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Social Capital and Inequality in Singapore

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Social Capital and Inequality in Singapore SOCIAL CAPITAL AND INEQUALITY IN SINGAPORE by Vincent Kynn Hong Chua A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Toronto © Copyright by Vincent Chua 2010 Social Capital and Inequality in Singapore Vincent Chua Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Toronto 2010 Abstract Written as three publishable papers, this dissertation examines the sources of several forms of social capital in Singapore, and the effects of social capital on occupational success. Using representative survey data from Singapore, these papers make several important theoretical contributions: The first paper examines how and why categorical forms of stratification such as gender and ethnicity tend to produce distinctive forms of network inequalities: for example, whereas Chinese (relative to Malays and Indians) tend to have greater access to well- educated, wealthy, Chinese and weak tie social capital (but not non-kin), men (relative to women) tend to have greater access to men, non-kin and weak ties (but not well- educated, wealthy and Chinese). The key to understanding such distinctive patterns of network inequalities (by gender and ethnicity) is to understand the distinctive ways in ii which gender and ethnic groups are distributed in routine organizations such as schools, paid work and voluntary associations. The second paper examines the significance of personal contacts in job searches, in the context of Singapore’s meritocratic system. I show that in certain sectors such as the state bureaucracy, social networking brings no distinct advantages as appointments are made exclusively on the basis of the credentials of the candidates. Thus, personal contacts are not always useful, especially in labour markets that rely heavily on the signalling role of academic credentials to match people to jobs. In contrast, personal contacts are more useful among less qualified job searches in the private sector. The third paper shows that while job contacts (i.e. ‘mobilized’ social capital) may not always pay off in meritocratic labour markets, ‘accessed’ social capital remains extremely important. The leveraging power of social capital in meritocratic markets is not the active mobilization of job contacts per se, but more subtly, the result of embedded social resources such as knowing many university graduates and wealthy people. Together, these papers illustrate how socio-structural factors such as meritocracy, gender and racialization form important predictors of the distribution, role and value of social capital in everyday life and labour markets. iii “The life of an individual cannot be adequately understood without references to the institutions within which his biography is enacted.” C. Wright Mills iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe a unique debt of gratitude to the chair of my dissertation committee: Professor Bonnie Erickson, who introduced me to the fascinating world of social capital and through her close mentoring, helped me be a better researcher. I have gained much from her intellectual agility and her very incisive feedback of my work. I am indebted to Professor Barry Wellman, who imparted many important lessons concerning the art (and science) of scholarly writing and who gave me several opportunities to co-author book chapters and journal publications. I have learned much from these collaborations and will strive to be just as supportive of my own students in the future. My sincere thanks go to Professor Zaheer Baber, who was a continual source of friendship and support during my PhD years. It is interesting how our paths have converged twice -– first in Singapore (during Sociology 101) and later in Toronto. I am grateful for the support of Professor Eric Fong and Professor Bob Andersen, both of whom kindly agreed to be part of this dissertation committee. As statistical analyses are an integral part of this dissertation, I acknowledge my mentors in social statistics: Professor Ann Sorenson and Professor Blair Wheaton, who through their excellent teaching, enlightened my understanding concerning the role of ‘numbers’ in Sociology. My active interest in teaching social statistics today is a direct result of being in those classes. I thank Professor John Myles and Professor Shyon Baumann for being so supportive of my work during the doctoral research practicum. Their generous comments and insights helped me win the Daniel Grafton Hill Best Graduate Paper Prize, but more importantly, they taught me how to write and angle a scholarly paper. This paper was subsequently accepted for publication in Social Networks . v Deep thanks go to Jeannette Wright, our indispensible graduate coordinator, who during the five years, managed my file, and made sure that I (along with other graduate students) met our administrative deadlines. I thank Kai-Lii Veer, our new graduate coordinator, for her additional administrative help with the PhD oral defense. Many friends in graduate school have made my journey a memorable one. Omar Faruque and Jing Shen were reliable dinner companions. We talked about many things, often in melodramatic terms: the chaos (but homeliness) of Bangladesh, the vibrancy (but messiness) of contemporary China, the neatness (but restrictions) of Singapore and of course, the enviable “quality of life” in Canada. Chia Yeow Tong, a PhD student at OISE and fellow Singaporean, taught me the value of an entrepreneurial outlook amid seemingly insurmountable challenges. My office mates, Rochelle Coté and Phillipa Chong, were supportive co-runners in the PhD journey. Rochelle (together with Jennifer Kayahara) organized dissertation brainstorming sessions. Phillipa always made sure we had our afternoon tea and arranged dinners and parties on several occasions, the most memorable of which was (of course) the post PhD defense and farewell party she kindly put together for me. A number of people including my committee read all or parts of the manuscript: John Myles, Shyon Baumann, Paul Glavin, Deanna Pikkov, Mark Easton, Bader Araj, Naoko Shida, Roxanna Waterson, Lim Chih Yang, Lim Weida, Julia Wong, Stephen Appold and Elizabeth Thompson. Their comments were very valuable. I thank Paul Glavin and Paul Armstrong for being such caring colleagues, as well as Lisa Kaida and Stella Park for providing such strong peer support throughout the years. I thank members of the Critical Sociology Book Review Collective, in particular Nadine Blumer for steering the collective, and for allowing me to contribute ‘Notebooks’. To the rest of the Collective: Michal Bodemann, Zaheer Baber, Paul Armstrong, Norah vi MacHendrick, Tara Hahmann, Sarah Knudson and Agata Piekosz, I will certainly miss our meetings and friendship. NETLAB has become an important part of my life: besides Professor Barry Wellman, I thank, in particular, Julia Madej and Natalie Zinko for their partnership in our writing projects. Rubens Rahim and Stacey Westwell gave me warm hospitality both in Toronto and Vancouver. They were always welcoming and concerned about my welfare and progress. Danny and Lauren Teh were very close companions. The dinners (with Peter and Halle) were like family gatherings. The Salvadors (Joseph, Evelyn, and Mamy) were very warm people. The Wongs: Uncle Wong, Aunty Emily, Fiona, Nicholas, Aaron and Camille were, like the Tehs and Salvadors, very gracious. Roy Abraham was a close friend and confidant. Victor and Sue Kasenda, Tracy Qin, Zhao Yanfei, Grace So, Kim Larsen and Suzyo Chilongo were close buddies. I thank the National University of Singapore, in particular Professors Lian Kwen Fee, Hing Ai Yun, Paulin Straughan, Tong Chee Kiong, Ho Kong Chong, Tan Ern Ser and Chua Beng Huat, for believing I could get the job done, and for their encouragements along the way. This dissertation is dedicated to my parents, Chua Cheow Hwa and Lee Kwee Mildred. This PhD is a reflection of their unconditional love all these years. My eldest brother, Justin Chua and sister-in-law, Lynn Tan (and their children Joshua and Ariane) were especially kind. They were like angels guiding me, paving my journey, turning my PhD from crucible to sweet waters. vii My second brother Leonard Chua and his wife Tricilia Tang (and their children Josthan and Tenessa) were very supportive. My two visits to Boston (Harvard) in the summer and winter of 2009 were heartwarming experiences. My twin brother Victor Chua and his wife Grace Yong were likewise extremely supportive, particularly in helping me transition back into Singapore. They have always gone that extra mile. Above all, I would like to thank God for opening the door to Toronto, and for blessing me with such wonderful social networks -- family, friends, colleagues, and professors alike. Vincent Chua, University of Toronto, August 2010 viii Table of Contents Chapter 1: Analyzing Social Capital in Context ……………………………….……….…...…………... 1 Chapter 2: The Human Capital Society ……………………………………………………..…………... 18 Chapter 3 (Paper 1): Categorical Sources of Varieties of Network Inequalities ……………………………...… 44 Chapter 4 (Paper 2): Social Networks and Labour Market Outcomes in a Meritocracy ...……….………….... 85 Chapter 5 (Paper 3): The Invisible Hand of Social Capital ……………………..……………………………….. 128 Chapter 6: Conclusion …………………………….………………………………………....................... 164 Appendices: Name Generator and Questionnaire …………………………………………………….... 175 ix List of Tables Chapter 3 (Paper 1) Table 1: Number of Types of Social Capital by Gender and Ethnicity 58 Table 2: Categorical
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