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The Hedeby Coinage Björn Varenius 185 The Hedeby Coinage Björn Varenius This article deals with the early Nordic pictorial coinage, in all probability struck in Hedeby in the first half of the 9th century. The focus is on the interpretation of its role in societal strategies, since some of the coins re- produce the coins of the Carolingian empire while others expose an icono- graphic universe of Nordic symbolism. One of these symbols, which is examined somewhat closer, is the ship. Björn Varenius, Riksantikvarieämbetet/Fd, Bor 5405, S-114 84 Stockholm, Sweden. INTRODUCTION materials, the focus of research is sought This article deals with a numismatic source elsewhere. There is no contradiction between material, partly determined by a wish to lo- the demand for empirical thoroughness and cate some contextual factors that could be theoretical insight. Instead, it is time to take considered relevant to the understanding of thorough and competent documentation for the iconographical universe of Nordic Vik- granted, and not regard it as the ultimate goal ing Age coinage. of the scholarly effort. The comprehension of the archaeological We will eventually come to the question of record is dependent upon several factors, definitions, to define the meaning of "re- where the specialized empirical knowledge search", or maybe even "scientific research". of the specific area of source material is one. There will always be a need to answer certain Another is the contextual outlook and the source-critically related questions which are level at which the concept of society is re- extremely time-consuming to penetrate. This, cognized. A third and often an underrated however, is not an argument for the old posi- point, is the theoretical standpoint, whether it tivist ideals of value-free documentation. is conscious or not. Instead, it calls for theoretical consciousness The theoretical standpoint which is ad- on behalf of the user since it affects both vocated here is that of the meaningladen content and presentation. In spite of the fact material culture. This sweeping expression that they themselves have refrained from could doubtlessly be adopted to include further analysis, empiricists have often pro- several rather different opinions, but of duced valuable material exposées, quite suit- particular interest in this case is the intentio- able for further interpretations. This is not nality of manufacture. The material culture, because there exists a "total" documentation, of which the archaeological record is a part, but because sometimes, though certainly not is seen as actively participating in societal always, older data-recording concepts coin- strategies. Although this may have been cide with the need of other questions. At the proposed many times before, stating it ser- extreme opposite end, it has been proposed ves to reformulate the aim of research. Com- that the archaeological material is not usable pared to much of traditional archaeology and for any other questions than those formulated numismatics, where a great deal of effort has by the excavator (Johansen 1983:224). That been put into describing and systematizing thesis can be considered refuted by now. Current Svvedish Archaeology, Vol. 2, l994 186 Björn Varenius BACKGROUND For a long time, alternately Birka and Hede- The so-called "Birka coins" or "Hedeby by were discussed as possible candidates, un- coins" is a source-material that has attracted til eventually Brita Malmer, with convincing the attention of, among many others, mari- logic, argued that Hedeby was the most prob- time archaeologists and historians for a long able place for the early Nordic minting (Mal- time. This is due to the fact that approxi- mer 1966:182f). mately 15 of these Nordic coins depict ships, Malmer's method meant that coinsides in a more or less conventionalized manner. were classified, divided into three main The present study can be seen as an effort categories. Her idea of not treating the coin to demonstrate the interpretative capability as a whole was motivated by the frequent of older documentation of archaeological ma- hybrids, i.e. normally not occurring obverses terial. It was originally presented as a part of and reverses (ibid:44). In a later phase of a more extensive work (Varenius 1992), but the analysis, different pictures were put to- since that consisted of several case-studies, of gether in so-called combination groups, which this was one, it seems possible to treat where the ship pictures occur in combination this material separately. The underlying aim group 3-4. Malmer dated these to approx. at that time was to reach a deeper understan- 825 AD (ibid:209). ding of the cultural convention "ship" during Some of the Hedeby coins are obviously the Viking Age, and how that convention copied from Carolingian types. This is shown was repeatedly used in different societal by the texts CAROLVS and DORSTAT, strategies. It has been transformed into se- which in varying degree of degeneration veral rather different kinds of media, ideo- occur on some of the Nordic coins. It has logically determined by the need in varying also been assumed that certain motifs, pri- contexts. Other examples than coins are Got- marily the "Ray-face" (Strålans) and the landic picture-stones, rune stones, scaldic "Deer" (Hjort) (Malmer combination groups poems, "grafitti" etc. 5-6), have been borrowed from Friesland via The ambiguous geographical name for the so-called X-group sceattas (Wodan/Monster- coin, Birka/Hedeby, is due to a long discus- type) (op den Velde, de Boone, Pol 1984:138). sion, with occasional nationalistic tenden- Metcalf has suggested, however, that X-sceat- cies, concerning the location of the minting- tas might have been minted in Denmark as centre. Swedish scholars tended to take the well as in Friesland (Metcalf 1984:163f). discovery of altogether about 30 early Nor- The ship pictures have also been connected dic coins at Stolpe's Birka-excavations in the with the Carolingian minting. There is, for 1870s as proof that Birka was the centre of example, a ship on a denar struck in Dore- production (cf. Lindqvist 1926). An impor- stad during Charlemagne's reign as well as tant argument was the conviction that there on some of Louis's denars struck in both existed a flourishing commercial trade in the Dorestad and Quentovic (Skaare 1976:46) Baltic during the Viking Age and that Birka (Fig 1). Exacly how the Carolingian and the had a leading administrative position in it. Nordic ship-coins relate to each other is diffi- Already at the tum of the century, Hauberg, cult to decide, but chronologically they seem a Danish numismatist, pointed out that apart quite close. Callmer has questioned the order from the Birka finds, most Nordic coins were of Malmer's typologi combination groups concentrated to southern Scandinavia, especi- 3-6 (pictorial types) as well as their dating ally Denmark (Hauberg 1900). He suggested to 825-860, and he suggests that the striking that the mint had been situated in Lund, but of the Wodan/Monster "imitations" began did not rule out the possibility that it could already about 795. He proposes that the ship have been in Hedeby (in southern Jutland). picture in combination group 4 should be Current Swedish Archaeotogy, Vol. 2, l994 The Hedeby Coi nog e 187 dated to the first or second decade of the 9th self. Bendixen rather stresses that the century (Callmer 1984:27ff). Should this be Danish minter "certainly realized that min- accepted, the Nordic ship-pictures would be ting coins could enrich him as well as be use- wholly comtemporaneous with the Carolin- ful för trade" (1981:76). However, neither gian types, which Malmer, after van Gelder Callmer, Galster nor Bendixen can satis- (1961), dates to 800-821 (Malmer 1966:63). factorily explain why, and how, the take-over Callmer, however, speaks of the Nordic ship- of the shape of sceattas necessarily meant coins as "derivates": "A further argument for the transmitting of meaning-content. Even if the possible minting of Scandinavian deri- such a transmitting had taken place on one vate coins before A.D. 825 may be provided level, how is the further distribution of that by the important hoard find from Kislaja, di- knowledge to be understood? strict of Smolensk. .. which dates from the first Concerning sceattas, Bendixen has as- third of the ninth century. A circulated deri- sumed that "certain circles" have been part of vate coin of the boat Al/deer A... was dis- an economy using coined money, especially covered among 673 oriental coins" (Callmer in early Ribe and Hedeby (Bendixen 1981: 1984:28). 77). If the Nordic coins functioned in the The societal role of the early coins has same way, one would expect the archaeo- been discussed in the literature, but, compared logical context to be more or less the same, to description and classification, in a rather but it is not. A majority of the Hedeby coins limited scale. The sceattas, dated to the 8th have been found in hoards or graves and century (Bendixen 1981:96f), have usually most of them are perforated or equipped with been seen as part of the economic system in loops in order to be used as pendants. With long-distance trade (Bendixen 1984:155, the help of a Harris-matrix, the 1986 excava- Callmer 1984:58).Metcalf goes even further tion in Ribe has demonstrated the sceatta's when stating, "that sceattas were freely in use obvious link to cultural layers, especially in Denmark as money is no longer contro- those with evidence of crafts (Frandsen versial" (1984:162). This opinion contrasts 1989:38). strongly with that of Grierson, who saw the Viking society as "a society in which coined DISCUSSION OF SHIP-TYPES money did not even exist and money and the Maritime archaeologists, with their special concept of mercantile profit were alike in an interests, have exploited the iconographical embryonic stage" (Grierson 1979:127).
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