New Directionsin ReferentialitY

MarianneMithun Universityof Caffimia, SantaBarbara

We know that pronouns, like many other kinds of words, may follow natural paths of grammaticization, undergoing reduction over time from independent words to clitics and affixes. Such a developmentis well known in the history of French,for example,as well as in Bantu languages(Giv6n 1971' 1976)' Austronesian and Australian languages(Mithun 1990), and others' It is sorne- times assumedthat this phorrologicalreduction is necessarilyaccompanied or even precededby a correspondingreduction in referentiality: From pronoun to mere 'agreement'. In what follows, it will be shown that hdependent pronouns are not the only diachronic source of such afflxes; they may come from altemative sources as well Their development, furthermore, need not entail a loss in referentiality; it may even involve a gain. The examination of an alternative path of evolution raises a basic question about the nature of referentiality.

1. Sahaptian

Languageswith pronominal affixes on their verbs often exhibit a specific gap in Gir paradigms. They ftequently contain pronominal affrxes for first and secondpersons but not third: Lakhota wa-?rt' 'I carne'ya-?rt 'you carne'' uk-rt 'you anit I came', but I '(s/he) came'. Third persons are identified by independent nominals, by demonstxativesor emphatic pronouns, or, most often, by nothing at all so long as referenceis clear' Such systernsaccord well with what we know about anaphoric systems in general' The same altema- tives are available in many languageswithout pronominal affixes: First and second Dersonsare consistently identified by independent pronouns, while 414 Marianne Mithun third persons are identified by independent nominals, demonstratives, em- phatic pronouns, or, most often, by nothing at all. A few languages, however, show different paradigmatic gaps. Noel Rude (1985, 1990, l99lb, 1994,and elsewhere)has presented some interest- ing explanations of the complex and unusual systemsof marking grammatical relations in the Sahaptianlanguages of the Northwestem : and . In both languages, verbal prefixes indicate the core arguments of only those verbs involving a third person pafiicipant. The distribution of these verbal prefixes can be seenby comparing the Nez Perce verbsin (l). (1) Nez Perceprefixes pdayna '(I) arrived' pdayna '(you) arrived' hi-pdayna'slheanived' ?ewiye '(I) shot (you)' ?ewiye '(you) shot (me)' hi-?wiye 'Vhe shot(me)' hi-?wiye 's/he shot (you)' (Rude1985:31-2) Specialprefixes appear on transitiveverbs involving third personobjects. (2) Nez Perce prefixes 2ew-?wiye 'I shothim/her' ?ew-?wiye 'you shothim/her' pde-?wiye 's/he shot him./her' (Rude1985: 32) First or second person core arguments may be specified outside of the verb by enclitics. In Sahaptin, the enclitics follow the first element of the clause,whatever its lexical category. (3) Sahaptinenclitics adverb dw=nai i-Qinu-{a now=l.sc 3.tou-see-n"rpnr 'Now s/hesees nrz.' (Rude1990) verb i-Qinu-ia=ai 3.NoM-see-TMPRF=l.sc 'S/he seesme.' (Rude ms) New Directions in ReferentinlitY 4t5

noun t"isaat-nim=nai i-nt-Ya old.man-ERc=1.sc3.NoM-give-PAsr 'The old man gaveit to me.' (Rigsbyand Rude 1995) ptonottn iruiy=nai Pa'?alYman-a. l E.eH=l.sc 3.Pt--sell-Pest 'They sold me.' (Rigsbyand Rude 1995)

The enclitics do not distinguish case, but they do distinguish first (inclusive and exclusive) and secondperson, and singular and plural number' (4) Sahaptin enclitics ktiuk=nai d-Qinun-a then=l.sc 3.ABs-see-PAsr .ThenI sawhim/herlit.' Gude 1990) krtuk=nai i-Qinun-a then=l.sc 3.NoM-see-PAsr .Then s/hesaw me.' (Rude 1990) ici=nam dw ndk-tux -ta idPi. this=2.sc now carry-retum-FuT pack 'Now you will carry back this pack.' (Iacobs 1929:229) i-yik-ta=nam kwaali-nim 3.uorvt-hear-nur=2.scdangerous.being-ERc 'The dangerousbeing will hear you.' (Jacobs1929: 183) dw--m-ai twdna-ta now=2.sc-1.sc follow-FlntrRE 'I shall follow you now.' (Jacobs1929:221, in [Rude 1994: 103]) xltik=nalai wac-(i hisi. many=1.Pl.Dxcl be-Pesr horse 'We had many horses.' (Rigsbyand Rude 1995) a=na tk*aUi-ta. HORT=I.PL.INCL CAt-FUT 'Let's eat.' (RigsbYand Rude 1995) a=pam tk'atd-ta. HOR'I=2.PL eat-Ftl't 'Eat!' @igsbYand Rude 1995) 416 Marianne Mithun

The other language in the family, Nez Perce, also contains enclitics for first and second person core arguments, but they appear only. with certain sentenceadverbials and complementizers.As in Sahaptin,case is not marked, but first (inclusive and exclusive) and secondpersons are distinguished, and singular and plural number for secondpersons. (Shapes of morphemesalter- nate according to vowel harmony.) (5) Nez Perce enclitics nine=x ?aw-2nik-da$? where-l.Excl 1.2/3-put-coND 'Where shouldI put it?' (Phinney1934: t73,in [Rude 1985:135]) mi?se=x hi-paa-nuiy-n-?a4 not=l.ExcL 3.NoM-pl-accuse-N-coND 'They cannotaccuse me.' (Phinney1934: 173, in [Rude 1985: 136]) ttiio ?6etee=m ?ew-iix-ye. good.very surely=!.55 1.2/3-fix-pnw 'You surelyfixed it very well.' @hinney1934: 195, in [Rude 1985: 137]) ?Aetue=m tituAet-irn hi-ptio-pci?yaw-na surely=!.56 shamans-snc 3.NoM-pl-kill-pRFv 'Surely the shamanskilled you.' (Phinney1934: 243, in [Rude 1985: 137]) ?Aetu=m-ex watiisx wieiu?tiwiim-u?. surely=2.56-7 tomorrownot accompany-rRR 'Surely I will accompany;lou tomorow.' (Phimey 1934: 134,in [Rude 1985: 138]) The enclitics are not obligatory in Nez Perce, as they are in Sahaptin. (6) Nez Perceomission of enclitics wdaqoT ?6eqew-c-e cikliin- ?ip€ecwi-s-e now be.sad-pnoc-scgo.home-want-PRoc-sc ' 'Now [I] am sadwanting to go home.' (Aoki 1979:9, in [Rude 1991a:195]) New Directions in ReferentialitY 417

mandma Yotr ku?rtshi-ftetu what that thus saY-nen 'What do [You] thus keeP saYing?' (Phinney1934: 174, in [Rude 1985:55])

In addition to the verbal prefixes and pronominal enclitics, both languages contain independent emphatic pronouns' but these forms are used only in pragmatically marked cont€xts to signal a focus of contrast or a shift in topic' . Since its separationftom Sahaptin,Nez Percehas developed an interest- ing construction for further identifying the roles of first and second persons' *-inr Rude reconstructs a Proto-sahaptian cislocative suffx 'hither', which appearsas -(i)zl in Sahaptin and as -(i)nr in Nez Perce. Its basic function can be seen by comparing the Sahaptin verbs in (7), and the Nez Perce verbs in (8).

(7) Sahaptincislocative i-wiruin-a i-wind-m-a 3.NoM-go-PRFV 3.NoM-go-dsLocATrvE-PRFv 'He went.' 'He came.' (fugsby and Rude 1995) i-Qinun-a i-Qinun-im-a 3.totrl-see-pest 3.NoM-see-c$LocATIvE-PAsr 'He sadlooked' 'He looked this waY' (Jacobs1929: 266, l93I:199' in fRude 1991:38])

(8) Nez Perce cislocative hi-krtuy-e hi-kfia-m-e 3.NoM-go-pRFV 3.Nov-go-crsloclrrvE-PRFv 'He went.' 'He came.' @hinney1934: 81,77, in [Rude 1985:49]) In certain Nez Perce constructions' the cislocative suff,rx has moved beyond its originat function' Rude reports that 'often,the existence of a frst person direct objectis reinforcedby the cislocative'(1985: 49)' (9) Nez Perce extension of cislocative ?ipdeq ?ini'im bread give-uslocATwE 'Passme the breadl' (Rude1985: 42) 418 Marianne Mithun

qdce=m wdeiu? cikdaw-c-i-nm even=younotfear-pRoc-pl--clsl-ocATrw 'You don't evenfear me!' (Phinney1934: 81, in [Rude 1985:49]) Has the cislocative sufflx taken over the function of a referential first person object pronoun 'me' at this point? It would be a short semantic step to reanalyzea verb like 'Passit here' as 'Passit to me'. The suffix in 'You don't even fear me' has clearly moved beyond its original concretespatial function. Rude proposesthat through its use in constructions like those in (9), the cislocative evolved into an inverse marker in Nez Perce.The basis for such a shift is easy to imagine. In the absenceof any pronominal rnarking on a Nez Perce transitive verb, it can be assumed that the participants are first and secondpersons. Since it is more common for speakersto present events from their own point of view ('I saw you') than the reverse('you saw me'), the cislocative could be interpreted as an indicator of an unusual (inverse) direc- tion in the flow of the action. (10) Nez Perce exploitation of cislocative tiwiikin tiwiixn-irn follow follow-asLocArtvE 'I have followed you' 'You havefollowed me' (Rude 1990:7) Whether or not the Nez Perce use of the cislocative has in fact culmi- nated in a referential pronoun, the modem structure does suggest how the stage could be set for the developmentof one.

2, Shasta

Evidence from an unrelated language indicates that the exploitation of a cislocative for disambiguating reference is not an isolated phenomenon. Shastawas spoken into the secondhalf of the twentieth century in Northern California and . Like many North American languages, it is poly- synthetic. Verbs can and often do stand alone as complele clauses in them- selves, in part becauseof their pronominal affixes. Shirley Silver (1966) describes portrnanteauprefixes on verbs that en- code combinations of subject person, number, evidentiality, mode, and tense. First, second, third, and undifferentiated persons are distinguished. New Directions in Referentiality 4t9

(11) SomeShasta prefixes: ahu-is'i'talk' sw-dhus'i'k 'I'm talking.' skw-dhus'i'k 'You're talking.' kw-dhus'i k 'He's talking.' i-hus'd? 'I'll talk.' std-husd? 'You'll talk.' l-dhus a? 'He'I talk.' Ed:-hus.d? 'We'll talk.' std-hus'6'ki? 'You (collective)will talk.' l-dhus.a'ki? 'They'll talk.' (Silver 1966:126'122) The involvemen! of an object is indicatedby one of several highly productivetransitivizing suffixes. The first in each pair of verbs in (12) is intransitive;the secondis transitivewith a thtd personobject. The transitive suffix in theseexamples is -ay. (12) Shastatransitives lrwis.ik 'He said.' lcwis-ay-ik 'He told someone.' nit.aka? 'He's going along on foot.' rdt.-ay-kq? 'He's chasinghirn.' rdhe'nukq? 'He's running along on foot.' rdhe n-ay-ka? 'He's going alongon horseback''('running it') knwd.s 'You take it off!' kawdsw-ay 'You makehim takeit off!' (Silver 1966: 157-8)

The transitivesuffix may indicatethe involvementof a patient('chase him') or goal ('tell someone'),or it may functionas a causative('make him take it off ). The involvementof a beneficiaryis indicatedby the benefactivesuffix -yl., usually in combination with one of the transitive markers' (13) Shastabenefactives twdhus'i'k 'He talked.' kw,ihus aya-yi-k 'He talked to him.' l{wdtitu-ft"k 'He worked for him'' kwirirakmak'e-yi-nta'? 'I did the work for her" ('reached here and there for her') (Silver 1966: 157-60) 420 Marianne Mithun

Neither the hansitive nor the benefactive suffix actually constitutes a referential third person pronoun in itself. The involvement of a third person object is infened from the presenceof one or both suffrxes, which indicate the valency of the predicate, and the absenceof a marker indicating a frst or secondperson object. The participation of a frst or second person object is indicated by an additional suffix. The origin of this suffix is of special interest. Among its many markers of direction and location, Shastacontains a set of cislocative suffixes, -id.a, -i.ta, -a1.,and -m.at 'hither'. (The forms differ primarily in the morphological contexts in which they occur. The form -i fr.a, for example, cooccurs only with declarative rnode prefixes, and never follows the p(ogres- sive suffix.) The basic function of the cislocative can be seen by comparing the first two verbs in (14), both of which contain the progressive -akc. In the secondverb, the progressiveis followed by a final cislocative-a[. (14) Shastacislocative 'hither' rdhe nayka? 'He's going along on horseback.' (Silver 1966: 157) reh4.nayk-alc 'He's coming hither on horseback.' (Silver 1966: 173) bwdskak-aft 'They ran hither.' (Silver 1966: 157) nartthih.y-art 'You come here after him!'(Silver 1966:232) [...] iriwata-yr-art'[How many] shallI bring?' (Silver 1966:205) ' rdi.ayra-k-ak=ifi 'They are running this way after it.' (Silver 1966:233) tt*-ilr.o-Z t...1 'Come [again]!' (Silver 1966:232) Ewas*a.y-ile'at'Theycamerunninghither.'(Silver1966: 157) The cislocative suffixes have been pressedinto service to signal action directed toward a first or secondperson, the people at the location of a speech event. Silver states that 'the directional transitives translate as marking first singularand secondperson object' (1966: 176).This use of the cislocative can be seenby comparingthe two verbsin (15). (15) Shastacislocative as indicatorof object tw,ihus.nk 'He talked.' (Silver1966: 127) lcwdhus.ayant-i'lca?'He talkedto me./you(sg).' (Silver 1966:59)

Most verbs containing a transitivizer and cislocative suffix could be interpreted with either a first person object or a second person object, like New Directions in ReferentialitY 421

(15). In some contexts,like those in (16) there is only one altemative' In addition to the transitivizing suffix -a'y-, a proglessive aspect suffix, and a final cislocative -al, (l6a) contains a first person subject prefix sw-' Since the (16b) subject is first person, the object is interpreted as second' The verb in contains a second person subjective prefix t t/-. The object can thus only be first person. (16) Shastacislocative with first person subject a. s .mata'htiyk-art 'I'm makingyou angry.' (Silver 1966: 158) b. krt'td ki' \in'(i? twdrt'tuta-nzE 'Why do you look at me?' (Silver 1966: 134)

Further examples of the use of each cislocative suffix to mark first or second personobjects can be seenin (17) (17) Shastacislocatives lcwdw-i'ka? 'They gaveit to me.'(Silver 1966: 176) lrwt'y-t'ftat 'He cameto visit me.'(Silver 1966:89) lcwf r ahamp iy f nt -i'lca ? 'He brought me (a bucket of water).' (i.e. 'reacheddown for me') (Silver 1966: 160) t...1twdw-|iil? 'They ... gaveme [a boat].' (Silver 1966: 190) hi-i;iite.t<-i*az 'He winked at you.' (Silver 1966: 135) [...] xuwti.tir-ik'a? 'Would that [a snake] strike You!' (Silver 1966:214) krtwa.ka-yint-i'rta? 'He bought it for you (collective).' (Silver 1966: 161) md.?in'ti? shttis'a'y-al 'Don't sav th"r,. 'rXtUtUl -";rfrT3; ,r5) [...] twdri.tata'm-al( '[Why] do youlook ai me?' (Silver1966: 134) tdhat kim.dftwaya'y-al'Please tell me aboutit!' (Silver1966: 213) krtwa.kayt.k-afr 'I boughtit for you.' (collective) (Silver1966: 161) iipxan.dsway-ale 'I'm goingto washYour (sg)face.' (Silver1966: 176) 422 Marianne Mithun

skahuht.hampay-a* 'You go get doctored!' (Silver1966: 176) nit.ayka-m'ak 'He'schasing me.' (Silver1966: l:16) ne.wd.ke-m'ak 'You (collective)watch over us!' (Silver1966: 172) [...] twdri.dada'm.aE 'Iwhyl do youlook at me? (Silver 1966: 134) hinyay-m'ak 'Let me alone!' (Silver 1966: 175) As in Nez Perce,the referential statusof the cislocative suffixes in these velbs is not entirely clear. They may still simply denote motion toward the participants in the speechact, from which the involvement of a first or second person goal is inferred, or they rnay have come to specify these arguments directly. One construction suggeststhat an evolution toward direct reference might already have begun. Shastacontains a collective suffix -e.fti- on verbs. It may be usedto qualify subjects,as in (18). (18) Shastacollectives kwic-d.? 'I drank' kwic.-e.ke?'we(collective)drank'

kwic.ik 'you Gingular) drank' kwic.-e.ke?'you(collective)drank' twic.ik 'he drank' lcwt.-e.ket 'they (collective) drank' (Silver 1966: l}l-2\ The collective suffix may also qualify other featuresof the event. In one of the verbs cited in (17) above, repeated here as (19), the collective suffix is translated as qualifying the beneficiary. (19) Shasta(Silver 1966: 161) hiwa.kny-i.k-a I 'I bought it for you (collective).' (Silver 1966: 161) Given the translation of this verb, it is unlikely that the collective suffix modifies the subject ('I'), the patient (a single item), or the action (a single purchase).It seemsrelatively clear that it is qualifying the beneficiary 'you', indicated here by the final suffix -al. This consffuction suggests that the secondperson is indeed specified grammatically within the verbal morphol- ogy, rather than only infenable ftom the cislocative context. New Directions in ReferentialitY

Whether or not the Shastacislocative has been fully grammaticized as a referential pronoun, its use in contexts with first and second person patients and beneficiaries does demonstrate a route by which pronominal affixes could come into being.

3. Iroquoian

Evidence from a third, unrelated set of languagesindicates that the use of cislocatives can ultimately result in fully referential pronominal affires. The ,spoken primarily in eastemNorth America' all contain full sets of pronorninal prefixes within their verbs referring to tlte core arguments of clauses. One set of pronouns is used for intransitive agents, a second for insansitive patients, ard a third for tansitive combinations of agent and patient. (Agent and patient caseroles are grammaticized, so while they generally reflect the semantic role of participants, speakers have no choices.) First (inclusive and exclusive), second,and third persons are distin- guished, and singular, dual, and plural number. The basic paradigms were already in place in the parent language,hoto-koquoian (Chafe 1977). Gen- der distinctions have since developed in third persons in languages of the Northem branch of the familY. Samplesof some of the pronorninal prefixes can be seenin the Mohawk verbs below. There are 50-60 pronominal prefixes in each language, so these forms representonlY a samPle.' (20) Mohawk pronominal prefixes (Kaia'titr{khe Jacobs' p.c.) AGENTS wa?-ke-?nyd:k47ne?'IescaPed' wa?-akeni-?nyd:k4?ne?'slhe and'| (exclusivedual) escaped' wa2-akwa- ?nyd: k4?ne ?'they and I (exclusiveplural) escaped' w-eteni-2nyd:k4?ne? 'you and I (inclusivedual) escaped' w-etewa-?nyd:k4?ne? 'you all and I (inclusiveplural) escaped' wa-hse-?nyd:k4?ne?'YouescaPed' w-eseni-?nyd:k4?ne?'youtwoescaped' w-esewa-?nyd:k42ne?'youall escaped' wa?-ka-?nYd:k4?ne?'itlsheescaPed' wa-ha-?nyd:k4?ne?'heescaPed' wa-hni-?nyd:k4?ne?'theytwo (masculine)escaped' 424 Marianne Mithun

wa-htti-?nyd:k4?ne? 'they all (masculine) escaped' wa?-e-?nyd:k47ne7 'one/she escaped' wa 7-keni- ?nyd. : k 4 7ne ? 'they two (neuter/feminine) escaped' wa7-kpti-?nyd:k4?ne? 'they all (neuter/feminine) escaped'

PATIENTS wake- ?nik{hrh4s 'I forget' yykeni- ?nik(hrh4s 'we two forget' !Vkwa-?nik{hrh4s 'we all forget' sa-?nik(hrh+s 'you forget' seni-?nik{hrh4s 'you two forget' sewa-?nik(hrh4s 'you all forget' etc.

TRANSITIVES: AGENT + PATIENT wa7-k(:-nyte? 'I fed you' wd-hske-nt4te? 'you fed rne' wa?-keni:-nqte? 'I fed you two' wa-hskeni:-nyte7'you fed us two' wa?-kwd:-nyte? 'I fed you all' wa-hskwd:-n$te?'you fed us all' wa-hd:-ru1te? 'I fed him' wd-htshe-nyte? 'you fed him' wa?-khi: -nyte ? 'I fed her' wd-hshe-nyte ? 'you fed her' wa-hshah6:-rupte? 'he fed her' wa-hywd:-nyte2 'she fed him' etc. When a verb involves a semantic agent, semantic patient, and semantic beneficiary, only the agent and beneficiary are encoded in the pronominal prefix as the core arguments.These are of course the participants most likely to be human and topicworthy. (21) Mohawk core arguments(Skaw6n:nati Montour, p.c.) Wa-ha-hni:ny-? Wa-hak-hnf:ny-?s-e? AoRIsr-M.Acr-buy-pRFV aonrsr-lr/1-buy-nerenecrrvE-pRFv 'He boughtit.' 'IIe boushtit for me.' There is little evidence within the hoquoian languagesfor assumingthat theseprefixes are anything but referential pronouns in their own right. Speak- ers report that they know that a verb like roTnik(hrh4s'he forgets' contains a pronoun roughly equivalent to English 'he', although they may not be con- scious of which portion of the word corresponds to it. Because all verbs obligatorily contain pronominal prefixes referring to their core arguments, they can constitute complete, grammatical sentencesin themselves.Speakers New Directions in ReferentialitY 425

say they do not feel that anything is missing or has been deletedfrom a clause llre ro?nik(hrh4s. any more than English speakers feel that a subject is missing ftom helorgels. Third person pronominal prefixes may 'agree' with a nominal elsewherein the discourse in the sensethat they may be coreferent, but they are no more 'agreement' markers than the nominals' There is even less language-intemal motivation for considering the first and secondperson pronominal prefixes simply 'agreement' markers. There are no independent nominals within the languagesfor them io agreewith. As in most languagesof this type, there is a set of independentcontrastive pronominal particles that appearunder pragmatically marked circumstances'They could be considered with the pronominal prefrxes, but they do not replace them and "oi"fer"nt they do not express the same range of distinctions as the prefixes- The conhastive particles distinguish only person: T\rscarora t" 7 (first person) and /:g (secondperson), Cayuga (n)i:? and(n)/;s, Mohawk (n)i:?ih md (n)i:se?' The pronominal prefixes distinguish not only person but also singular' dual' and plural number; agent and patient case;and inclusive versus exclusive first person. The prefixes are as referential as the independent pronouns of lan- guageslike English. Like all koquoian verbs, imperatives and hortatives also contain pro- nominal orefixes. (22) Mohawk intransitive commands (Kaia'titdhkhe Jacobsp c') se-2nyd:k4?n'EscaPe!' (SECOND SINGTJLARAGENT' seni-?nyd:k4?n 'Escape,you two!'(sEcoNDDUAL AGENr) sewa-?nyd:k4?n'Escape, you all!' (secoNoPLL,RAL AGEI{T) sa-ydshy 'Srnile!' (sEcoND sINcu-AR PATENT) teni-?nyd:k4?n 'Let's escape!' (tr'{clusrvEDUAL AGENT) tewa-?nyd:k4?n 'Irt's escape!' (tr{clusrvEPLURAL AGENT) ra-?nyd:k4?n 'Let him escape' (MAscuLlNESINGULAR AGENr) etc.

Transitive commands contain transitive pronominal prefixes' (23) Mohawk transitivecommands (Kaia'titdhkhe Jacobs p'c') i-tshe-nvt 'Feedhim!' sh6:-nyt 'Feed her/theml' eNhiseni:-nut 'Feedhim, Youtwo!' 426 Marianne Mithun

letsi:-nvt 'Feed her/them, you two!' etshisew.6:-npt 'Feed him, you all!' letsi:-nvt 'Feed her/them, you alll' Of special interest is the ftansitive prefix 'you/me'. The Proto-Iroquoian form, reconstructed as *-hsklw)-, has been retained in all of the daughter languages. This prefix still shows its original components: second person agent +(-h)s- and first person patient a-k(w)-. (The ft appearsword-medially and the w appearsbefore certain vowels.) The Southem Iroquoian reflex can be seen in the Cherokee verbs in (24). (The initial ft of the Cherokee stem - hno:his-/-hno:h- 'tell' has metathesizedover the vowel of the pronominal prefix.)

(24) Cherokee (Janine Scancarelli p.c. from Virginia Carey) skhi-no:his-6:h-a yi-skhi-no: h-isi-s 2/1-tell-DATr\ts-pRFsENT.rNDrc couNrEnrecruel-21-tell-DArrvE-e 'You'retellins me.' 'Will you tell me?' All ofthe Northern languagesshow the samebasic form, with the addition of epenthetic e or lr in certain contexts. The Northern forms are illustrated here with examples from Tuscarora, Cayuga, and Mohawk, to insure tle broadest coverage of the Northern branch of the family. (Northem koquoian first separaied into a Tuscarora-Nottoway subbranch and a Huron-Iroquois sub- branch. After the separation of Huron, the koquois group ultimately sepa- rated into several subgroups,among them the wesoemmostlanguages Cayuga and Senec4 and the easlernmostlanguages Oneida and Mohawk.) (25) Tuscarora(Elton Greenep.c.) ihsk-kq-h wd-hsk-kq-7 (epen)-2l1-see-ueam;al aop.rsr-71-see-pnrv 'You seeme.' 'You see/sawme.' (26) Cayuga(Jim Skyep.c.) sk-4:k7-h a-hsk-d:kg-? 2/1-see-HABmUAL AORTST-2/1-see-PRrnr' 'You see me,' 'You see/sawme,' (27) Mohawk(Skaw6n:nati Montour p.c.) wi-hsk-k4-? AORIST-2/l-Seek-PRrnr' 'You see/saw me,' New Directions in Referentialiry 427

In Southem Iroquoian, the pronominal prefixes on imperatives (both basic and future) are the same as those on indicatives. (28) Cherokee imperatives (Janine Scancarelli,p'c' from Virginia CareY) skhi-nohisi 'Tell me!' skhi-no:hisd:lv 'Tell me later!' In the Northem branch of the family, however, there has been an innovation: in imperatives, the preftx +-hsklw)- 'you/me' has been replaced with a prefix *tak(w)-. The innovative prefix has retained its shapein Cayuga' (29) Cayugaimperatives (Lizzie Skye' p.c.) tak-ydnawaTs '(You) helP me!' tak-hne:t '(You) feed me!'

The same shape appearsin Mohawk, except that before y, Kahnawi:ke and Kanehsati:ke*k > t. (30) Mohawk (Katsi'tsenhaweBeauvais, p.c.) tat-y6:nawa?s '(You) helPmel' tdk-enyt '(You) feed me!'

Proto-Northern-Iroquoian +l systematically appearsin Tuscaroraas ?nbefore vowels,with loss of the ? word-initially. (31) Tuscaroraimperatives (Elton Greene,p.c.) nak-tini:nheh '(You) helP me!' nd:k-nq:t '(You) feed me!' Like the original a-hsk(w)-, the form tavw)- is used in both verbs with semanticpatients, as in (29) - (31) above,and verbs with semanticgoals or beneficiaries. (32) Cayugabenefactive imperatives (Reginald Henry, p c ) tak-gnihdhtph '(You) lend it to me!' tak-dtkghthoh '(You) look at me!' tak-hrdhwa?s '(You) wait for me!' tak-hwdnhahshgh '(You) untie it for me!' tak-e?how6:khsph '(You) uncoverit for me!' tdk-atren1:thahs '(You) sing for me!' 428 Maianne Mithun

(33) Mohawk (KahentordhthaCross p.c.) takw-qt4nyAhty '(You) sendit to me!' tak-ena?t{hnha?s '(You) show it to me!' tak-hd:w4?s '(You) carry it for me!' tak-enyhsani:na?s '(You) watchthe housefor me!' tak-yhd:wa?s '(You) sweepfor me!' tak-hahser6tha?s '(You) tum on the light for me!'

(34) Tuscarora benefactive imperatives @lton Greene p.c.) nak-tsihkwd:nfhah '(You) lend me your hammer!' nak-rihwifs?a?0 '(You) promiseme (this)!' nak-ihtrQhsyqh '(You) untie it for me!' nakla7naratyd?thahe '(You) buy me somebread!' nak-rd:lcwah9 'fYou) chooseone for me!' nak-nAfu?a7e '(You) carry it for me!' We need not look far to find the source of the form taklwf. Proto- hoquoian contained a cislocative prefix *ta- 'hither', which remains produc- tive in all of the modem languages. It occurs immediately before the pronominal prefixes.

(35) Cherokeecislocative (Pulte 1975:251) a?i 'He's walking' ta.-ta?i 'He's walking this way' (36) Cayugacislocative (Reginald Henry, p.c.) ahe? 'He's going' tg-he? 'He's corning' (37) Mohawk cislocative(Skaw6n:nati Montour, p.c.) wi:re? 'He's going' td:-re? 'He's coming' (38) Tuscaroracislocative (Elton Greene,p.c.) wdhra? 'He's going' nd-hre? 'He's coming' The cislocative ptefix 4m- has replaced the second person agent prefix *lrs- in requestsfor action toward the speaker.It is easy to imagine how such a replacementmight have come about. It is in requeststhat speakersare often most anxious to be polite, not to infringe on the autonomy of others. One way New Directions in Referentialiry 429 to avoid inftingement is to refrain ftom direct reference to the addressee' Instead of 'You feed me!', speakersmight come to prefer an alternative along the lines of 'May there be feeding toward me" The cislocative provides a good altemative, directing actions toward the speakerwithout explicit desig- nation of the addressee. Has the form become referential? Severalkinds of evidence suggestthat it has. First, speakersreport that they have no feeling of indirectness with commands containing talcw-: l*rey feel that the addresseeis mentioned as overtly as in other commands.They are in fact quite surprisedto discover that the form is any different. Second, number marking indicates that the second person agent is overtly specifred within the paradigm. Within the indicative 2/1 pronominal prefixes, number is marked after person in all of the languages.If either the agent or patient is plural, the plural marker -ltd- appears.If neither agent nor patient is plural, but one or both is dual, the dual marker -zi- appears.(The additional e and h in the Caluga forms are epenthetic.) (39) Ca1'uganumber marking (Jim Sky, p.c') sk-d:kgh 'You seeme.' skhni-:kgh 'You two seeme.' 'You seeus two.' 'You two seeus two.' slatd.-:kgh 'You all seeme.' 'You seeus all.' 'You all seeus all.'

Commands with tdt(w)- show the samepattern of number marking in all of the languages.If the agent,the patient, or both are plural, the plural element aml

(41) Mohawk number in commands (Karonhi6:wi Deer, p.c.) tak-enphsan&:na?s 'Watch the house for me!' nkeni-n4hsarfi:na?s 'You two, watch the house for me!' 'Watch the housefor us two!' 'You two, watch the house for us two!' talatta-nyhsani.:na?s 'You all, watch the house for me!' 'Watch the house for us all!' 'You all, watch the house for us!' (42) Tuscarora number marking in commands(Elton Greene p.c.) nak-ta?naratyd?thah0 'Buy me somebread!' naldi-ta?nararyd7thah9 'Yol two, buy me somebreadl' 'Buy us both somebread!' 'You two, buy us both some bread!' nakwa-ta?nararyd?thah9'You all, btty me somebread!' 'Buy us all somebread!' 'You all, buy us somebread!' It thus appears that the second person addresseeis indeed a grammatical argument of the transitive imperative, rather than only implied. by a jussive like 'may there be hair cutting towards me'. Final evidence of the referentiality of \ak(w)- comesfrom its extension to other contexts. Proto-Northern \ak(w)- was apparendy used in the same contexts as in modem Cayuga (and other Iroquois languagesnot cited here). In these languages,the prefix appearsonly in commands and only when it is word-initial. If a command contains any pre-pronominal prefix, the original -hsk(w)- remains. The secondcommand in (43) contains a cislocative prefix in its original directional function. The speaker,Mr. Henry, notes that this cislocative command would not be usedif tlte haircutter were already with the person uttering the command. The third command contains a repetitive prefix ('again') and the fourth a dualic prefix ('in two'). Although all the forms in (43) are commands, only the frst contains the innovative mklw)-, where it is word-initial. (43) Cayugaimperatives with pre-pronominalprefixes (Reginald Henry, p'c') tak-hnQha: At-hait.cru't 'Cut my hair!' New Directions in ReferentinlitY 431

ta-sk-hnQha: cISLocATrvE-2/1-hair.cut 'Come cut my hair!' sa-sk-eknnydTkgh nnrrrtrn'n-2/1-pay 'Pay me again!' te-sk-ri-ht-9h DUALIC-2/1.-bIEAK-CAUSATIVE-BENEFACTIVE 'Break it for me!.' Interestingly, a remodeling has occurred within Cayuga that has resulted in doublets. In addition to the basic imperatives with a cislocative ta- standing in for the secondpetson agent, a more polite imperative form has developed in which the original secondperson agent s- has been restored, although the cislocativeis still present. (44) Cayugaimperative doublets (Jim Sky, p.c.) td: -k-qh ta-s-k-gh cIsLocATI\E-1-give CISLoCATIVE-2.AGENT-1.PATENT-give 'Give it to me!' 'Pleasegive it to me' (more Polirc) It is interesting that this developmentcontrasts with the usualpattem of blurring reference for politeness.While the original Proto-Northem-koquoian innova- tion involved eliminating overt reference to the second person addresseeby substitutingthe cislocative,this secondinnovation involves restoration of the overt pronoun. In Tuscarora,the c ognateprefix nak(w)- has been extendedto all impera- tives with first person patient, even when the pronoun is word-medial as in (4q.

(45) Tuscaroracontrastive imperative (Elton Greene,p'c') tha-? nakw - ahsni :wi : -k coNTRAsrI\E-2llleave-coNTINUATIvE 'Just leaveme alone.'

In Mohawk, the innovative nk(w)- appeas only word-initially, as in the first command in (45) (where it appearsas tat- becauseof the phonological *-sk(w)- context). The second and third verbs retain the reflex of the earlier 432 Marianne Mithun

(here sr- and seft-) becausethe pronoun is word-medial. This pattem matches the original context of the innovation in Proto-Northem-koquoian and that of Cayuga. (46) Mohawk commands (Kanerahtenhd:wiGabriel, p.c.) tat-y6:nawa-?s 2/1-help-neNrnacrtve 'Help me!' ta-st-yenawa-7 s-i-:ra crsLocATIvE-2/l-help-BENEFAcTIvE-Al.v'DATryE-p{JRposIrv'E 'Come help mel' te-sdk-hner4lk-s DUALIC-2/I-IiE-BENEFACTIVE 'Tie it up for me!' The imovative form nklw)- has been extended in Mohawk, but in a different direction than in Tuscarora. It now appearsin all verbs with second person agents acting on fllst person patients, providing it is word-initial. Indicative verbs in Mohawk (as in all Northem koquoian languages)appear in one of three aspects:Habitual, stative, and perfective (traditionally termed punctual). Habitual and stative verbs can occllr without pre-pronominal pre- fixes. When they do, the form taklwl is used for 'you/me'. Perfective verbs always contain a tense/modeprefix, aorist, future, or optative, so their pro- nominal prefixes are always word-medial and retain the original -hsk(w)-. (47) Mohawk extensionof ta(w)- (Skaw6n:natiMontour p.c.) Word-initial Word-medial IMPBRATIVES takw-atkdhtho ta-skw-atltihtho 2ll-look cIsLocATIvE-2/l-look 'I-nok at mel' 'I-nok at me!' sa-skw-atlihtho REPErrflvE-2/l-look 'Look at me again!' New Directions in ReferentialitY 433

INDICATIvES nkw-atlqihtho-s wa-hskw-atlal.htho-? 2/llook-HASITUAL AORIST.2/IIOOK.PERFECTIVE 'You (always)look at me.' 'You looked at me.'

takw -atl

4, Conclusion

Our awarenessof the fact that independentpronouns may evolve into verbal affixes has already contributed substantially to our understanding of why certain paradigms take the shapesthey do. Independentpronouns are not the only sourceofpronominal affixes, however. Diachronic relationships between markers of unspecified reference,plurality, and neuter pronouns in Northem Iroquoian languagesand related languagesare discussedin Chafe (1977) and Mithun (1993). The marking of grammaticril relations in Sahaptian,Shastan, and hoquoian languages,shows us that pronominal affixes may arise from still another source: A cislocative 'hither'. Such a development may begin at various points in the evolution of pronominal paradigms. In Nez Perce and Shasta,it began before any other object pronouns had been morphologized ln Northern Iroquoian, by contrast, it occurred long after a full paradigm, with first, second, and third persons, had been established.The end product of the evolution may vary as well. Al1 developments have as a semantic point of departure movement toward the location of the speechact, but in Nez Perce,the cislocative came to signal a first person, in Northern koquoian a secondperson, and in Shasta,either one. In Northern koquoian, it now represents an agent, but in Nez Perce and Shastait representsobjects. The development raises an interesting question concerning the precise nature of referentiality. Should identification by implication and subsequent inference be included within the notion of reference? There are of course many possible kinds of inference. It may be structural, as in the case of English verb agreemenl the final -s of rm-s implies that the subject of the verb is third person singular. It may be semanticor pragmatic: If I ask you to Toss it here! you may infer that I want it given to me, though I have not 434 Marianne Mithun explicitly mentioned myself. If we chooseto recognize a difference between direct reference and identification by implication, we should ask whether the altematives representdiscrete categoriesor simply ends of a continuum. We have seen a diachronic shift, particularly clear in the case of Mohawk, ftom the implication of a secondperson agentto direct pronominal reference.Does such a shift representa hop over a boundary, or a slide along a dimension? To know for certain, we must sharpen our definition of the precise nature of reference.

Acknowledgenents

I am gratefulto the sp€ake$of Mohawk,cayug4 andTuscarora who havegenerously contributedtheir time and expertise.The Mohawk material cited here comesthe coopem- tive efforts of speakersin Kahnawa:keand Kanehsata:ke,Quebec. Kahnawi:ke speakers include Katsi'ts6nhawe Beauvais, Wads6:se Bush, KahentorehthaCross, Karcnhi6:wi De€r, Kard:ra's Diabo, Kaierithon Horne, Kaia'titdhkhe Jacobs,Katsi'tsak6he Jacobs, Konwatidn:se Jacobs, Tekaronhi6:kel Jacobs, Wahi6nhawe Jacobs, Karihwenhawe Lazore,Niioronhii:'a Montou!, Akwire:'es Natawe,Konwatsi'tsaidn:ni Phitlips, and Karonhidkwas Sawyer. Speakersfrom Kanehsati:ke include Kanerahtenhd;wiGabriel, Waris6:seGabriel, and Wathahl:neNicholas. Forms usedby more than one speakerare attributedto the one who provided frnal verifrcation.For Tuscaroraforms and discussion I am gratefiil to Elton Crreene,of Tuscarora,New Yo*. The Cayuga was generously provided by Reginald Henry, Jim Sky, Jake Skye, and Lizzie Skye, of Six Nations, Ontado. The Lakhota examplecomes from StanleyRedbird of Rosebud,South Dakota. Wallace Chafe and Greville Corbett have provided useful commentson the paper.

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