the pages of his 1940 book Why England major foreign policy crisis of 1961--the Bay of Pigs Slept), the wartime experience and the PT 109 ac‐ incident, the challenges of stronger U.S. commit‐ cident that made him a war hero, the beginning of ment to Laos in terms of the "domino theory," and his active political involvement with the House finally the rising emigration of East Germans to race of 1946 and the Senate race of 1952. Especial‐ the West that brought about the Wall. In fact the ly informative to the not-so-knowledgeable read‐ narrative about that last event coincides with an ers are the pages concerning Jack's health prob‐ interpretation, depicted in more detail in a recent lems and Brogan's comments (pp. 36-38) on Pro‐ book by Frank Mayer.[1] Mayer supports Brogan's files in Courage (the book for which JFK was sole‐ arguments with his statement that the Kennedy ly awarded the Pulitzer Price for biography de‐ administration was determined to protect the in‐ spite the fact that Theodore Sorensen contributed tegrity of West Berlin but committed to the much to writing it). The chapter gives a balanced preservation of a devided Germany and thus pri‐ account with thought-provoking comments on the vately heaved a sign of relief when the Wall 1960 presidential campaign both at the Democrat‐ stopped the tension over the emigration. ic Party and the national level--how much JFK In the fourth chapter "The View from the combined sound political calculations with skills White House" (pp. 86-120) Brogan explores very for manoeuvring and charming both the elec‐ well the leadership potential in Kennedy's domes‐ torate and the experienced party-brokers. tic policy record. The legislative achievements of The capacity for leadership that Kennedy pos‐ the administration are portrayed through the deli‐ sessed was demonstrated clearly during his White cate liberals vs. conservatives balance both in the House years. According to Brogan Kennedy's was House of Representatives and the Senate and the a typical Cold War Presidency which coincided or key role played there by such veteran Capitol Hill even caused a significant transformation in world figures like Sam Rayburn, Howard Smith, Lyndon politics--the transition from the so-called Acheson Johnson and the eventual newcomer Larry O' phase (first phase) to the Kissinger phase. That Brien. The main success of the administration transition was marked by the trend towards a came with the overcoming of the anti-liberal re‐ more static change in the East-West military and sistance coming from the coalition between Re‐ political balance and was symbolized best by the publicans and Southern conservative Democrats, building of the Berlin Wall. For Brogan, Kennedy's so vigorous in the preceding decades. The conclu‐ real weakness was that "the difficult area grand sion is that especially the House of Representa‐ designs have to be turned into real politics" (p. tives "was never a liberal body in Kennedy's 60). That was expressed well during the Vienna years, but it became a manageable one" (p. 97). meeting with Khrushchev and the events that fol‐ Brogan argues that Kennedy was lucky in many of lowed. his endeavours due to the exact timing of certain The building of the Wall, in Kennedy's mind, initiatives and gives as examples two typical New showed that both the Warsaw Pact and NATO Frontiers ventures--the Peace Corps initiative and were permanent features of the landscape and the Moon-landing program. That was true also in major changes would not be made in the near fu‐ the economic policy arena where Keynesian style ture. Thus it was not a worth cause for a Third policy proved effective in the relations with big World War and some co-operation between the business (e.g., with tax investment credits). The superpowers might be reached--a trend Kennedy overall domestic record of JFK is evaluated as a 2 H-Net Reviews "respectable one; it showed him as competent yet options (immediate intervention in Cuba, the idealistic, prudent yet courageous" (p. 118). blockade etc.) that the Executive Committee of the Brogan's efforts to discover the crusades and National Security Council put before the Presi‐ crisis that made Kennedy's presidency passionate‐ dent's eyes depended on his will and personal de‐ ly memorable turn his attention to three historical cision. JFK stood frm and at the same time tried facts--the Cuban missiles confrontation of October the negotiations path which eventually ended the 1962, the civil rights movement, and the conflict conflict and lead to the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty of that later evolved into the Vietnam War. All those 1963. That was a clear sign of leadership on the cases still bring passions and disputes among his‐ side of the President who as a result of the nucle‐ torians and the general public so the author has ar war threat replaced the crusade for freedom walked over thin ice in presenting a balanced pic‐ with a crusade for peace. ture of what really happened and how that affect‐ One of Kennedy's greatest challenges during ed presidential leadership. his administration was the political nightmare of The treatment of the Missile Crisis (pp. combining the New Frontier idealism with the 121-150) follows the mainstream account of the racial segregation realities, especially in the events made by leading actors on the scene (e.g. South. Brogans deals with that in his sixth chap‐ Robert Kennedy, Dean Rusk and Theodore ter, adequately named "Revolution" (pp. 151-178). Sorensen) complemented by recent scholarship The end of white supremacy in the 1960's is in on that problem (mainly the study of Michael Brogan's words "one of the brightest moments in Beschloss).[2] The events of October 1962 are por‐ American history and Kennedy's in bringing it is trayed on the background of Cold War controver‐ the brightest part in his record" (p. 151). The nar‐ sies in the Latin American region and the Allience rative gives the main facts and the background to for Progress designs. The reader will fnd the ma‐ the policy decisions in that area--how politically jor stages of the confrontation and the steps that sensitive it was to keep the balance between the brought its resolution. Kennedy's motives for his civil rights leaders and the important Democratic Cuban policy throughout 1962 are sought in the votes and power-brokers in the South, the North‐ outcome of the Bay of Pigs operation, the Mon‐ eastern element in Kennedy's thinking, his moder‐ goose plan (a CIA design for the physical elimina‐ ate approach in 1960-1961 and the change to tion of Fidel Castro) and the President's desire to faster actions brought by the incoming confronta‐ match the idealistic romantic approach with the tions (the Freedom Riders of 1961, the James pragmatic needs of superpower geopolitics.