Reflections on President Ronald Reagan's 1
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Military Law Max Schoetz Jr
Marquette Law Review Volume 3 Article 5 Issue 1 Volume 3, Issue 1 (1918) Military Law Max Schoetz Jr. Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Law Commons Repository Citation Max Schoetz Jr., Military Law, 3 Marq. L. Rev. 26 (1918). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol3/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized administrator of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MILITARY LAW MAX SCHOETZ, JR., B.A., L.L.B., DEAN MARQUETTE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE Ov LAW, PROFESSOR OV MILITARY LAW S. A. T. C. Military Law' is a well defined branch of jurisprudence. It is the body of rules and regulations that have been prescribed for the government of the army and navy and for the militia when called into active service. It applies to and includes such rules of action and conduct as are imposed by a state upon persons in its military service with a view to the establishment and mainte- nance of military discipline. It is distinguished from martial law in that (I) military law applies only to persons in the land and naval forces while martial law applies to all persons and property within the district subject to it. (2) Military law is a permanent code applicable alike in peace and war while martial law is only temporary and ceases with the necessity which brought it into existence. -
1956 Counter-Revolution in Hungary - Words and Weapons
Janos Berecz 1956 Counter-Revolution in Hungary - Words and Weapons - Akademiai Kiado, Budapest 1986 Translated from the second, enlarged and revised edition of Ellenforradalom tollal es fegyverrel 1956. Published by Kossuth Konyvkiado, Budapest, 1981 Translated by Istvan Butykay Translation revised by Charles Coutts ISBN 963 05 4370 2 © Akademiai Kiado, Budapest 1986 Printed in Hungary Contents Preface 7 Chapter 1. Hungary and the International Situation before 1956 9 Chapter 2. The Doctrines of "Containment" and "Libera tion "—Political Warfare (1947-1954) 14 Chapter 3. The First Phase of Operation FOCUS (1954-1955) 25 3.1. The Beginnings of Intervention 25 3.2. The Internal Situation of Hungary 32 3.3. Attack Launched by the External Enemy 43 3.4. Reactivating the Internal Enemy 48 Chapter4. The Second Phase of Operation FOCUS (1956).... 58 4.1. The Bankruptcy of the Dogmatic Leadership of the Party 58 4.2. The Group of Imre Nagy Organizes Itself into Party Opposition 63 4.3. Preparations for a Coordinated Attack 71 4.4. The Situation before the Explosion 77 4.5. The Eve of the Counter-Revolution 83 Chapter 5. The Socialist Forces against Counter-Revolution- ary Revolt and Treachery (From October 23 to November 4,1956) 97 5 5.1. The Preparation of the Demonstration 97 5.2. The First Phase of the Armed Revolt 103 5.3. The Struggle Waged by the Forces Loyal to Socialism 114 5.4. Imre Nagy and Radio Free Europe Call for the With drawal of Soviet Troops 130 5.5. The Second Phase of the Counter-Revolution: Resto ration and "Neutrality" 137 5.6. -
The Rhetorical Antecedents to Vietnam, 1945-1965
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette College of Communication Faculty Research and Publications Communication, College of 9-1-2018 The Rhetorical Antecedents to Vietnam, 1945-1965 Gregory R. Olson Marquette University George N. Dionisopoulos San Diego State University Steven R. Goldzwig Marquette University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://epublications.marquette.edu/comm_fac Part of the Communication Commons Recommended Citation Olson, Gregory R.; Dionisopoulos, George N.; and Goldzwig, Steven R., "The Rhetorical Antecedents to Vietnam, 1945-1965" (2018). College of Communication Faculty Research and Publications. 511. https://epublications.marquette.edu/comm_fac/511 The Rhetorical Antecedents to Vietnam, 1945–1965 Gregory A. Olson, George N. Dionisopoulos, and Steven R. Goldzwig 8 I do not believe that any of the Presidents who have been involved with Viet- nam, Presidents Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, or President Nixon, foresaw or desired that the United States would become involved in a large scale war in Asia. But the fact remains that a steady progression of small decisions and actions over a period of 20 years had forestalled a clear-cut decision by the President or by the President and Congress—decision as to whether the defense of South Vietnam and involvement in a great war were necessary to the security and best interest of the United States. —Senator John Sherman Cooper (R-KY), Congressional Record, 1970 n his 1987 doctoral thesis, General David Petraeus wrote of Vietnam: “We do not take the time to understand the nature of the society in which we are f ght- Iing, the government we are supporting, or the enemy we are f ghting.”1 After World War II, when the United States chose Vietnam as an area for nation building as part of its Cold War strategy, little was known about that exotic land. -
Philatelic Propaganda U.S. Postage Stamps During the Cold War
RESEARCH NOTE Philatelic Propaganda U.S. Postage Stamps during the Cold War ✣ Matin Modarressi After the United States joined with eleven other countries in April 1949 to establish the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), U.S. officials had to convince the public that the formation of NATO was necessary to prevent another world war. This task, they believed, was likely to be difficult. After all, for more than 150 years the U.S. government had heeded George Washing- ton’s warning in his Farewell Address to “steer clear of permanent alliances.” One of the ways policymakers sought to increase public support for NATO was through the issuance of carefully designed postage stamps. Gov- ernments around the world have long recognized the potential for stamps to serve as tiny billboards for informing, educating, influencing, and sometimes even manipulating people. In the United States, proposals for stamp designs are typically considered two to three years in advance, demonstrating how much deliberation and planning goes into each stamp’s creation. During the Cold War, the U.S. Post Office Department (which was a cabinet-level de- partment until 1971) and the U.S. Department of State used stamps to help promote U.S. foreign policy. In 1952, for example, the United States issued a special commemorative stamp on the third anniversary of the formation of NATO. During a cere- mony at the White House, President Harry S. Truman, accompanied by the postmaster general and secretary of state, autographed a sheet of stamps to be presented to the leader of each of the other NATO countries.1 The stamp was then sold at post offices around the country for six months, in place of the regular 3-cent stamp (the domestic letter rate).2 The total number of NATO stamps printed was the second highest in U.S. -
Martial Law and National Emergency
Order Code RS21024 Updated January 7, 2005 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Martial Law and National Emergency Harold C. Relyea Specialist in American National Government Government and Finance Division Summary Crises in public order, both real and potential, often evoke comments concerning a resort to martial law. While some ambiguity exists regarding the conditions of a martial law setting, such a prospect, nonetheless, is disturbing to many Americans who cherish their liberties, expect civilian law enforcement to prevail, and support civilian control of military authority. An overview of the concept of, exercise of, and authority underlying martial law is provided in this report, which will be updated as events warrant. Occasionally, when some national emergency or crisis threatens public order in the United States, the comment is made that the President may ultimately resort to imposing martial law in order to preserve discipline and good behavior. Such was the case when it was thought that year 2000 (Y2K) technology problems might result in situations threatening life, property, or the general welfare in American society. The almost flawless transition to the year 2000, of course, rendered such an action unnecessary. More recently, at least one newspaper erroneously reported that the September 14, 2001, declaration of a national emergency by President George W. Bush in response to terrorist attacks in New York City and Washington, DC, “activated some 500 dormant legal provisions, including those allowing him to impose censorship and martial law.”1 In accordance with the requirements of the National Emergencies Act, the President’s declaration actually activated nine selective provisions of statutory law, identified in his proclamation, pertaining to military and Coast Guard personnel.2 Such comments, nonetheless, suggest a consideration of what martial law constitutes, as well as when and how it might be invoked. -
The Militarization of US Government Response to COVID-19 and What We Can Do About It About Face: Veterans Against the War March 23, 2020
National Guard troops stand by as people wait to be tested for coronavirus in New Rochelle, New York, on March 13, 2020. Timothy A. Clary/AFP via Getty Images. The Militarization of US Government Response to COVID-19 and What We Can Do About It About Face: Veterans Against the War March 23, 2020 This statement was written by Drake Logan, a civilian ally to About Face, with input on content by About Face veteran members Lisa Ling, Krystal Two Bulls, Maggie Martin, Erica Manley, Shawn Fischer, Jovanni Reyes, Matt W. Howard, Derek S. Matthews, and Ramon Mejía. Editorial guidance was provided by Clare Bayard, civilian ally to About Face. Authorship is always collective. Summary: This document outlines six broad areas of current political need and opportunity as the US government ramps up the militarization of its response to the coronavirus epidemic. About Face is an organization of post-9/11 service-members and veterans who organize to end a foreign policy of permanent war and the use of military weapons, tactics, and values in communities across the United States. We present this statement in order to generate further conversation on these points both within and beyond our organization, as well as to enter the national media conversation on coronavirus response. Please reach out to About Face if you are a member or civilian who would like to be 1 involved in media work on these issues, or if you would like to help create further independent media. We need to begin by tackling these six areas of political need and opportunity in the time of coronavirus: (1) We need to engage in and spread praxes of community-based defense instead of militarized security. -
The Imposition of Martial Law in the United States
THE IMPOSITION OF MARTIAL LAW IN THE UNITED STATES MAJOR KIRK L. DAVIES WTC QUALTPy m^CT^^ A 20000112 078 Form Approved REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reDOrtino burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, a^^r^6<^mim\ngxh^a^BäJ, and completing and reviewing the collection of information Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any^othe aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Inforrnatior.Ope.rations and Reporte, 1215 Jefferson Davfei wShwa? Suit? 1:204 Arlington: VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Pro]ect (0704-01881, Washington, DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED 3Jan.OO MAJOR REPORT 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS THE IMPOSITION OF MARTIAL LAW IN UNITED STATES 6. AUTHOR(S) MAJ DAVIES KIRK L 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION REPORT NUMBER JA GENERAL SCHOOL ARMY 9. SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY REPORT NUMBER THE DEPARTMENT OF THE AIR FORCE AFIT/CIA, BLDG 125 FY99-603 2950 P STREET WPAFB OH 45433 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 12a. DISTRIBUTION AVAILABILITY STATEMENT 12b. DISTRIBUTION CODE Unlimited distribution In Accordance With AFI 35-205/AFIT Sup 1 13. ABSTRACT tMaximum 200 words) DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A Approved for Public Release Distribution Unlimited 14. SUBJECT TERMS 15. NUMBER OF PAGES 61 16. -
Media Imperialism Continuity and Change
DOWNLOAD CSS Notes, Books, MCQs, Magazines www.thecsspoint.com Download CSS Notes Download CSS Books Download CSS Magazines Download CSS MCQs Download CSS Past Papers The CSS Point, Pakistan’s The Best Online FREE Web source for All CSS Aspirants. Email: [email protected] BUY CSS / PMS / NTS & GENERAL KNOWLEDGE BOOKS ONLINE CASH ON DELIVERY ALL OVER PAKISTAN Visit Now: WWW.CSSBOOKS.NET For Oder & Inquiry Call/SMS/WhatsApp 0333 6042057 – 0726 540141 WWW.NOKRIWALA.NET CSS Solved Compulsory MCQs From 2000 to 2020 Latest & Updated Order Now Call/SMS 03336042057 - 0726540141 MEDIA IMPERIALISM CONTINUITY AND CHANGE Edited by OLIVER BOYD-BARRETT Bowling Green State University TANNER MIRRLEES University of Ontario Institute of Technology ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • London 19_0411-Boyd_Barrett.indb 1 6/25/19 6:35 AM Executive Editor: Elizabeth Swayze Editorial Assistant: Megan Manzano Senior Marketing Manager: Kim Lyons Credits and acknowledgments for material borrowed from other sources, and reproduced with permission, appear on the appropriate page within the text. Published by Rowman & Littlefield An imprint of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 www.rowman.com 6 Tinworth Street, London SE11 5AL, United Kingdom Copyright © 2020 by The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Available ISBN 9781538121542 (cloth : alk. -
Politics After a Nuclear Crisis
Politics after a Nuclear Crisis by Brian Martin Depamnent of Science and Technology Studies University of Wollongong Contained in the legal systems of almost all modern liberal democratic states is the provision for extraordinary executive power to be exercised in emergen- cies. This power is variously called martial law, state of seige, constitutional emergency powers, and constitutional dictatorship. This power is designed for use both in the event of war and in the face of civil unrest, and many govern- ments make extensive preparations for these contingencies. Considering the scope and impact of constitutional emergency powers, remarkably little attention has been given to them by either supporters or critics of state power. One of the main reasons is that the problem seems remote in the lulls between emergencies, and also disturbing: Politicians certainly have nothing to gain by raising the issue.' The 1980s saw an enormous upsurge in attention to the problem of nuclear war. Yet while accounts of the physical effects of nuclear war have been innum- erable, there has been little mention of the likely political aftermath of a nuclear crisis or war: the problem of constitutional dictatorship in the nuclear age. This topic is my concern here. To justify the examination of politics during and after a nuclear crisis or war, it is first necessary to show the significant possibility that these can occur without total destruction of human society. That is my first task. After a mention of some of the connections between war and political economy, I focus on "war dictator- ship," namely, the subordination of societies to authoritarian states, which is a likely political consequence of nuclear crisis. -
Martial Law in India: the Deployment of Military Under the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958
\\jciprod01\productn\S\SWT\24-1\SWT104.txt unknown Seq: 1 12-MAR-18 7:17 MARTIAL LAW IN INDIA: THE DEPLOYMENT OF MILITARY UNDER THE ARMED FORCES SPECIAL POWERS ACT, 1958 Khagesh Gautam* ABSTRACT: The question for inquiry in this article is whether the key provi- sions of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 (“AFSPA”), an Indian Parliamentary legislation, amount to a de facto proclamation of Martial Law in India. The constitutional validity of AFSPA has been upheld by a unanimous constitution bench of five judges of the Supreme Court of India. But the AFSPA has not yet been examined from the Martial Law perspective. In order to engage in this inquiry, this article briefly traces the development of the idea of Martial Law and argues that military acting independent of the control of civilian authorities is the most important feature of Martial Law. This article also argues that in order for a geographical area to be under Martial Law, there is no need to have a formal promulgation of the same. In other words, an area can be under Martial Law without formally be- ing so declared. They key feature to note is whether the military is acting independent of the civilian control or not. The AFSPA is then analyzed from this angle and it is concluded that when the AFSPA becomes applicable to any area in India, that area is under de facto Martial Law. The question of whether or not the Indian Constitution impliedly or expressly authorizes the proclamation of Martial Law is * Stone Scholar, LL.M. -
Cold War Engineering: Technical Infrastructure, Noise, And
Cold War Engineering: Technical Infrastructure, Noise, and Geography in Radio Free Europe’s Operation in the 1950s and the 1960s By Georgi Georgiev Submitted to Central European University Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Istvan Rev Second Reader: Professor Constantin Iordachi CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2015 Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection i Abstract The thesis focuses on the archives of the Engineering department at Radio Free Europe in the 1950s and the 1960s. The text explores the political nature of technical issues outlining specific technological policies and political terms embedded in the radio operation. Using as a departure point some main aspects from the paradigm of Science and Technology Studies, the text highlights key non-living objects, communication links, and external institutions, which shaped the radio’s technical infrastructure described, throughout the Cold War, with the self-evident term “network.” The text concentrates on noise as an object of scientific research and technical work which led to the development of a peculiar political mode of hearing and mobilization of computer analysis of data for the purposes of the Cold War. -
Download Download
Spotlight on First-Year Writing The Words of War: The Political Rhetoric of Barack Obama and John F. Kennedy Brett Feldman Boston University To many in my generation, the Cold War is a footnote relegated to the lifeless pages of histo - ry textbooks. Dead are the leaders who thundered across the highest stages of geopolitics. Gone is the sense of intense rivalry that dominated the preceding half-century. Hollow rings the yellow journalism that entranced the world’s population. Though the world may have changed and the Cold War ended with the death of communism, a new specter has risen—Islamic extremism. In this new geopolitical conflict, many of the themes that characterized the Cold War have reemerged. Recognizing these parallels, scholars continue to consider the rhetorical leadership demonstrated by politicians, then and now. On the one hand, some scholars maintain that the rhetoric of the Cold War was more fluid and less polarized, pointing to John F. Kennedy’s inaugural address as evi - dence. Others, like Columbia University professor of history Eric Foner, claim that the rhetoric of the Cold War was “a continuation of the battles of World War II.” Fifty years later, another generation, born in the waning days of the American century, has also come of age in an era of immense geopolitical turbulence. Afghanistan and Iraq have become our Bay of Pigs and, increasingly, our Vietnam. To us, the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq are major polit - ical events, shaping a whole generation’s outlook on politics. Our political leaders have used these events to create fear in their audiences and build political support.