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White Heterosexual Men on Race, Gender and Sexual Orientation: What Identity As a Progressive Means in 21St Century America

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White Heterosexual Men on Race, Gender and Sexual Orientation: What Identity As a Progressive Means in 21St Century America White Heterosexual Men on Race, Gender and Sexual Orientation: What Identity as a Progressive Means in 21st Century America. Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Susan Y. Ortiz, M.A. Graduate Program in Sociology The Ohio State University 2012 Dissertation Committee: Liana Sayer, Advisor Vincent Roscigno Steven Lopez ! Copyright by Susan Y. Ortiz 2012 ! Abstract Vast disparities continue to exist between men and women, blacks and whites, and heterosexual and sexual minorities despite a plethora of legal changes that work against discrimination, particularly concerning race and gender. In the Post Civil-Rights era new covert forms of discrimination have replaced the older overt forms which, when combined with the ideology of individualism, prevents the majority of dominant group members from recognizing and thus working to change the status quo. Scholars of social justice research often recommend “progressives” or “liberals” as likely candidates for building a collective identity with subordinate group members to push for change. These scholars, however, fail to specifically name individuals with the greatest access to power and influence – white heterosexual men. Using a qualitative research design, I interviewed forty white heterosexual men concerning their identity as a progressive. First I examined their attitudes toward subordinate group members across three areas of stratification – race, gender and sexual orientation; then I explored their knowledge of privilege; and finally I investigated what actions, if any, they are taking to reduce any of the social problems they recognize. My data reveal that these men hold a variety of attitudes and beliefs toward and about subordinate group members and the inequality they experience. Some use more mainstream colorblind, gender blind individualistic ideologies to discuss the reasons behind inequality. Others held a more in-depth ! ""! knowledge of the ways institutions and structure play a role. Nearly all supported same- sex marriage rights and the reproductive rights of women, but in the domestic sphere they do little to change the unequal division of labor and continue to follow more traditional surname patrilineal decent patterns thus emphasizing the “twin ideologies” Ridgeway (2011) notes impact women specifically. Most have developed alternative “private” masculinities and often disavow the hegemonic ideal, including a rejection of sports, and tend to hang out with other progressive men who have done the same although not exclusively. Fewer than half held some knowledge about their own privilege. Knowledge of privilege seems to be closely related to taking some forms of passive “checkbook” activism or, at minimum, consciously trying to do no harm. Notably, neither knowledge of inequality nor privilege moves these men to action. I conclude that white heterosexual men have learned to reconceptualize the relationship they have to their dominant group status through identification as a “progressive.” This identity is complex, contextual, and situational and can be used to both support and reject mainstream individualistic views of race, gender, and sexual orientation while also allowing these individuals to develop a moral identity against such inequality. However, the ideology of individualism maintains its stranglehold on action and activism. Indeed, none had deep meaningful relationships with people of color, feminist women, and/or activists – relationships which seem to be necessary for dominant group members to move from passively supporting equality to actually pushing for change – although being a progressive does appear to open the possibility for such experiences in the future. ! """! Dedication I dedicate this dissertation to those I love, especially... My family by choice, which includes all of my dear friends, too many to name; My friends Rob and Steve who continuously opened their home to me and have shown great support and patience; John who loved me, supported me, encouraged me, and put up with me throughout this process; My mom for showing me how to be courageous; And my dad for his unwavering confidence in my ability to finish. I only wish he were alive to see this day. ! "#! Acknowledgments I never anticipated what a long and difficult road this would be, and I certainly never expected it to take nine years to complete, but sometimes life just takes over. There were many people in my life who helped me along the way and continuously encouraged me to stay on track whenever I began to stray, but first and foremost, I would like to acknowledge my advisor, Liana Sayer. If it were not for her encouragement and continuous support, this dissertation would not exist. In addition to her support, I also want to acknowledge all of the critical observations, thoughtful comments and substantial feedback she provided throughout this process. Again, without her constant support, encouragement, and dedication, I would not have finished this dissertation. I am sure her colleagues at The Ohio State University are sad to see her depart, but The University of Maryland now has the privilege to welcome her as a new faculty member. I am sure our paths will cross again in the future. In addition, I would also like to acknowledge Steve Lopez and Vincent Roscigno for their critiques, comments, and support throughout the years. They, along with other students and faculty at The Ohio State University were fundamental in helping me to gain the knowledge and critical thinking skills necessary to complete such a demanding task. ! #! Table of Contents Abstract ...............................................................................................................................ii Dedication...........................................................................................................................iv Acknowledgments................................................................................................................v List of Figures ...................................................................................................................vii Introduction..........................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1: Understanding the Matrix of Domination……………………………………26 Chapter 2: Developing a Progressive Identity and What it Means to be Progressive.......47 Chapter 3: Identity Development and Attitudes Toward Race, Gender, and Sexual Orientation.......................................................................................................75 Chapter 4: Recognition of Privilege and Attitudes About Privilege ...............................137 Chapter 5: Inaction, Doing No Harm, Passive Action and Activism..............................183 Chapter 6: Aligning a Progressive Identity with Attitudes and Behaviors......................228 Appendix A: Methodological Appendix..........................................................................277 Appendix B: Demographic Information and Views on Stratification.............................286 ! #"! List of Figures Figure 1: Individual Behavior and Group Stereotypes……………………………….156 ! #""! Introduction Gender, race, sexual orientation and other forms of stratification shape our social relations. My early childhood experiences as a Latina woman – a visible member of two subordinate groups – led me to sociology, but my experiences as an adult piqued my curiosity about dominant group members, specifically those who consider themselves progressive or liberal. I wanted to know more about what progressive white heterosexual men – men not restricted by (or who are more likely to be framed positively by) cultural constructs concerning their ascribed characteristics – think about and act upon the current forms of inequality in the United States. In the chapters that follow, I explore what these men believe in order to consider themselves progressive; what social problems they deem to be in need of immediate redress; where they fall in terms of white identity development; their views on privilege; how they work to either reduce, recreate, or maintain inequality; what prevents those who could take action from doing so; and finally why the label of “liberal” or “progressive” is more likely to be part of a person’s moral identity rather than an ideological stance that requires taking action. Many researchers call for increased education as one of the key components to reducing the disparities that still exist; yet most of the men I interviewed hold some form of knowledge about that systemic inequality and still do nothing. The rhetoric of individual meritocracy continues to inhibit action and emphasizes the primacy $! ! of the individual regardless of a person’s depth of their understanding on issues such as gender and racial inequality. Feminist theories suggest that personal experiences influence a person’s thinking and feelings regardless of the situation in which a person finds herself or the role(s) she has assumed, such as a researcher. The mind and heart are indivisible and thus are both a reflection of our experiences regardless of how much an individual tries to separate the two. Gender, race, sexual orientation, class, age, and all other forms of hierarchical stratification play a role in the way we see, think about, and understand the world. Thus, my experiences as a researcher, a woman, a person of color, and
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