A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font1

Harriet M. Sonne de Torrens

Abstract Since 1823 the consecration date of 1129 for the Church of St. Boniface, inscribed on the Freckenhorst baptismal font from the imperial convent of St. Boniface (Westphalia, ), has continued to be considered, by some, the date for when the font was carved. For over two hundred years this precocious date has divided academic communities, despite the numerous and compre- hensive counter arguments asserting that the font is a later twelfth century if not early thirteenth century vessel. This raises the question, “Why has there been such resistance to recognize this ves- sel as a later product of the prolific Westphalian stone industry?” This article reviews the historio- graphy to uncover the roots of the ‘sanctified status’ that the Freckenhorst font acquired over the centuries from the post-Imperial period of Germany through the two World Wars. The literature reveals not only why the Freckenhorst font came to symbolize ‘Germanic ingenuity’ for German art historians but also the challenges and changes within the evolving discipline of art history and the scholarly networks that connected art historians in the first half of the twentieth century. Keywords Freckenhorst, Baptismal Font, St. Boniface, Medieval, Romanesque, Sculpture, Quedlin- burg, Hegwald, Johnny Roosval, Inscriptions, Historiography Author Ph.D., L.M.S., Dept. of Visual Studies and UTM Library, Univ. of Toronto Mississauga, Canada Email [email protected] Iconographisk Post Nordisk tidskrift för bildtolkning • Nordic Review of Iconography Nr 3 /4, 2019, pp. 6–47. issn 2323-5586

Introduction2 Dating Romanesque baptismal fonts is a baptismal fonts in the late nineteenth and process fraught with challenges.3 Baptis- first-half of the twentieth century, like oth- mal fonts are frequently the oldest, me- er medieval works, have been reviewed, re- dieval object preserved in European com- vised or reconsidered according to chang- 4 Fig. 1. Freckenhorst baptismal font, late 12th century at the earliest to early 13th century, munities. Since World War II many of ing methodologies, new research about Collegiate Church of St. Boniface, Warendorf, Münster, Germany. Photo BSI. the precocious dates assigned to medieval the sites, comparative works, the region

nordic review of iconography 7 harriet m. sonne de torrens A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font or in relation to the general understand- can be a daunting task. And, the legacy of dorf-Freckenhorst (Westphalia, Germa- ly communities.12 The Freckenhorst bap- ing of medieval art.5 Given the literally non-integrated scholarship on fonts from ny) with the inscribed date of 1129 com- tismal font is such a case, but uniquely ‘thousands’ of medieval baptismal fonts other areas of inquiry, poses continual im- memorating the consecration of St. Bon- so. In the nineteenth-and-early-twenti- produced in the Golden Age, that is the pediments. Nevertheless, it is important iface by Bishop Egbert is one such exam- eth-century scholarship German schol- twelfth and thirteen centuries, there is an to point out that the renowned and, often, ple that warrants a closer look at the his- ars situated and entrenched the Frecken- extensive corpus of scholarship, especial- monumental surveys undertaken in the toriography (fig. 1).9 For nearly two hun- horst font at the very origins of monumen- ly, on the more renowned works, which in first half of the twentieth century are still dred years, since 1823, the Freckenhorst tal sculpture in Westphalian Romanesque some cases go back to the eighteenth cen- the foundational work of any investiga- font has been at the centre of an on-going art – much like Roosval did with respect tury or earlier. tion in the field, despite the inherently dat- date debate. It is not unusual to encoun- to the Hegwald workshop on Gotland When reviewing dates for medieval ed assumptions and circumscribed metho- ter incongruences concerning the origins and the commencement of the first phase baptismal fonts, scholars are faced with dologies. and the dates assigned to baptismal fonts of carving stone fonts on Gotland.13 In an especially daunting task, often compli- Adding to the challenge is the accumu- in the early scholarship. Many, however, fact, in 1925 Roosval suggested that the cated by the fact that many of the Roman- lated literature on the comparative works, have subsequently been reconsidered.10 In Hegwald baptismal fonts were even earlier esque fonts, produced in active ateliers, many of which have been re-dated and dis- the case of the Freckenhorst font, there re- than the Freckenhorst font, dating the He- were part of a larger stone industry.6 This cussed in a wide range of dispersed pub- mains a reluctance to rigorously affirm a gwald fonts from c. 1095 to 1130.14 As a re- meant that a single workshop with sever- lications over the decades. Consequent- later date for the vessel, despite the numer- sult, a broader, cohesive European frame- al artisans was producing numerous works. ly, the intimidating and time-consuming ous counter arguments. The inscribed date work began to emerge for the develop- The nineteenth-and-twentieth-century art process of pursuing a comprehensive re- of 1129 is frequently cited, but often with ment of northern Romanesque sculpture. historical divisions of medieval art into view of the scholarship is often by-passed. no firm attribution to a later period, leav- The Hegwald fonts have since have been genres, such as the minor arts or types of The datings in earlier scholarship may sim- ing the actual date of the font ambiguous. attributed a later date.15 The Freckenhorst objects, like baptismal fonts, enabled com- ply be repeated, especially, if attributed to Due to this equivocation, the earlier asser- font was at the forefront of the divisive prehensive but often segregated overviews renowned historians. Unfortunately, this tions of renowned scholars such as Erwin and wide-spread discussions about what of these hundreds of works. This, may or reinforces outmoded or relevant counter Panofsky (1892–1968) or those who stud- constituted ‘Germanic’ art, regionally, as may not, be an advantage given that many arguments that have long been forgotten ied baptismal fonts such as Johnny Roos- well as, within Romanesque art, national- medieval fonts were carved by the same or submerged in the extensive literature. val (1879–1965), Georg Pudelko (1905– ly and internationally, acquiring a political workshops producing tomb slabs, capitals, There are numerous reasons why a histori- 1972), and Folke Nordström (1920–1997), dimension in World War II. These wider portal sculpture and other stone works.7 an is prompted to return to the earlier lit- and who advocated for the 1129 date, are discussions, framed by imminent scholars Earlier divisions can impose constraints erature, either to counter-argue or to re- often repeated, despite current scholarship within the changing discipline of art histo- whether it be segregating the scholarship vive an earlier, significant idea that was and the numerous counter arguments over ry, have been of considerable interest since or simply by the sheer number of works overlooked, rejected or not fully investi- the decades.11 World War II.16 A prolonged legacy teth- which have been assigned to a single group gated. And, most certainly, when a legacy In the historiography of baptismal fonts, ered the font to the idealized post-imperial or category that might need to be re-exam- obstructs or continues to cast doubts on renowned vessels often acquired a sancti- discussions on what constituted German- ined. For fonters, that is, those dedicated contemporary investigations and current fied status. A status that was deeply rooted ic culture, nationalism and artistic identi- to the study of this single vessel, to adhere scholarship, a closer scrutiny of the earlier in the scholarship and the collective, cul- ty in a period when historians sought to to earlier dates and frameworks is a con- arguments is warranted, no matter how ex- tural memory and identity of communi- define Germanic art.17 And yet, numer- stant temptation.8 For when you begin to tensive such a scholarly corpus may be. ties. So much so, that when new research ous historians recognized that the Freck- analyse one work in a group of many, ulti- The exquisite baptismal font in the Col- questioned a vessel’s prestigious position, enhorst font was an anomaly from several mately, the others must be reviewed. This legiate Church of St. Boniface in Waren- it was rejected by both local and scholar- perspectives: the inscription, the style, the

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Fig. 2. Annunciation to date was accepted and examines the con- …NEI. E. GEBERTO ORDINAT. ANNO Mary, Freckenhorst baptis- current, as well as, the recent counter ar- II. CONSECRATU. E. HOC TEMPLUM mal font, late 12th century guments for why the Freckenhorst font + ANNO AB INCARNAT. DOMINI. MCXXVIIII.E.PACT. XXVIII.20 at the earliest to early 13th should be considered a later work. Due century, Collegiate Church [The complete Latin inscription for this sec- of St. Boniface, Warendorf, to the extensive scholarship, the historio- tion is: NON(AS) IVN(II) A VENERAB(ILI) Münster, Germany. graphy on this single font offers addition- EP(ISCOP)O MIMIGARDEVORDENSI Photo BSI (Baptisteria al insights into the changing art histori- EGBERTO ORDINAT(IONIS) SVE ANNO Sacra Index). cal methodologies and how political and II CONSECRATV(M) E(ST) HOC TEM- ideological factors shaped and defined the PLUM. – This last section was not visible in 1823, see below p. 10 for the full inscription and views of some art historians. In addition, translation.] the historiographical review exposes some of the academic networks that aided in the The publication was met with immediate construction of early medieval art history. enthusiasm and triggered an avalanche of For example, the Freckenhorst date of 1129 scholarly interest. By 1861 the inscription served to reinforce the precocious dates as- on the Freckenhorst font served to affirm signed to other medieval fonts by art histo- not only the provenance of the font but, rians, such as Roosval, especially in the dat- according to Franz Kugler, the construc- ing of the Hegwald workshop.18 This is not tion history of the Collegiate Church of surprising, since Roosval, the imminent St. Boniface.21 This was the era when the scholar of medieval art and author of the written text held an authoritative place renowned work, Die Steinmeister Gott- and stylistic analysis was the latest method- lands (1918), received his early training as ology. Historians, who were engaged in an art historian in Germany under the tu- rewriting the , were debating telage of Heinrich Wölfflin and Adolph the origins of the Romanesque or Rund- Goldschmidt at the University of Berlin at bogenstil in contrast to the Spitzbogenstil the turn-of-the-twentieth century, retain- at the regional and national levels.22 Far ing close contact with the German schol- less value was placed on the liturgical con- ars in subsequent decades. text, subjects rendered and the pictorial evidence. For example, in 1886 Franz von Inscription and Date Debate Reber (1834–1919) noted that the subjects iconography and in comparison with oth- later date, even today, warrants a closer ex- The date discourse concerning the Freck- represented on the Freckenhorst baptis- er works dated to before the middle of the amination for why there remains a reti- enhorst font began when the archaeolo- mal font were of little interest in relation twelfth century. In terms of medieval fonts, cence on the part of some scholars to as- gist and historian Wilhelm Dorow (1790– to the overall importance of how skilfully similar sculptural works are found in the sign a late twelfth century date at the earli- 1845) first published the font’s inscription the work was executed.23 late twelfth-and-thirteenth centuries, but est for the Freckenhorst font. in 1823.19 Situated against a wall, only a The frequently cited date of 1129 is in- not in the first half of the twelfth century – This article examines the historiogra- partial view of the inscription was visible. scribed on the lower band, which separates context matters. The on-going date debate phy, the highlights of earlier, often brief Dorow published the following incom- the upper Christological scenes from the and the continued reluctance to affirm a and nebulous arguments for why an 1129 plete inscription: lower representation of lions. The full in-

10 iconographisk post nr 3/4, 2019 nordic review of iconography 11 harriet m. sonne de torrens A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font was interpreted as the monogram of the tions over the centuries. There are numer- artisan who carved the font, but gradually ous medieval baptismal fonts with inscrip- historians recognized that it belonged to tions that were later additions, reflecting a the inscription on the lower band.30 different date than the making of the ves- In the early twentieth century the du- sel, a trend that escalated during the Re- bious or problematic nature of inscrip- formation. In 1903 Stephan Beissel (1841– tions, particularly on medieval works and 1915), the German Jesuit and art historian, baptismal fonts, had not yet undergone made an important point. He adamant- the forensic analysis that would later en- ly wrote that the consecration date of St. gage scholars and specialists in the field of Boniface was not the same date as the ori- epigraphy.31 Today, we understand that in- gin of the Freckenhorst baptismal font, scriptions are not always what they appear and cited comparable thirteenth-century to be, especially, on medieval stone fonts, works, such as other Westphalian cylindri- which were subject to multiple modifica- cal fonts.32 However, the disparity between

Fig. 3. Ascension of Christ, Freckenhorst baptismal font, late 12th century at the earliest to early 13th century, Collegiate Church of St. Boniface, Warendorf, Münster, Germany. Photo BSI. scription records the consecration date of The “Incarnation of our Lord” before a Ro- St. Boniface by Bishop Egbert in 1129: man numeral date is common on medieval + ANNO AB INCARNAT(IONE) D(OMI) fonts prior to the fifteenth century. How- NI M(ILLESIMO) : C(ENTESIMO) ever, the Freckenhorst addition of “…epac- : XX : VIIII : EPACT(IS) : XXVIII : tis 28, concurrent I, after a bisextile year, in- CONCVRR(ENTIBVS) I P(OST) diction 7, the second none of June…” is the B(ISSEXTILEM) INDICT(IONS) VII : 26 II : NON(AS) IVN(II) A VENERAB(ILI) unusual component of the date inscribed. EP(ISCOP)O MIMIGARDEVORDENSI In addition, short inscriptions were incised EGBERTO ORDINAT(IONIS) SVE in the following scenes: the Annunciation ANNO II CONSECRATV(M) E(ST) HOC (fig. 2),27 the 24 to Mary Ascension of Christ TEMPLUM.” (fig. 3)28 and the Christ in Majesty scene [In the year 1129 of the Incarnation of our Lord, (fig. 4).29 The inscribed letters of SVE“ ” ap- epactis 28, concurrent I, after a bisextile year, in- pears in the conflated Harrowing of Hell diction 7, the second none of June [4 June], by the venerable Bishop Egbert of Münster, the sec- and Resurrection scene, under the seated ond year of his ordination, this church [temple] angel and immediately above the band Fig. 4. Christ in Majesty, Freckenhorst baptismal font, late 12th century at the earliest to early 13th cen- was consecrated.].25 with the inscription (fig. 5). Initially, “SVE” tury, Collegiate Church of St. Boniface, Warendorf, Germany. Photo BSI.

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turies.37 The precocious date of the Freck- SI” in the Freckenhorst inscription was enhorst font offered bi-lateral support for not used during the time of Bishop Eg- the early depiction of elaborate and com- berts (1127–1132).44 The analysis and ar- plex pictorial programs on baptismal fonts guments by Freiin von Fürstenberg – lat- before the mid-twelfth century, as well as, er reinforced by Johannes Bauermann the comparative works included in the in 1973 – demonstrated that the refer- discussions.38 Fourteen years later, in cor- ence to Mimigardevordensis episcopus was respondence with Roosval, Pudelko re- a later designation used by Bishop Eg- peated the c. 1095–1130 dates assigned by berts’ successors of Münster in legal docu- Roosval to the Hegwald workshop in his mentation.45 This affirmed that the- in book, Romanische Taufsteine (1932), and scription was a later commemorative epi- thanked Roosval for his assistance in the taph and not contemporaneous with St. footnotes.39 Pudelko argued that the Heg- Boniface’s consecration date of 1129, radi- wald fonts were examples of early works cally shifting the Freckenhorst date dis- within the larger context of Romanesque course.46 art in northern Europe, giving further sup- In addition to the points noted by Frei- port to the 1129 date of the Freckenhorst in von Fürstenberg, there are other aspects font.40 Subsequently, reviews of the Heg- of the Freckenhorst inscription that are an wald workshop were undertaken, initial- anomaly. The recording of dates or spe- ly by Roosval himself, in 1925, and later cific historical periods on baptismal fonts Fig. 5. Harrowing of Hell and Resurrection of Christ, Freckenhorst baptismal font, late 12th century at 47 the earliest to early 13th century, Collegiate Church of St. Boniface, Warendorf, Germany. Photo BSI. by other Scandinavian scholars, who, in- is rare during the twelfth century. And crementally, revised the earlier dates as- most certainly, it does not become com- signed.41 In fact, the Gotland workshops, mon practice until the fourteenth and the consecration date for St. Boniface and ry date to the Freckenhorst font.35 With- those attributed to the first phase of fig- fifteenth centuries.48 The Golden Age of when the font was carved, was of no inter- out any analysis or discussion of Beissel’s urative works and those made in the sec- baptismal fonts in northern Europe was est to those who supported the 1129 date.33 arguments, Panofsky wrote, “mit irriger ond, non-figurative period, were gradu- marked by a preference for visual messages In fact, this appears to have been purposely Datierung ins XIII. Jahrh.”36 Clearly, there ally re-dated.42 Counter arguments accu- and a pictorial language that relied prima- downplayed, disbelieved or ignored in the was academic resistance to alter or even mulated, and demonstrated that the Heg- rily on a minimum of text, brief biblical scholarship. Beissel’s analysis and assess- question the pivotal role that the Freck- wald workshop operated at the very ear- phrases or names to identify the figures ment of the font’s style and iconography enhorst font had acquired in the German liest in the late twelfth or even early thir- portrayed.49 With the addition of pictori- is not mentioned nor discussed by oth- Romanesque by the 1920s. teenth century.43 al programs around the basins of fonts, in- er leading historians in Germany, such as In 1918, Roosval used the example of Counter arguments by German schol- scriptions were of secondary importance Georg Dehio (1850–1932) nor by Pudelko the 1129 date on the Freckenhorst font ars did not cease after Pudelko’s 1932 pub- and were fitted into the scenes and on the in the 1930s.34 Yet, scholars were familiar to support his stylistic analysis of the lication Romanische Taufsteine. One of the architectonic frames that divided the pro- with Beissel’s work. In 1924 Panofsky dis- Gotlandic baptismal fonts carved by the more significant arguments was present- grams, similar to the short inscriptions missed Beissel’s counter arguments and Hegwald workshop, dating the fonts to ed by Marie Luise Freiin von Fürstenberg. added to the scenes on the Freckenhorst stated in his publication that Beissel has the last decades of the eleventh century In 1934 her examination found that the font. The inscriptions in the scenes on the erroneously attributed a thirteenth centu- and the first decades of the twelfth- cen title “EP(ISCOP)O MIMGARDEVORDEN- Freckenhorst font are in keeping with con-

14 iconographisk post nr 3/4, 2019 nordic review of iconography 15 harriet m. sonne de torrens A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font temporary practices in late twelfth and, for NANTE CONRADO, EPISCOPO HEN- text of medieval fonts in the Romanesque + : ANNO AB INCARNATIONE DOMINI the most part, thirteenth century. RICO II, DE[...]ANTE, MARCHIONI SEP- or Gothic periods, there are no known MILLESIMO : CENTESIMO NONAGE- Except for a few extant exceptions, the TENNI GODEFRIDO. comparable date inscriptions to the Freck- SIMO : QUARTO INDICTIONE : DVO- DECIMA : CONCVRRENTE QVINTA : date when a font was made was not gener- The majority of twelfth and thirteenth- enhorst inscription. EPACTA : XXVI : TERCIO : KALENDAS ally recorded in northern Europe until the century baptismal fonts in England with Similarly, within the context of West- : FEBROARII : DIE DOMINICA : LVNA later thirteenth century. Of the few extant inscriptions that provide dates were later phalian medieval works, there are few com- QVARTA : DEDICATA EST : HEC EC- examples, the inscribed dates on fonts additions.55 Likewise, most of the extant parable works. Calvin Kendall has noted CLESIA : ALTARE : A DOMINO ADE- made in the twelfth and thirteenth centu- twelfth and thirteenth century fonts in that there are few comparable inscriptions MARO PETRAGORICENSI : EPISCOPO : IN HONORE SANCTE TRINITATIS : ries follow regional patterns. It should be France have later inscriptions that include of equal length in Westphalia, the closest ET SANCTE MARIE VIRGINIS : ET BEA- 56 noted, however, none of the known exam- dates. There are a few exceptions. The being the inscription on the carved reliefs TI MARTINI : EPISCOPI ET CONFES- ples match the type of date inscribed on fourteenth century font from Saint-Ferre- over the northern twin portals in the north SORIS ET BEATI P[AV]LI APOSTOLI : the Freckenhorst font.50 ol (Haute-Garonne) has the 1319 date transept of the Basilica St. Emmeran in ET BEATI B. THOME : ARCHIEPISCOPI The earliest examples of fonts with in- “ANO DMOI / M CCCXIX” inscribed.57 The Regensburg. In this example, however, the ET MARTIRI : ET SANCTE K[A]TERINE VIRGINIS ET MARTIRIS : ET OMNIVM scribed dates are located in Spain where fourteenth-century font in Cathédrale message is a moralizing text with the name SANCTORVM DEI : HEBRARDO DE VI- 63 evidence of the earlier Roman tradi- Saint-Étienne de Toulouse (Haute-Gar- of the patron without a date. Further- LARS HVIVS ECCHLESIE DIACONO tion for inscriptions survived. Northern onne) has the inscription “[...] 1305 [...].”58 more, the judicial type of date inscribed on EXISTENTE : CELESTINO PAPA SANC- Spain is an area which has an abundance In Germany the bronze Würzburg font the Freckenshorst font with the incarnation TE ROMANE EECLESIE PRESIDENTE : of inscriptions on the facades of church- (Bayern) has a 1279 date and inscription: year of the Lord, the epacte cycle of twenty- ET PHILIP REGE FRANCORVM IMPER- ANTE : RICHARDO REGE ANGLIE DV- es dated to the eleventh and twelfth centu- REGNANTE RVDOLFO REGE [P.ANE- eight, the indiction cycle of seven, date of CATVM AQVITANIE TENENTE : HELI- 51 ries. On the Spanish font from Cruïlles RUM?] ANNO REGNI SVI SIXTO ET the none and the fact that it was a leap year, AM TALEIRANDVM PETRAGORIORVM (Gerona, Catalonia) the inscription reads BERTHOLDO DVCTO DE STERREM- as indicated by the reference to bissextilem COMITEM : IN METROPOLITICA BVR- BERGE P[r]O ECCLESSIAE ISTIVS 66 “:1232:FONS”. 52 On the Lomeña font (Ig- year, is a highly unusual inscription on me- DEGALENSI HELIA RESIDENTE. ANNO PONTIFICAT[?] SVI QVINTO lesia Parroquial de San Juan Bautista, Can- PROCVRANTE WWALTHERO PLEB- dieval works and monuments. In terms of [+ The year of the Incarnation of Our Lord 1194, tabria) the date is inscribed as “ERA MILES- ANO KAPELLANO EIVSDEM COM- baptismal fonts, as noted previously, the indiction 12, concurrent 5, epactis 26, 3rd kalends IMA CCXXXVIII NOTUM E DIE V IDUS PLATVM + ANNO INCARNATIONIS closest example is the metal font at Tirle- of February, Sunday, 4th day after the new moon, 59 this altar and church were dedicated by Ademar, DECEMBRIS DOMINI MCCLXXIX. ”, 1238 era, which – when con- mont (Belgium), now in the Musées royaux Bishop of Périgueux, to the honour of the Holy 53 verted – is equivalent to 1200 A.D. The The later font from Kirton (Lincolnshire, d’art et d’histoire de Bruxelles. The inscrip- Trinity, to Saint Mary the Virgin, to the Bless- inscribed date on the font from Caniego East Midlands) has an ambiguous date tion with the date of 1149 includes incarna- ed Martin, Bishop and Confessor, to the Bless- (Burgos, Castile-León) reads “ERA DE inscription, which has been published as tion year of the Lord, like on the Frecken- ed Paul the Apostle, to the Blessed B[ecket] Tho- MCCXXXVII” which is equivalent to 1199.54 1355 or 1405, “ORATE PRO A[n]I[m]A ALAU- horst font, but makes no reference to the mas, Archbishop and Martyr, to Saint Catherine, Virgin and Martyr, and to all of God’s saints; be- NI BURTON QUI FONTEM ISTUM FIERI The few known fonts in Spain with inscrip- other legal components of the date as not- ing Hebrardo de Vilars present Deacon of this 60 64 tions tend to follow this pattern. FEC[it] A[nno] D[omini] MCCC?V.” In Ger- ed in the Freckenhorst inscription. The church; Celestine [III], presiding Pope of the Date inscriptions on northern fonts dif- many too, like England and France, there only other medieval work known to have Holy Roman Church, and Philip [II], com- fer. The metal font from Tirlemont (today are several twelfth-and-thirteenth-century this type of judicial date is the late twelfth- manding King of the Francs; Richard [I], King in Musées royaux d’art et d’histoire de Brux- fonts with date inscriptions that were century dedication plaque that is mounted of England and Duke of Aquitaine; Hélie Talei- rand of Périgueux, present Count of the city of elles) has this inscription and 1149 date: added later, like the fonts from Brackel on the façade of the Church of St. Martin Bordeaux +]67 61 65 ANNO DOMINICE ENCARNATIONIS (Nordrhein-Westfalen) and Sillenstede in Limeuil (Dordogne, France). The epi- Mo Co QUADRAGESIMO NONO, REG- (Niedersachsen, Friesland).62 In the con- graph dated to 1194 states:

16 iconographisk post nr 3/4, 2019 nordic review of iconography 17 harriet m. sonne de torrens A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font This inscription is considered a rare exam- er Westphalian Romanesque fonts, has a inforced the authority of the collegiate frequently on other Romanesque fonts ple. As Freiin von Fürstenberg pointed out, monumental stature. It measures 127–128 church, St. Boniface. Like the Neumarkt- were carved around the upper rim of the this type of official date was generally used cm in height (including the lower base), kirche in Merseberg, where the Merseberg Freckenhorst font and on the arches fram- in legal charters, papal bulls and other such 102 cm without the base, and has an inside font was originally located, St. Boniface ing the scenes (fig. 7).74 The palmette mo- documents and not typically in epigraphs diameter of 74–83 cm (the diameter of the was also a renowned pilgrimage site with tif encircling the font is a variation of the inscribed on ecclesiastical monuments or font including the rim is 105–117 cm). In a relic of the Holy Cross. The Freckenhorst palmette motif encircling the early thir- liturgical vessels.68 This raises several ques- comparison, the average height for medie- font was what Schlegel has called a festive teenth-century Vellern font (St. Pankra- tions yet to be investigated. Why, for ex- val fonts, whether in Scandinavia or Spain, rather than everyday font which was des- tius, Nordrhein-Westfalen) made from ample, would the or authorities at is circa one metre, similar to the height of tined for ceremonial uses at Easter, Pente- Baumberg sandstone by the Münsterländ- the convent of St. Boniface be motivated altars, which enabled priests to perform cost and other rituals.73 ischen Ornamentformen workshop (figs. to add a judicial inscription? The Frecken- the baptism with a degree of ease. The Variations of the popular Romanesque 8 and 9), the thirteenth-century baptis- horst font, as Silvia Schlegel pointed out, Freckenhorst baptismal font is one of the palmette and geometric borders found mal font at Lippoldsberg (figs. 10 and 11) would have been used for ceremonial ritu- few, taller stone fonts which exceeds the als and not regular baptisms as there was average height that were made in the Ro- the regular parish church, St. Petrus or manesque period in Germany. , to address community needs.69 The Freckenhorst font is often- com Leutkirche Fig. 6. Merseburg Schlegel argues that the large Freckenhorst pared to the Merseburg font, originally baptismal font, c. font asserted the higher rank of the colle- from the Church of St. Thomas Becket, 1170-1190, Merseburg giate church of St. Boniface over the parish known as the Neumarktkirche. Since 1831 Cathedral, Saxony- church of St. Petrus.70 the font has stood in the Merseburg Ca- Anhalt, Germany. thedral (Merseburg, Saxony-Anhalt). The Photo BSI. Description Merseberg font has a similar monumental The Freckenhorst font (fig. 1) is tub-shaped, height of 127 cm and an inside diameter the preferred shape for Westphalian Ro- of 90 cm excluding the rim (fig. 6). Both manesque fonts, unlike the predominant fonts were made from the similar beige- chalice-shaped fonts carved in Scandina- grey-pinkish sandstone. Marks on the top via. It was carved from Baumberg sand- of the Freckenhorst font rim indicate a lid stone that is believed to have been quar- once fitted over the top of the basin, pro- ried in the area west of Münster. The tecting the blessed water. Like many oth- exterior sides of the vessel have acquired er very large or decorative baptismal fonts, a reddish colour in the corners due to the Freckenhorst font was not carved for the earlier polychroming.71 Since the ma- the regular baptism of infants. The earli- jor restoration of St. Boniface in 1859 the er, nearby older church of St. Petrus served Freckenhorst font has stood in the western the community for regular baptisms and end on the north side of the nave. Where was known as the Leutkirche for the affili- the baptismal font was originally posi- ated parish, even though St. Boniface had tioned in the church is not known. The been given the right to baptise.72 The Freck- unusually large vessel, compared to oth- enhorst font’s considerable size visually re-

18 iconographisk post nr 3/4, 2019 nordic review of iconography 19 harriet m. sonne de torrens A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font

Fig. 8. Border, Vellern baptismal font, early 13th century, Parish Church of St. Pankratius, Beckum-Vellern, Nordrhein- Westfalen, Germany. Photo BSI.

Fig. 7. Border on Freckenhorst baptismal font, late 12th century at the earliest to early 13th century, Col- legiate Church of St. Boniface, Warendorf, Münster, Germany. Photo BSI. and around the border of the later tomb the Presentation of Christ in the Temple in slab for Abbess Beatrice I, known also as the manuscript on folio 111r.78 Beatrice of Franconia (1037–13 July 1061) The Freckenhorst baptismal font has of Abbey (fig. 19).75 A variety two pictorial registers separated by a nar- of similar borders to the Freckenhorst font row band that has the incised inscription. are illustrated in the Gospel of Henry the The upper register depicts seven scenes Lion, c. 1188 (Evangeliar Heinrichs d. Lö- from the three seasons of Advent, Christ- wen, Cod. Guelf. 105 Noviss. 2°), a manu- mas and Easter that celebrate the life of script from the Helmarshausen Benedic- Christ on earth and the victory of the tine abbey, which re-emerged in 1983 after Christian faith. The narrative reads chron- having been lost for several decades (now ologically from the right to left: the An- in München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, nunciation, Christ in Majesty, Baptism Clm 30055).76 Folios 10v, 11r, 12r, and 16r of Christ, the Crucifixion, the Harrow- are a few examples in this manuscript that ing of Hell, the Ascension and the Nativity Fig. 9. Vellern baptismal font, early have variations of the same palmette mo- of Christ. The lower register has the bod- 13th century, Parish Church of tif.77 Likewise, the same crossed-square ies of four lions, three beastly heads and St. Pankratius, Beckum-Vellern, carved on the arch over the font’s Christ in one male. The male flanked by two lions Nordrhein-Westfalen, Germany. Photo BSI. Majesty scene is embellished and frames has been identified as the Old Testament

20 iconographisk post nr 3/4, 2019 nordic review of iconography 21 harriet m. sonne de torrens A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font

Fig. 10. Border on Lippolds- figure of Daniel (Daniel 6:20–22), signi- where did the German Romanesque ap- berg baptismal font, mid-13th fying the victory of Daniel’s God. When pear first? In Westphalia, Saxony or the century, Parish Church of SS. king Darius saw Daniel was unharmed Middle ?81 In 1887 Reber elaborat- George and Mary, Lippolds- among the lions, he declared: “It is de- ed on the regional rivalries in A History of berg, Westphalia, Germany. Photo BSI. creed by me, that in all my empire and my Medieval Art: kingdom all men dread and fear the God The backwardness of Cologne, and indeed of all of Daniel. For he is the living and eternal the towns of the Middle Rhine, in the sculpture God for ever: and his kingdom shall not of figures…The neighboring province of - West Fig. 11. Lippoldsberg phalia, though decidedly inferior in architec- baptismal font, mid- be destroyed, and his power shall be for tural respects, produced in sculpture some sig- 13th century, Parish ever (Daniel 6: 26).” The victory of Dan- nificant results, such as…the baptismal font of Church of SS. George iel’s God and his eternal kingdom were ap- Freckenhorst…, all of which, though of little in- and Mary, Lippolds- propriate reminders in a historical period terest in their subjects, still possess certain mer- berg, Westphalia, Ger- its of execution.82 many. Photo BSI. consumed with holy wars in the Baltic re- gion and the Holy Land. In the bed of early twentieth-century Eu- ropean nationalism, debates in the 1910’s The Roots of Resistance asked whether the essence of the Roman- The academic opposition to a later date for esque had originated in Germany or in the Freckenhorst baptismal font had its France.83 This exalted view of the Frecken- roots in the nineteenth century and the pre- horst font’s origins continued with discus- World War II discourse on what constitut- sions in the evolving discipline of art his- ed national Germanic Medieval art. By the tory. The concept of a Germanic style in late nineteenth century the font symbol- the history of art within the broader de- ized the “artistic ingenuity,” the “originali- bate of nationalism was fettered to Ger- ty” of Germanic “innovation” as expressed man culture, identity and what constitut- by Wilhelm Lübke in 1853, and again by ed great Germanic art.84 In 1907 Dehio Wilhelm Effmann in 1889.79 Effman stat- outlined a systematic analysis of German ed that the scenes on the font are the old- traits in the arts in his article “Deutsche est known Christological images from the Kunst und deutsche Geschichte” in His- New Testament carved in stone in Germa- torische Zeitschrift.85 This was followed by ny.80 After that, numerous art historians his monumental work in 1919, Geschichte simply cited Effman’s publication and the der deutschen Kunst, in which, as Hans date for the Freckenhorst font. Belting would later write, Dehio’s inten- The debates shifted in the late nine- tion was to reveal how the “greatness of teenth century when historians sought German history [...] history attested to the regional origins of the Romanesque in by monuments of art, in the sense that terms of sculpture, monumental art and they reveal conditions of the national soul architecture. It resulted in noticeable ri- and bring secrets to light, which no oth- valries, debates and questions, such as: er kind of historical source would be capa-

22 iconographisk post nr 3/4, 2019 nordic review of iconography 23 harriet m. sonne de torrens A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font ble of expressing.”86 From this perspective, previous context of carving monumental Dehio, a staunch defender of the ingenuity works for the Freckenhorst font. The Ex- of Germanic traits, positioned the Frecken- ternsteine is the name for an ancient open- horst font in the context of monumental air site with a group of dramatic sandstone Romanesque sculpture in Westphalia.87 formations in the Teutoburg Forest next to He notes that the carved relief, the Descent the Oberer Teich lake and Weimbecke riv- of Christ from the Cross, at the Extern- er (fig. 12). In the medieval period the site steine, near Horn-Bad Meinberg (West- was provided with a chapel, which had an phalia, Germany) “was securely dated to altar with the inscribed date of 1115–1119. 1115” which is later confirmed by Panofsky On the exterior side of the rock formation (fig. 13).88 Neither art historian points out is the monumental relief of the Descent of that the sculpture is carved on the exteri- Christ from the Cross. Dehio’s assertion of or and that the date of 1115 is inscribed on the 1115 date for this relief was based on the the interior altar. In fact, Panofsky intro- inscription on the altar in the chapel, a view duces his discussion of the Freckenhorst that was widely held at that time. Today, font with the opening statement “Das 14 however, this monumental sculpture has Jahre nach den Externsteinen…” creating a been re-dated to c. 1190 at the earliest or

Fig. 12. View of Externsteine site, Horn-Bad Meinberg, Westphalia, Germany. Photo aus Halle, Fig. 13. Descent of Christ from the Cross, Externsteine, Horn-Bad Meinberg, Westphalia, Germany. CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons. Photo Sebastian Rittau, Wikimedia Commons.

24 iconographisk post nr 3/4, 2019 nordic review of iconography 25 harriet m. sonne de torrens A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font to the first quarter of the thirteenth centu- ry.89 After providing this comparative con- text, Dehio continues with a description of the Freckenhorst font as a goldsmith work in stone, “eine Goldschmiedearbeit in Stein” dated to 1129.90 And in 1924 Her- mann Beenken (1896–1952) refers to the Freckenhorst font as the oldest and richest sculptural work in Germany.91 The reference to comparative works, ideally within the same region and me- dium, served to legitimize and validate Fig. 15. Capitals, c. 1130, Baumberg sandstone, Freckenhorst Stiftskammer, Collegiate Church of St. Boni- face, Warendorf, Germany. Photo BSI. an early twelfth-century date. However, the quest for comparative, early twelfth century works within Westphalia to sup- work. In 1931, the earlier views of Dehio re- earlier nationalist ideology: “The [style of port an early twelfth century date for the vealed itself in the 1931 discussion of ‘Ger- the] Freckenhorst font … is rooted in the Freckenhorst font failed. In fact, no com- Fig. 14. Imperial Head, c. 1129, Collegiate Church man national characteristics’ in the work all-German tradition, which continued to parable sculptural works were found even of St. Boniface, Warendorf, Germany. Photo BSI. of Heinrich Wölffin and later, again, as draw on the heritage of Ottonian imperi- within the broader scope of northern Ger- the “all German tradition” in the disserta- al art well into the 12th century.”103 He dis- many. To compensate for this absence, a al works from the earlier period of Otto- tion about Westphalia cylindrical baptis- cusses the comparative stone fragments range of metal and ivory works as well as nian metalwork. Works by Roger of Hel- mal fonts by Noehles in 1953.99 from the church of St. Boniface, such as manuscripts were sought. In 1924 Panof- marhausen and the reliquary known as In the surveys on medieval art in West- the imperial head (fig. 14) and capitals (fig. sky argued that Belgian and Cologne ivo- Oelde-Lette from St. Vitius Church con- phalia, the Freckenhorst font retained 15) made from Baumberg sandstone and ries of the eleventh century were influen- tinued to be cited as possible influences its enshrined place. In Pudelko’s sum- by the same workshop as the Freckenhorst tial, although later Karl Noehles in 1953 for the precocious font in the 1930s and mary of Romanesque fonts in the Lat- font, which, at that time, was believed to would dispute this influence.92 Dehio’s 1950s.95 In 1933 Franz Jansen and in 1924 in West (1932), the Freckenhorst font is be part of the earlier church.104 Today, the idea that a metal worker had carved the Beenken proposed that English manu- introduced as the “famous Freckenhorst St. Boniface imperial head and capital frag- baptismal font due to the high degree of scripts of the twelfth century were influ- font.”100 He affirms the date of 1129 and ments in the Stiftskammer in Freckenhorst skilled workmanship, was an idea that was ential in the making of the Freckenhorst repeats Dehio’s and Panofsky’s earlier con- have been attributed to the first quarter of later reiterated by Pudelko in 1932.93 The font and in the pictorial compositions.96 victions that the font was carved by a met- the twelfth-century date, restrained by the fleur-de-lis motif and the band with the Karl Hoelker suggested the influence of alworker.101 In his 1953 dissertation, Noeh- unresolved dates attributed to the Frecken- inscription separating the two registers on Netherlandish art.97 But as Richard Ha- les accepted the earlier arguments for why horst font.105 Whereas, the other Roman- the font were compared to features found mann had pointed out in 1924 there was the Freckenhorst font was made in 1129 esque pieces, such as the graveslab frag- on regional metal works and formed part an absence of ‘logical continuous develop- but recognized there were problems with ment, c. 1185–1207,106 and the thirteenth- of the hypothesis supported by Dehio in ment’ of medieval sculpture in Germany.98 this early date.102 Noehles’ detailed analy- century fragmented lion (fig. 16), are dat- 1919 and Panofsky in 1924.94 The fleur- Not all scholars were comfortable with the sis and superb assembly of the numerous ed to the thirteenth century.107 The fact de-lis motif on the band around the basin jump from metalwork and portable ivory Westphalian cylindrical fonts segregates that these two fragments also carved from was compared with similar motifs on met- work to a single monumental sculptural the font from the rest and returns to the Baumberg sandstone were not tethered to

26 iconographisk post nr 3/4, 2019 nordic review of iconography 27 harriet m. sonne de torrens A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font the 1129 Freckenhorst date in the scholar- questioning the political debates or ideo- ship, has enabled historians to attribute logical contexts in which the 1129 date had a thirteenth-century date. 108 The other been accepted. With each additional pub- comparative work was the above-men- lication by renowned scholars that sup- tioned relief at the Externsteine depicting ported an early twelfth century date, it be- the Descent of Christ, which was dated to came increasingly difficult to argue for a 1115 based on the inscription on the altar later, more appropriate date for the Freck- in the chapel and subsquently, redated to c. enhorst font. Nevertheless, from the be- 1190 at the earliest or to the first quarter of ginning, counter arguments were intro- the thirteenth century.109 Given the over- duced that questioned the pivotal role that whelming authority, scope and breadth of the font acquired within the scholarship. Pudelko and Noehles’ research on medie- In 1834 Fredrick Wiggert, on the basis of val fonts, like many of the earlier historians, the inscription, dated the Merseburg font their research is often referenced by schol- to the last decade of the twelfth century or ars entering the field or left unresolved with first decade of the thirteenth century.112 In references to the date disputes.110 1910 Max Creutz, instead of seeking earli- By the mid-1930s through to the 1950s er sources, once again drew readers’ atten- the Freckenhorst font had received the tion to the similarities between the lower ‘sanction of tradition’ and was considered lion motif on the Merseburg and Frecken- Fig. 17. Adelaide I, Beatrice I and Adelaide II, tomb slabs, late 12th century, Quedlinburg a canonical work.111 In later publications, horst fonts. In 1924 the Merseburg font Abbey, Saxony-Anholt, Germany. Photo BSI. historical and cultural guides, scholars of- was dated to 1170–1190 by Beenken, who ten repeated earlier assumptions without acknowledged that it was a later work than the Freckenhorst font and pointed out the Recent Studies and Comparative Works problems of using only stylistic analysis To support the 1129 date of the Frecken- when determining dates for medieval ob- horst font, Panofsky and Beenken dis- jects, such as the Freckenhorst font.113 In cussed the comparative works of the three 1929 Heinrich Schütter posed a date of ca. tomb slabs at Quedlinburg of the imperial 1200 for the latter.114 As scholars grappled Abbesses Adelaide I (973/73–1043/44), with methodological issues and incongru- Beatrice I (1037–1061) and Adelaide II ities, Hoelker in 1936 proposed a date of (1045–1096), and the tomb of Reinhildis decades post the 1129 following the in- in the Riesenbeck parish church of St. Ca- scription analysis by Freiin von Fürsten- lixtus (north of Münster) (figs. 17, 18 and Fig. 16. Lion frag- berg, and Paul Wember in 1941 suggested 19).117 Both Beatrice I and Adelaide II were ment, 13th century, a date of 1180–1190.115 In 1942 Kurt Pohle daughters of the German Emperor, Henry Freckenhorst Stifts- too supported a post-mid-twelfth-centu- III (1016–1056), and Reinhildis was a local kammer, Colle- 118 giate Church of St. ry date; in the year 1952, Wilhelm Sand- holy person known as “Saint Reinhildis.” Boniface, Waren- forth proposed a date in the first half of the There has been a gradual, but somewhat re- dorf, Germany. thirteenth century date as Beissel original- luctant shift, in the controversial dates as- Photo BSI. ly had back in 1903.116 signed to the three tomb slabs for the Ab-

28 iconographisk post nr 3/4, 2019 nordic review of iconography 29 harriet m. sonne de torrens A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font besses of Quedlinburg, again partly due to the political views associated with the site since the 1930s and 1940s.119 In 1951 Otto Schmitt reviewed the comparative works discussed in the earlier scholarship that supported the 1129 date for the Frecken- horst font.120 He adamantly rejected a date prior to the mid-twelfth century for most of the comparative works, except for the Gernroder Heiligen Grab which he does not address in this article, “Die Dauer der ersten Epoche ist, wie wir sehen werden, zu weit gegriffen; sie beginnt in Wirklichkeit erst mit der Jahrundertmitte und umfasst zeimlich genau das dritte Viertel des 12. Jahrhunderts.”121 In 2004 Willibald Sauer- länder acknowledged the date controversy but did not pursue the earlier arguments. Instead, the focus of his analysis was to af- firm a later context for the Quedlinburg tomb slabs by analysing the three tomb slabs from Hesse and the tomb of Count Eberhard III von Nellenburg from Schaff- hausen from 1150–1160.122 The academic silence since Schmitt’s 1951 assertion and Sauerländer’s environmental scan of com- parative works, suggests there is a general concensus that the three abbesses’ tomb slabs were commissioned in memoria and most likely belong to the second half of the twelfth century.123 In 2008 Karen Blough disregards the German scholarship about the date and, instead, turns to sigillogra- phy and the creation of a historical com- pendium based on the abbesses’ lives, em- Fig. 18. Reinhildis Holy person, tomb slab, c. 1180, phasizing the memorial creation of the Fig. 19. Abbess Beatrice I, tomb slab, late 12th century, , Saxony-Anholt, Ger- St. Calixtus Church, Reisenbeck, Nordrhein-West- three slabs and suggested the later influ- many. Photo BSI. falen, Germany. After Panofsky 1924, vol. II, Taf. 17. ence of Abbess Gerburg of Cappenberg (r.

30 iconographisk post nr 3/4, 2019 nordic review of iconography 31 harriet m. sonne de torrens A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font 1126–1137).124 Karen Blough situates the m. wide, to c. 1190 at the earliest or to the the Freckenhorst font has been successful- on the tub-shaped, thirteenth-century making of these works within a political first quarter of the thirteenth century.129 ly argued, which, in turn, supported earli- baptismal font at Stockum (fig. 20), only framework, “the anti-Salian partisanship More articles in the edited collection re- er arguments, such as those presented by 40 kilometers from Freckenhorst, depicts and reform” during the time of Gerburg veals how earlier romanticized ideals asso- Beissel in 1903. similar topics in the narrative cycle as seen of Cappenberg but does not discuss the ciated with the Externsteine site and the Solteck’s iconographical evaluation on the Freckenhorst font. Both fonts de- comparative context of other twelfth-cen- 1930s–1940s Nazi ideology acquired right- of the scenes laid a firm, methodological pict the Annunciation, Nativity (fig. 21) tury stone tomb slabs.125 Other tomb slabs, wing political associations in the twenty- foundation for asserting that the font was and the Baptism of Christ. The Ascension such as the Reinhildis tomb slab, have first century.130 a product at the earliest, c. 1150–1175. In of Christ and the Harrowing of Hell on the since been redated to c. 1180, which aligns While not all of the comparative works 2015 Didier Méhu agreed that the vessel Freckenhorst font are replaced by a repre- the work with the similar types of tomb used as part of the earlier twentieth centu- was probably made c. 1170.133 In addition, sentation of the Adoration of the Magi and slabs produced in Skåne by the Majestatis ry arguments for dating the Freckenhorst after Soltek’s 1987 analysis, the lost Gospel St. Pancratius on the Stockum font. Each workshop from Valleberga and Fjelie, and font before the mid-twelfth century have of Henry the Lion, c. 1188, from the Hel- scene on the Stockum font is framed by an the slab inserted into the wall of the Dal- been reviewed, the majority have been at- marshausen Benedictine abbey resurfaced arcade with a palmette border around the hem Church on Gotland.126 Discussions tributed to later periods. The gradual aca- (see above, p 18).134 As previously noted, rim. Both the Stockum and Freckenhorst about the dates of these and other region- demic erosion of the original arguments this manuscript has many of the same or- fonts were part of the northern trend in al comparative works gradually shifted the pertaining to the comparative works that namental borders and figural styles as por- making cylindrical fonts with Christologi- development of monumental sculpture in once supported a 1129 date for the Freck- trayed on the Freckenhorst font, including cal narrative cycles. northern Germany to the second half and enhorst font have, consequently, served the portrayal of the Judenhut and Jews.135 third quarter of the twelfth century as his- to weaken a date prior to the mid-twelfth Following Soltek’s dissertation, several his- torians acknowledged that some of these century for this vessel. torians have concluded that the font is in- works were commissioned posthumously Added to these earlier date revisions was deed a later work. as memorials to individuals.127 the later iconographical analysis in 1987 by The earlier discussions on other works, Stefan Soltek who convincingly demon- The Baptismal Font Context such as the monumental Descent of Christ strated through a detailed iconographical The structure of the pictorial cycle on the from the Cross on the exterior side of the analysis that the Freckenhorst font be- Freckenhorst font shares several features Externsteine rock formation (fig. 13), has longed to the latter half of the twelfth cen- with other pictorial programs carved on also undergone a re-evaluation from sev- tury, at the very earliest.131 He painstaking- the Westphalian cylindrical fonts, such as eral perspectives. In a superb collection of ly proved that many of the iconographical the seven scenes framed in an architec- articles, edited by Larissa Eikermann, Ste- features in each of the compositions carved tonic arcade, the sequence and relation- fanie Haupt, Roland Linde and Michael around the basin of the font gained wide- ship of events in the program and the sub- Zelle, in Die Externsteine: Zwischen wis- spread popularity in the last half of the jects rendered. The chronological reading senschaftlicher Forschung und völkischer twelfth century. He re-affirmed what -oth from right to left with the first scene of Deutung. Beiträge der Tagung am 6. und 7. ers had pointed out, that the inscription the Annunication followed by the Nativ- März 2015 in Detmold (2018), the inscrip- was a ‘commemorative inscription’ and ity and the Baptism of Christ is similar to tion, history and date of the Externsteine not indicative of when the vessel was ac- the placement of the same three events on 128 132 site is thoroughly examined. Roland tually made. With each detailed, scene the Romanesque fonts from Alsfeld, Esch- Fig. 20. Stockum baptismal font, mid-to-late 13th Pieper dates the Descent of Christ from by scene, comprehensive iconographical au, Finedon, Gehrden, Knislinge, Rone century, St. Pankratius Church, Sundern-Stock- the Cross, measuring 5.50 m. high and 3.50 analysis by Soltek, a later provenance for and Stockum. In fact, the pictorial cycle um, Nordrhein-Westfalen, Germany. Photo BSI.

32 iconographisk post nr 3/4, 2019 nordic review of iconography 33 harriet m. sonne de torrens A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font Scandinavia, France and Spain, again at- tributed to the late twelfth or the thir- teenth centuries. 136 Several notable anomalies regarding iconographical details in the Freckenhorst scenes do not support an early twelfth cen- tury date as demonstrated in Soltek’s 1987 iconographical analysis. In the making of medieval fonts, there is further support to substantiate Beissel’s and Soltek’s argu- ments for two features they discussed: the presence of the Judenhut or Jews’ cap on Joseph in the Nativity scene (fig. 22), and the kneeling patron next to St. John in the Crucufixion scene. Beissel noted that the Judenhut was a later feature, citing the examples of the rood, c. 1200, and the carved tympanum on the western portal of St. Maria zur Höhe in Soest (Nordrhein- Westfalen), c. 1200–1230. Joseph wears a Judenhut in the Nativity scene on the St. Fig. 21. Nativity scene, Stockum baptismal font, Fig. 22. Nativity scene with Joseph mid-to-late 13th century, St. Pankratius Church, Mary tympanum, and Jews are rendered at the burial of Christ on the rood.137 Soltek wearing a Judenhut, Freckenhorst bap- Sundern-Stockum, Nordrhein-Westfalen, Germa- tismal font, late 12th century at the ny. Photo BSI. argues that one of the earliest examples of earliest, Collegiate Church of St. Boni- the Judenhut appears in a manuscript dat- face, Warendorf, Germany. Photo BSI. The representation ofChrist in Majesty ed to 1160–1170 (in the Landesbibliothek, on the Freckenhorst font, is a well-known Stuttgart, Cod. Hist. Fol. 415, fol. 62v.). In motif from earlier periods. However, it is addition, the Judenhut is portrayed in the Jews is found primarily on works dated to on the Lippoldsberg font dated to the not until the mid-to-late twelfth century already mentioned Gospel of Henry the the thirteenth century. For example, the Is- mid-thirteenth century; Joseph wears the when variations of Christ in Judgement Lion from c. 1188.138 The Judenhut, or pi- raelites Crossing the Red Sea on the Hild- Judenhut in the Nativity scene and the sol- or Majesty begin to ornament northern leus cornutus, worn by Joseph in the Na- esheim font (c. 1225–1226) wear the Juden- diers wear the Judenhut in the Crucifixion stone baptismal fonts. The motif is known tivity scene was a feature portrayed more hut (fig. 23). In addition, the thirteenth scene on the Aplerbeck font, dated to the on the German Romanesque fonts at As- widely in the thirteenth century after the century font at Stockum depicts Joseph in end of the twelfth century; Joseph wears sel, St. Ulrich im Schwarzwald, , Fourth Lateran Council of 1215 (canon 68), the Nativity scene wearing the Judenhut the Judenhut on the Borne font, dated to Lippoldsberg, Stockum and Würzburg. which asserted that Jews had to wear this and it appears on those persecuting Christ second quarter of the thirteenth century Farther afield, there are numerous repre- hat and a dress code to differentiate them in the Crucifixion scenes on the Bochum and so does a Jew depicted in the Cruci- sentations of Christ in Majesty or Christ from Christians.139 (Cofbuokheim) font, c. 1200; Nicodemus fixion scene on the Wiarden font, c. 1270– in Judgement on fonts located in England, On baptismal fonts the portrayal of wears the Judenhut in the scene with Christ 1280. Similar patterns are seen on the ear-

34 iconographisk post nr 3/4, 2019 nordic review of iconography 35 harriet m. sonne de torrens A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font Sörup (Schleswig-Holstein), by the Cal- half of the twelfth century through the carius workshop, has two donors kneeling thirteenth centuries. The evidence com- at the base of the cross (fig. 24).141 piled in the BSI demonstrates that the pop- The digital project, Baptisteria Sacra ularity of representing events from the life Index (BSI), at the University of Toronto of Christ, beginning with his childhood has compiled iconographical information through to his resurrection, was predomi- on more than 23,000 baptismal fonts dat- nantly a late twelfth-century development, ed from the Early Christian period to the which escalated in the thirteenth century seventeenth century, and with more than in northern Europe. There are no known 1,400 inscriptions. A large component of fonts with Christological narratives dated this iconographical index consists of works to before the mid-twelfth century in Eu- produced in the Golden Age, the second- rope. Within this context, a date before

Fig. 23. Moses leading the Israelites across the Red Sea, Hildesheim baptismal font, c. 1225–1226, St. Maria Cathedral, Hildesheim, Germany. Photo BSI. ly thirteenth-century fonts by the Danish which has a kneeling donor in the scene medieval “Knislinge workshop”, which de- of the enthroned Madonna and Child, picted Joseph wearing the Judenhut on the identified in the dedication inscription as fonts at Knislinge, Kviinge, Norra Lund- Wilbernus.140 In addition, the Merseburg by, Okome, Oppmanna and Södra Mellby, font (fig. 6) has a kneeling patron and the which tend to be dated to c. 1200 or the 1279 font at Würzburg has two kneeling early decades of the thirteenth century. donors in the scene of Christ in Majesty, On medieval fonts the addition of a pa- and the mid-thirteenth century font at As- tron is primarily a late twelfth or early thir- sel (c. 1250) has two donors kneeling in the teenth century development that accom- Christ in Majesty scene. It should also be Fig. 24. Calcarius workshop, panied the new trend of depicting events noted that the badly eroded Crucifixion Crucifixion scene with Donors. from the life of Christ on baptismal fonts. scene on the Hegwald font from Etelhem Sörup baptismal font, 1st half of This is seen on the Hildesheim font, at- on Gotland may have kneeling patrons, the 13th century, Schleswig-Hol- tributed to the early thirteenth century, and the early thirteenth century font in stein, Germany. Photo BSI.

36 iconographisk post nr 3/4, 2019 nordic review of iconography 37 harriet m. sonne de torrens A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font the mid-twelfth century for the Frecken- clearly an individual commission, was not horst font appears untenable. Christolog- a ‘single innovation’ uniquely representa- ical cycles on fonts continue in the four- tive of the origins of the Romanesque in teenth and fifteenth centuries, but to a less- Westphalia, but very much part of a rich Notes er degree and with considerable modifica- period that witnessed the production of 1 This article is dedicated to two inspirational indi- 6 It is estimated that at least 25,000 to 35,000 fonts tion to the iconography. thousands of stone products, including viduals: Stephan Beissel, S.J. (1841–1915) who re- were needed and produced from the eleventh to jected the precocious date reinforced by leading the thirteenth centuries (calculation, BSI). fonts, in the many workshops that evolved art historians in 1903, and Stefan Eugen Solteck, 7 Ferber 1975, 274–277; for examples of workshops Conclusion in Westphalia and across northern Europe. who in 1987 tenaciously pursued a detailed icono- producing fonts and other stone products see The underlying resistance to accepting It is within this wider, political and pros- graphical analysis to counter argue the continu- Berggren 2002, 144–147, 164; Meyer 2011, 1–61; a later date for the Freckenhorst font is perous ecclesiastic context, that the finely ous resistance in accepting a later date for the for the classic analysis of Liège’s stone industry rooted in the nineteenth and early twenti- carved Freckenhorst font (fig. 1), in addi- Freckenhorst baptismal font. A special thank you and workshops (fonts, captials, grave slabs, etc.,), to Miguel A. Torrens. see Tollenaere 1957; for English fonts and other eth century scholarly discussions on Ger- tion to the works attributed to the same 2 Earlier papers on this subject were present- stone works carved by the Herefordshire school many’s post-imperial, romanticised cul- workshop, the Imperial Head (fig. 14) and ed, “Confronting the Past: Inherited Scholar- or workshops, see Thurlby 1999, 225–256. tural identity, an association that has left capital (fig. 15), should be re-examined ship, Antiquated Theories and Challenges in 8 Colin (known as Paddie) Stuart Drake (1928– lingering divisions in some communities. and investigated. the Study of Gotland’s Medieval Baptismal Font June 25, 2005), author of The Romanesque Fonts Nevertheless, current scholarship affirms In the historiography of medieval fonts, Workshops” in September 2017, in the session en- of Northern Europe and Scandinavia (2001) titled Nordic Splendour: Medieval Church Fur- coined the descriptive noun fonters and the verb that the earlier arguments supporting a Freckenhorst’s pictorial program and ico- nishings in Scandinavia organized by Dr Justin fonting at the International Medieval Congress at later date by Foerstemann (1834), Beissel nographical details support a late twelfth E. A. Kroesen, Bergen, in the conference, Forum the University of Leeds in 1997. (1903), Creutz (1910), Schütter (1929), date at the earliest and even an early thir- Kunst des Mittelalters, Berlin and Brandenburg, 9 References on the Freckenhorst font are too Freiin von Fürstenberg (1934), Hoelker teenth-century provenance around the in Berlin, and “German Innovation and Nation- extensive to be listed in this article. For refer- (1936), Schmitt (1951), Sandforth (1952), year 1200, or shortly after, as previously alism: The Case of the Freckenhorst Font and the ences from the thirteenth century to c. 1898, see Proposed Origins of the Romanesque in West- Schwieters 1903, 11–13; for publications from 1823 Wember (1941), Bauermann (1973), Soltek suggested by other scholars. The model phalia,” in the June 2017 Northern/Early Medi- to 2005, see Jászai 2004/2005, 63–92, and Soltek (1987) and Sauerländer (2004) were in- used for the inscription was a legal doc- eval Interdisciplinary Conference Series, Univer- 1987. deed correct. ument, this has been established. Never- sity of York, England. At the 2017 conference in 10 For example, the San Isidoro font in Léon, see There is no doubt that the remarkable theless, further questions need to be asked Berlin, my suggestion that the Freckenhorst font Sonne de Torrens 2013, 49–76; for the Hegwald Freckenhorst font was part of the about the underlying motivation, political was a later work than the 1129 inscribed date was workshop, see Sonne de Torrens 2020; for the Golden met with resistance, which, subsequently, led to a Eschau font see Jean-Philippe Meyer 2011; for the Age of baptismal fonts. A time when Chris- or ecclesiastical, that necessitated a legal deeper examination of the historiography. Namur fonts, see Ghislain 2009. tological pictorial narrative cycles orna- epigraph be incised on this liturgical ves- 3 Berggren 2002, 148–151. 11 Panofsky 1924, 85; Roosval 1918, 73; Nordström mented fonts, wall murals and sculptural sel in a female convent, affirming an earli- 4 The research undertaken in the Baptisteria Sac- 1984, 50; Pudelko 1932, 103. programs on the thousands of new stone er consecration rite, which in turn, might ra Index, an iconographical database of baptis- 12 As an example of how the medieval sculpture churches. The vessel was carved as part of reveal more precise information about the mal fonts from the Early Christian period to the at Externsteine in Germany retained a sancti- seventeenth century at the University of Toronto, fied but right-wing political status in the twenti- the vast and complex stone industry that es- font’s provenance and the convent’s histor- co-directed by the author and Miguel A. Torrens, eth and twenty-first century, see Eikermann et al. calated in Westphalia, in fact, across north- ical context. has contributed greatly to this analysis. As of 2018, 293–554. ern Europe, resulting in the many West- January 2020, there are circa 23,000 fonts docu- 13 Roosval 1918, 6, notes a date of 1126 for the Freck- phalian Cylindrical fonts as documented mented from around the world, with more than enhorst font. 100,000 images assembled for research purposes. 14 Roosval 1925, 98–104. by Noehles and the numerous other Ger- 5 Berggren 2002, 148–151; Sonne de Torrens 2013, 15 Tuulse 1968, 83–88; Lundberg 1969, 127. man Romanesque fonts documented by 49–76. 16 Belting 1998, 3 5; Berggren 2002, 148–151. Schlegel.142 The Freckenhorst font, while

38 iconographisk post nr 3/4, 2019 nordic review of iconography 39 harriet m. sonne de torrens A Legacy of Resistance: The Case of the Freckenhorst Baptismal Font

17 Belting 1998, 29–35. 31 Bauermann 1973, 1–17; Fürstenberg 1934, 193– is “…ANNO – D[omi]NI – Mº – CCCº – Xº…”, V[s] S[anctus]: IO[h]A[nn]ES CO: ET DEL: 18 Roosval 1918, 145–157. 303. BSI on-site visit in 2014. D[?]N: IEVERAE / A[nn]O 1584,” Kroesen and 19 Dorow 1823, xii–xiv. 32 Beissel 1903, 326. 49 There are a few exceptions, such as the long runic Steensma 2004, 346–348. 20 Dorow 1823, xiii. 33 Panofsky 1924, 85, Tafel 16. narration on the Aakirkeby font, see Jansson 1987, 63 Kendall 1998, 261, “[…] INTRANTES BEN- 21 Kugler 1861, 27. 34 Pudelko, the German art historian and son-in- 168. EDIC AVDIQ[ue] PRE/CANTES EMMER/ 22 Curran 2003, 10–16, 20. law of G. F. Heber, was active in Florence before 50 The inscription on the Welsh font at Partrishow AMME TVI CVSTOS FIDISSIME TEMP- 23 Reber 1886, 443; Forthingham 1887, 110–119. the war and in Lausanne during the war. He was provides not a year but a historical period ac- LI” (Bless those entering, and hear those pray- 24 Soltek 1987, 47; for a discussion of the term ‘tem- reported in 1944 to be a member of the German cording to J. Romilly Allen: “MENHIR ME ing, O Emmeram, most faithful guardian of your plum’ in the Freckenhorst inscription in refer- propaganda organisation in Norway, http:// FECIT I[N] TE[M]PORE GENILLIN.” Allen church.) … “+ ABBA REGENWARDVS HOC ence to the Maria-Ecclesia theme, see Soltek www.lootedart.com/MVI3RM469661. List of attributes Genillin as the late 11th century figure, FORE IVSSIT OPVS” (Abbot Regenwardus or- 1987, 363–366, and continued discussion on vari- Red Flag names assembled by OSS (USS Office see Allen 1888, 167, 173 and ill. on 167. dered this work to be made.”) ations of this theme, Ecclesia-Sapientia, see Jászai of Strategic Services) Art Looting Intelligence 51 Kendall 1998, xi. 64 “+ ANNO DOMINICE INCARNATIONIS 2004/2005, 78–80; Méhu 2008, 313–314. Unit (ALIU) Reports 1945–1946 and ALIU Red 52 Catalunya romànica 1984– , vol. VIII, 290. Mo Co QUADRAGESIMO NONO REG- 25 English translation by Schmitt 2010, 161. Flag Names List and Index. 53 The Spanish ERA is a calender numbering system NANTE CONRADO. EPISCOPO HEN- 26 Legal date formats in medieval charters and legal 35 Panofsky 1924, 85, Tafel 16. used on the Iberian peninsula from 5th century RICO II, DE …ANTE, MARCHIONE SEP- documents is addressed in Hampson 1841. 36 Panofsky 1924, 85. until the 15th century. Deduct from the ERA year TENNI GODEFRIDO…” Favreau 1979, 125. 27 “AVE GRA(TIA) PLENA D(O)M(INU) 37 Roosval 1918, 40, 73; Pudelko 1932, 120, 155, note 39 and you will have the equivalent AD date. 65 Favreau 1979, 21 and plate 9. S TECU(M)” and “FIAT M(IHI) SEC(UN) 148. 54 Bilbao 1996, 251. 66 The author’s hand written transcription notes the D(U)M V(ER)BV(M) T(UU)M.” (Luke 1:38), 38 Roosval 1918, 40, 73. 55 Downholme (retooled in 19th century, North inclusion of “DIE DOMINICA” where as the Schäfer 2012, 14. 39 Pudelko 1932, 155, note 148. Yorkshire), Hanbury (Staffordshire), Attlebridge typed print has excluded this day, Bernaret 1875, 28 “VIRI GALIL(EI) Q(VI)D STATIS 40 Pudelko 1932, 120. (Norfolk), Bramley (Surrey), Atcham (Shrop- 298–301; Deschamps 1929, 41. ASPIC(IENTES) IN C(OELVM)” and 41 Roosval 1925, 98–104. shire), Bowes (Durham), Cranstock (Cornwall), 67 Translation of French from Bernaret into English “SIC VENIET Q(VEM)ADMOD(VM) 42 Lundberg 1937, 197–231, revised version in Lund- Great Malvern (Worcestershire) and numerous by H. Sonne de Torrens. VID(ISTIS) EV(M).” Schäfer 2012, 24. Eng- berg 1940, 281–301; Tuulse 1968, 83–88; Lund- more. 68 Fürstenberg 1934, 242 and Bauermann 1973, 6. lish is “Men of Galilee, what are you doing there, berg 1969, 127. For the later phase of the font in- 56 For example, the font at Tubersent (on-site eval- 69 For discussion of the special privileges given to looking up to Heaven? He will come again as you dustry see Berggren 2002, 143–180; Landen 1993, uation, later addition of “1430,” Pas-de-Calais, some collegiate churches, see Schlegel 2013, 133– have seen Him before.” (Acts 1:11; translation by 40–45; Landen 1997, 81–93; Reutersvärd 1983, Hauts-de-France, France). 136. Ulrich Schäfer). 360–368. 57 Mesplé 1970, 136. 70 Schlegel 2013, 136. 29 In the Christ in Majesty scene the scrolls held 43 Sonne de Torrens [2020 in press]. 58 Listed in Palissy [ref.: PM31001489]. 71 Jászai 2004/2005, 66. by Christ read: (right hand scroll) “+VENITE 44 Fürstenberg 1934, 242. 59 On-site transcription. 72 On the relationship between St. Petrus and St. BENEDICTI P/ATRIS MEI (AC)CIPITE ? 45 Bauermann 1973, 4. 60 Allen 1833, vol. 1, 348, gives a 1405 date; Paley Boniface, see Kohl 1975, 70–71 and 104–105. REGNUM” (Matt. 25:34)and (left hand scroll) 46 Fürstenberg 1934, 6. 1844, 27, provides a 1405 date; Cox 1907, 182, 73 Schlegel 2013, 133–135. “+DISCEDITE AME MALE/DICTI IN IG- 47 The analysis of inscriptions in this section is based dates the font to 1355; Pevsner 1989, 430, gives a 74 Variations of the palmette motife is found on NEM ETERNA(M).” (Matt. 25:41) Schäfer 2012, on the patterns and trends evident in the research date of 1405. Westphalian fonts at Boker, Lippborg, Welver, 26. English “Come ye blessed of my Father, inher- compiled on over 21,000 medieval fonts in the 61 “GAT HEN PREDIGET DAT CHRIS HAT Uentroper and on the tomb slab for Beatrix I it the Kingdom of Heaven” and “Go down from BSI project (cfr note 4). VNISVNO / EVANGELIVM VND DOPET -- from Quedlinburg, figure 19. me, ye accursed, into eternal fire.” (Translation by 48 On the Würzburg font (1279) the inscription AM HOLT GEDRAGEN 1605.” Bolege-Vieweg 75 Noehles 1953, 55 and 65. Ulrich Schäfer.) notes the year as “…ANNO INCARNATIONIS 1998, 214, 215, 222. 76 http://diglib.hab.de/mss/105-noviss-2f/start. 30 Neumüllers-Klauser 1993, 69; for discussion of DOMINI MCCLXXIX…” Source: Index of 62 “ELD[...]N – IEVERAE –1584 BAPTIZATE: htm?image=111r the ‘SVE’ see Méhu 2008, 301, note 56. Medieval Art; the date of the 1310 Ebstorf font IN NO[m]I[n]E PATRIS, ET FILII, ET SP[irit] 77 Permalink: http://diglib.hab.de/mss/105-noviss- 2f/start.htm folios 10v, 11r, 12r and 16r.

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Literature 78 Permalink: http://diglib.hab.de/mss/105-noviss- 104 Noehles 1953, 35; Westermann-Angerhausen 1979, 130 Eikermann et al. 2018, 293–533; Raabe and Wil- Allen, Romilly J. “On the Antiquity of Fonts in 2f/start.htm 120–133. Dates of capital and Imperial head as ke, 2018, 477–509. See also Steinkamp and Reu- Great Britain”, Journal of the British Archaeologi- 79 Lübke 1853, 372; Effmann 1889, 109–116. per Kamps 2015, 34, 30. denbach 2013, 1–188. cal Association XLIV (1888): 164–173. 80 Effmann 1889, 112: “Taufstein von Freckenhorst, 105 Kamps 2015, 34, 30. 131 Soltek 1987, 47; Dorow 1823, XIII. Allen, Thomas. The History of the County of Lincoln, wenn nicht das älteste, sodoch eines der ältesten 106 Kohl 1975, 297; Schweisters 1903, 40. 132 Soltek 1987, 47. from the Earliest Period to the Present Time [...]. Beispiele in Deutschland [Darstellungen des bib- 107 Kamps 2015, 39. 133 Méhu 2015, 281. Vols. I–II. London & Lincoln: John Saunders, lischen Bilderkreises], welches diesen Gegenstand 108 Kamps 2015, 30–37. 134 http://diglib.hab.de/?db=mss&list=ms&id= Jr., 1833. zur Darstellung bringt.”; Beenken 1924, 80–85. 109 Noehles 1953, 35; Schmitt 1951, 26–38; Gaul, 141– 105-noviss-2f Andersson, William. “Skånska gravstenar ur Majes- 81 Reber 1886, 443. 164; Pieper 2018, 104–114. 135 There are not many examples of the Judenhut in tatis verkstad,” Fornvännen (1928): 181–184. 82 Reber 1886, 443. 110 Schlegel 2012, 386–389; Drake 2002, 95. this manuscript, see http://diglib.hab.de/?db= Bauermann, Johannes. “Zu Freckenhorster Inschrif- 83 Levy 2011, 373–400. 111 Moxey 1995, 392. mss&list=ms&id=105-noviss-2f,fol. 74r. ten,” Warendorfer Schriften, nr. 3 (1973): 1–17. 84 Wölfflin 1931, 171–180. 112 Wiggert 1834, 36 and 39; Pudelko 1932, 154, note 136 For example, the following fonts: Tirlemont font Beenken, Herman. Romanische Skulptur in Deutsch- 85 Dehio 1907; Dehio 1914, 61–74. 139. (Belgium); Mauriac, Montdidier, Ars-sur-le-Ne, land, 11. und 12. Jahrhundert. Leipzig: Klink- 86 Belting 1998, 54. 113 Beenken 1924, 86; Otte 1868, 212. L’ Huitre, Chantelle (France); the fonts by the hardt & Biermann, 1924. 87 Dehio 1919, 174; Levy, 384. 114 Schütter, 1952, 30. Hegwald, Lyngsjö, Majestatis, Mörarp, Sighraf Beissel, Stephan. “Die westfälische Plastik des 13. 88 Dehio 1919, 174; Panofsky 1924, 84. 115 Hoelker 1936, 83. and Tove workshops in Sweden; Skjeberg, Øst- Jahrhunderts,” Stimmen aus Maria Laach, LXV 89 Pieper 2018, 104–114. 116 Sandforth 1952, 17–18; Beissel 1903, 326; Pohle fold (Norway); Valtierra de Albacastro (Burgos, (1903): 308–328. 90 Dehio 1919, 174. 1942, 48. Spain), Abia de las Torres and Moarves de Ojeda Belting, Hans. The Germans and Their Art. New 91 Beenken 1924, 70–73. 117 Panoksky wrote, “der Stil unseres Denkmals [Rein- (Palencia, Spain); Massa Marittima font (Italy); Haven and London: Yale University, 1998. 92 Panofsky 1924, 85; Noehles 1953, 99–100. heldis graveslab], der dem Freckenhorster Tauf- numerous examples in the counties of Warwick- Berggren, Lars. “The Export of Limestone and 93 Dehio 1919, 174; Pudelko 1932, 39. stein so nahe steht, dass es geradezu der gleichen shire, Bedfordshire, Northamptonshire, Oxford- Limestone Fonts from Gotland during the Thir- 94 Dehio 1919, 174; Panofsky 1924, 84. Werkstatt zugewiesen werden könnte,” 1924, 87; shire, Gloucestershire and Herefordshire (Eng- teenth and Fourteenth Centuries”, Cogs, Cargoes 95 Beenken 1924, 84; Noehles 1953, 37. Beenken 1924, 70–73. land). and Commerce. Maritime Bulk Trade in North- 96 Jansen 1933, 49; Beenken 1924, 82–86. 118 Fozi 2015, 160. 137 Beissel 1903, 327. ern Europe, 1150–1400, eds. Lars Berggren, Nils 97 Hoelker 1936, 83. 119 Scheck 1995, 170–176; Himmler 1936; Manvell 138 The digitized manuscript is available at: Hybel & Annette Landen, 143–180. Toronto: 98 Hamann 1924, 1 and 21. and Fraenkel 1965, 47, 56. http://diglib.hab.de/?db=mss&list=ms&id= Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2002. 99 Noehles 1953, 100. 120 Schmitt 1951, 26. 105-noviss-2f. Berggren, Lars, Annette Landen & Nils Hybel, eds. 100 Pudelko 1932, 103. 121 Schmitt 1951, 26. 139 Fordham University. Medieval Sourcebook. Cogs, Cargoes and Commerce. Maritime Bulk 101 Pudelko 1932, 39. 122 Sauerländer 2004, 689–709, 705–706. Twelfth Ecumenical Council: Lateran IV 1215. Trade in Northern Europe, 1150–1400. Toronto: 102 Noehles 1953, 35. 123 The German scholarship on the Quedlinburg https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/basis/ Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2002. 103 “Der Stein zu Freckenhorst gehört zweifellos tomb slabs is not mentioned or discussed by lateran4.asp Bernaret, R. “Inscription de l’église de Saint-Mar- noch der Zeit vor der Herausbildung land- Karen Blough in her 2008 article, but the idea of 140 Williamson 1998, 79, 81. tin de Limeuil,” Bulletin de la Société his- schaftlicher Sonderformen an. Sein Stil wurzelt memoria is discussed in her historical compen- 141 Roosval 1918, Taf. II; Lindkvist 2015, ill. 65, 365. torique et archéologique du Périgord, t. 11 in der gesamtdeutschen Tradition, die bis weit in dium of the abbesses’ lives. 142 Berggren 2002, 143–180. (1875): 298–317. See the Url: https://galli das 12. Jh. hinein noch vom Erbe der ottonischen 124 Blough 2008, 162–163. ca.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k342065/f1.image. Reichskunst zehrt. Dagegen lassen die Reliefs 125 Blough 2008, 147. r=Soci%C3%A9t%C3%A9%20historique%20 am Taufstein zu Roxel bereits eine westfälische 126 Fozi 2015, 194, 159 fig. 1; Andersson 1928, 181– et%20arch%C3%A9ologique%20du% Variante des Stils der zweiten Jahrhunderthälfte 184; Lindkvist 2015, 340 bild 72,73, 94, 95. 20P%C3%A9rigord%201875Saint-Martin%20 erkennen. Ihre ornamentale Flächen-rhythmik 127 Fozi 2015, 189, note 50. de%20Limeuil%20Saint-Martin%20de%20 und starre Einzelform zeichnen die westfälische 128 Eikermann et al. 2018. Limeuil.double (Accessed Feb. 25, 2020) Reliefkunst allgemein aus.” Noehles 1953, 100. 129 Pieper 2018, 104–114.

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