J i

Chapter lY

O

f

EARLY FARMING COMMUNITIES 4.?

r":;

iia£Lx„..ya,rg>4aa ■^.9avmn,4>Uaa

Since the accidental discovery of the Jorv/e culture at (Tal« ■^angamner, Udat* Ahmednagax'} in 1950» extensive explorations vfere undertaken in different parts of iiaharashtra vrith a view to locate sites of the chalco- lithic period* As a result, more than 200 sites have been discovered to date, ilielr distributional pattern suggests 'Uiat the settlemaits of these early formers were spread almost all over Ilaharaahtrat except parts of Vidarbha and the coaatal region. The antiquity of the early farmers in oan be stretched back to the opening Hhe. of^2nd millenniaa B»C, A casual glance at the distribution of chalcolithic sites in Maharashtra gives a fairly good idea of the distribution pattern of their settlamenta. 43

/iost of the early t:\r.wing settleaents aro located in the black cotton soil region. Throe major valleysf the Tapi, the Uociavari and the t^aa n/ere occupied, but there is a significant difference in the concentration of settlssacsnts. The Tapi valley encouraged a heavy concentration of settle­ ments, followed by the Ctodavari valley. There were sporadic aettleaanva in the Bhita^i valley* iiach of these valleys had at least one site vdiich was the largest in the area* i’here was ?rakashe in the Tapi, iiairaabad in the Godavari and Injvasaon in the Bhima valley (Jtiavalikar 1979: 252). ihe obvious reason for the variation in the distribution pattern in each valleys is variation in availability of arable land and perennial source of water.

The excavations conducted at selective and ia,:»ortsint places such as Hasik, Jorwe (Jist. ihmectna,^ar), Nevasa (list, rthmednagarj -^ngaon, .tpogaon and Chandoli (LHat. i^oona) c'rakashe, javalda and Bahurupa (ulst. 0aule) anc Jahal and Tekwada (^st. Jalgaon) have helped to know in detail the natbrial equipment of the early farming coiaaunities, and to place these cultures in their proper chronological order. But the large sc.ile anu most scientific excavations conducted at Inaiagaon and in some respect ^aimabad are useful in many ways. Ihe excavations not onlyfrevoal differiarjt facets of life of the early faraers, but serve as an example 4 ^

of h3ir to conduct a systeniatlc excavation of an ancient site. Hero, for ttie first tiiae in , carbonized organic matter (grains) has been collected in large quantity by utilizing the technique of floatation, 'fhis has not only helped to reconstruct the crops grown by early farmers but alsj their dietary habits. There is also some evidence to reconstruct the social organization, religious beliefs, econooiic, condition anu technological level of those early f a m e r s *

Around 1000 B.C., the activities of the Jorwe culture, the last phase of the chaloolithic period, carae to grinding halt in the Tapi and the Ck>davari basins probably due to adverse cliraatic conditions following the decrease in rain- fall pattern, vrtiich is stratigraphically well represented at i^evaaa. (i tajumdar and Ra;Jaguru 1965* 152). iiut the culture still survived in the Bhima valley for three centuries more upto 700 B.C. The culture, which survived as a ^Jejune shadow of the once flourishing *iarly Jorwe^has been termed as the Late Jorwe. Ihe Lute Jorwe phase can be dated on the basis of C-14 dotenainations to 1000-700 B.C. The past three to four seasons work at Inangaon was mainly concentrated on obtaining niore inforaaation about the Late Jorwe period. It # would appear that the agricultural output during this period suffered severely aue to decrease in rainfall and therefore 43

people h d to resort to a pastoral life. The people could not afford tho luxury of large specious houses. They vrere largely replaced by small huts, rhere was a marked decresjse in the standard of raaking . It becamo coarse, :iut this particular phase has bridged the gap between the mega- lithlc and the chalcolithic periods.

There are four different chalcolithic cultures in the Central Tapi basin^ namely the :iavalda, the Late Harappa^ the J'lalwa and the Jorwe, Ihese cultures can be distinguished from each other mainly an the basis of their distinct cerimicSf whereas the other ariterial equipment remained aiore o r less identical.

The remains of the hitherto unknoiim culture^ called the ’oavalda* were brought to light at Javjilda in the late fifties by ii.A. ciali of the Archaeological ^urv y of in ia (lAH - 195B-59)* Hie type site oavalda is located in the central Tapi basin, roughly 20 Km north of Handurb?ir, a taluka headquarter in liiule district of .i^^arashtra. It is situated on the left bank of Tapi, 2 km downstream from i'rakashe on the opposite bank. It is clear that this ia the earliest farming! culture of Waharashtra as it occurs at the base, below the Late tiarappan level at iiaimabad (lAR 1975-76), 4G

It vill not be far fetched to aurniae that the culture originated in the Tapi basin aa all the known sites of the c-ulture,except uaiaabad* are located in tho Tapi baain* A few sites have recently been reported in the Krishna basin in i^mataka, and j'undara, the discoverer of the sites even. goes furtier to assign the aah-aounds to the iavalda culture t->undara 19^2)* c>o far 27 sites of this culture have been discovered in the central i'api basin €uid aajority of are considerably 1 rge in size. Hot a single site of this culture has so far been reported from adjoining .ladhya tVadesh, the region vrtiich is tiore fertile and suitable for large size settlements tiian the iapi basin* ;\11 'tiiese factors suggest that the genesis of the iavalda culture lies in the Tapi basin.

Savaldo and Bahurupa, two large size settleiients of the ^valda culture, were subjected to limited vertical diggings by R*V* Joshi and .Srlvastava tIAK Two different periods, cocnparable to Prakaahe I and II, were distinguished# Out subsequent study of the pottex^ by 3,A, 3ali revealed quite different features, not cosjparable or following the pattern of any painted cerajnic Known in tlie Tapi valley (3ali 1964). The excavation was planned to know cultural sequence of the site only and hence no fenlaires of the settlement pattern are known to us. The zonal pa tern of the Savalda culture in the Tapi basin is discussed in detail in Copter VI, However, it 47

ahould be stated tiat all the sites are located alon.’, tiie river banka in a linear fashion. A njajority of the sites f are lociited on the rivar Tapi and a few on the tributaries.

A large scale excavation conducted at l^im jbad (iUst. /ihmednagar, Maharashtra) by Deshpanrie and ->,A. oali of the irchaeological ^rvoy of India, have thro'^m well- come light on the different aspects of the 3avalda culture,

l) ->avalda ware - It is made on slow to fast wheel, is coarse to medium in fabric and is treated with a thick slip of varying shades of brown, chocolate, pink and red, -^ich develops cracks during firing.

Forma; A highnecked Jar with squat ody and blimt Carinatioa,dish, platter, dish->on-stand, trough or basin, bowl, lid, ring stand, handi ana vase. i-'esi^nsi painted aiotifs wei*e e x e c u t e in black and occasi«mally in ochro, red, reddish brovm etc. The painted dositins can be divided into four categories and they are found on both surfaces; outer and inner. Oenorally the painted ;notifs, executed cm the outer airface of the pot, are confined to "Wie up,)«r half of a vessel.

1) c\nlmal and bird raotifs include peacock, cr sne A

like blrds» flaht homed and other animals.

2) Anaa and weapon motifs - Antenae ended arrow* arro^ead with notched back, unilaterally barbed tool roaeiibling a saw, double bailed fish hook, simple arrow, vertically arx^ged single and double rows of arrowheads. 3) Plant-like aiotifa are also seen on the potsherds* 4) Geometrical long and tkiir) lines, trellis pattern, horizontal bands, loops, spiral oriain pattern, wavy lines, leaf-shaped strokes, conab-like designs etc. (i>ali 1964'.207-10)• dumished arev ^are

It is of coarse fabric, treated with grey brown and pink slip. Generally globular pots, lids, handij and lasnps ai'3 found in this variety* Finger tip decorations are coajiaon.

In this variety are included big ator^ige Jars, basins and globular Jars which are hand aade, having thick and coarse fabric. They are decorated with incised oblique lines on the top of the rim and horizontal applique bands of finger tip pattern on Hie body.

The j«valda people ccmstructed houses of 'aud which were generally rectangular, either single roomed or sometiaes multi roomed and having walls constructed of wattle and daub with a J \.J

thatched roof* Generally they vrere closed on three sides and opai oa the fourth aide, which taight have served as an entrance, a largo house soisetl nes was divided b y r\n 'L* shaped partition wall# The saialleat house ^aeasurod 3 . ^ x 1,60 m vtrtiereas the largest one measured 7 x 5 m* T^e courtyard was an important part of structure, which v/aa well nade and pla^ered. The house floors were made of alternate layers of black clay and yellow silt| and plastered periodically, .sometimes they were decorated with fresh water shells embed^ in it (Ia H 19’<^-73).

lliese structures were haphazercily arran^.ed, without any proper planning. «>oaetiiBes houses are found to have located very close to each other, whereas in some cases a small passage of 30 to 70 c«a wide was provided between t\fo houses. Inside the structure were a circular chullah and o. circular pit-silo, most probably for storing grains.

A well developed blade industry is associated with the ^avalda culture. The blades are generally made on chalcedony and occasionally on agate and camelian which is locally available. The copper technology seams to have attained maturity as is clear from the finding of two copper bangles. Other finds include stone raullers and quarrus, beads of camelian and agate, a phallus shaped pendant of agate. shell ob;}ects and pottery sharpeners.

The evidence obtained from i:>al labad su^^geats that the people cultivated v/heat, barley, lentil, coui^on pea, grass pea, black graa, greiaa gram, horse gram, hyacinth bean and also collected ber fruits. 3eef and mutton were also included in tlieir diet as is evid^t fnwa animal bones*

otratigraphically the >^avalda culture occurs below the Late Harappan lovels. The excavations conducted at -iavalda and Bahuru^a, both in Uhule district, are helpful neither for ascertaining; its strati graphical position nor have they yielded saaples for C-»14 dates# One C-14 date available from liaimabad is as follows .?R1. 429 3390^150 « 1540 B.C* 3490+160 (*>ali 1982 J 130)

iiut the d te for the subsequent phase at laiaaabad Is estiaated, on the basis of C-14 detenainations, to about 1S00 B.w* Therefore it is obvious that the date for the end of the ciavalda culture sdiould come around 1B00 B.C. It is likely that the sample was highly contaaiinated and ^ hance the date 1540 B.C. is not surprisine. Considering all these factors, especially strati graphical position iind rr-»

the 6nd around 1800 B.C.^ the date of 2000 3.C, for the beglnniix, of tho ^avalda culture In i*»aharaahtra will not be f.iT off the mark. Further excavations at Daiaabad and other Savalda culture sites on large scale may throw welcome light on tho different facets of their life and chronology.

The tern Late Harapp^i was introduced by 3.K. Rao and is being viridely used for the decadent form of the Harappan culture (3.R,Rao 1973> 60). are aware of the fact that around 1900 B,C. -tiie decline of the iiar^ppan civi- li£'>tion set in due to siany factors* such as the sudden decrease in overseas trade* fall in internal trade and repeated destruction of cities by devastating floods of the Xjidus. As a result» the people could not redevelop the urban centres and the comparative economic )ovorty is reflected in every aspect of their life. The large brick structures were replaced by small aiud houses. Tho people could not afford to produce superior pottery. The honao- geneity of the mature Harappan culture is not found during the i-ate Harappan Period, uegional surveys carried out in different parts of -tiie country suggest that different pottery fabrics and other cultural traits emerged in every region but were unconnected with each other (l/ikshit 1979* 123). r:') I.

It is vrell known that most of the parts of Saura- shtra were occupied by the Late Harappan people. >3nd a large number of their settlements have been brought to light in t!'*c course of explorations (£^oss^l 19Q1). Sele­ ctive excavations at sites such as i-othal, Kangpur, iiurkotada etc* have thrown considerable li^ht on the social and economic conditions of these people*

Around 1800 B.C. the Late Harappan people started moving slowly towards the Deccan. Instead of following the banka of the river Tapi, now it is riior© or loss clear tliat they tnigratod into the Tapi basin through the Songad pass* Xhe southemiaost settlement of this culture is found at Jaiaabad in the Godavari valley (Jali 1977)* The large scale excavations carried out at Daiaabad have revealed many facets of this culture* The heavy conaentration of the Late ilarappan aettlanents is found in the caatral Tapi basin* Sali claims to have discovered over fifty Late Harappan sites in i^hule district (Sali 1977)f but a detailed study of all these sites reveals that twenty -

The pottery is a sturdy black-painted red ware. It is aade of well levigated olay» throvni on fast wheel and due to perfact firing the core has turned brick red yAilcih produces .sdtalic sound. It is treated ext .rnally with a thin slip which is usually red, but occasionally is choco­ late to light brovm, pink and li{jht grey.

The most common ^ p e s found in this '/fare are dish- on-stand, convex sided bowl, storage ^ar and distfi. except for minor changes and the absence of one or two types, a aia;)ority of sh e tctJx. palntod design are hardly seen on^Harappen pottery*

The repertoire of painted motifs is limited. They consist of trellis, oblique lines between horizontal bands, plant like motifs, loops and horizontal bands on a rim, neck and shoulder, herring boi^ pattern, vertical wavy lines, peacocks and crimes*

Other associated wares are burnished grey ware. t: j

buff ware, thicK coaroe ware, black tjumlahed ware and black-and-red/grey ware.

Xho burnished grey ware 1« of mediura fabric, treated with a «Up In shades such as grey, black, pink, brovm etc* and Is burnished. The shape ‘Mc.'w.de. a vase with flaring rim, a vase with an outcurved rim, a bowl with convex profile, carlnated vase, a dish with a carlnatlon below and variety of lids* >ome of the vessels were occasionally painted with horizontal bands in red ochre*

The thick coarse red ware was hand made, having a thick and coarse fabric and pink and light red in colour* The shapes Included in this ware are stor

The blcick-and-gray ware Is of fine fabric, thin in section and is treated with a slip, both Internally and externally, and on firing it has turned black Internally and grey externally* Bowls of different varieties are mainly met v/lth in ti:ils ware*

A ferf sherds of ribbed blchxx>oe ware were found at Daimabad. x'hls is a very fine w4re, tmade from a special paste and very dense in structure. The slip on one aide of the rib was bright chocolate and on the other side it 55

was creauQf which was painted in black with loop deslgnt (^all 19Q2* 180),

As la clear from the Lothal evidence, tha Late Harappan people used ssnl-baked bricks of blackish clay 1973). i>ue to loss of prosperity liiey could not afford the luxurious life \rtiich ttiey once enjoyed. Thay could raise rickety houaes of inferior mud bricks or raud and wattle and daub constructions. At Lothal^ though the people becflaae ,)Oor» they continued to build aciall baths and drains of burnt bricks obt^iined from the earlier debris (Hao 1979 : 93). One shabi^y structure at Lothal has been identified as the house of a s^oltn, as it yielded crucibles and copper objects 1979* 100), ihe evidence from Daiiaab-id suggests that these people constructed houses of nud with 30 cm thick wall and plastered floors with mud. i^erhapa bricks were also used for constructing walls, as a few brick bats hnve been encountered (lAR. 1977-73). They mostly prefared rectangular houses, but they also built round huts, for now there is definite evidence available.trom Bhagwanpura (Joshi 1977). xiach house cont-^ined a chulah.

The evidence for fire worship is available from iJaimabad, wotnal and Rangpur. t he ourial custoras aiore or less reiaalned the same, Xhe .-nost interesting evidence of burial customs comes frooi the Juate Harappan level at Dalmabsd» where the dead was found buried carefully, wrapped in grass, in an oval pit. The pit was carefully pr^ared by raining gravel and plastering. Tho aides were well lined by ;md bricks of the size of 2a x 14 x 7 and 32 x 16 x 8 cas Cratio 4 t 2 * 1) U A E 1975-76), Inside the pit was found a skeleton in north-south direction with head towards north ^ and legs towards south.

\ The faaous i^imab .d Bronzes, which have created a fierce controversy, have been assigned to the Late Harappan period (iliavalikar 1982* 364-65) Meanwhile, the analysis conducted by D.P, Agra ml revealed that ttiese may not belong to the chalcolithic period (Agrawal^ Krishnaaaurty and i^usvrogar 1378* 45). The explain

These people also worshipped terracotta mother goddess and the bull cult seams to be still dominant in the Late fiV

iiarappan period, aa Is Qvldent from the occurrence of bull figurines from many Late Harappan sites.

.QjB34.aa.mt

ii.ven if the use of copper became scarce in the Late ilarappan period, the teclmology hardly chan^jed. A copper pin with rolled head from Rangpur is noteworthy. (Fvao 1963^ 150 no. 442), Copper objects vrero locally aanufactured* the evidence of which comes from Lothal, where a number of aiiiths vrorked un er a single roof Cl^ao 1982 : 356K J^e objects associated were shaft balance, transverse axe, awl, flat celt, baniile and knife.

uold beads were also reported from iJaimabad. They sxxg eat that the people had trading contact with t'le soutiiem Keolithic. The prehistoric people may have exploited idie iiatti gold laines in Gulbarga district (KamitaKa). Xhe Late Harappana Tiust have obtained gold by way of exchanr.e from tiie Neolithic people.

The bead industry appears to be still flourishing, for the evidence of lapidary 1s well attested at Lothal IRao 1963)* They nanuf ictured beads of terr?icotta, ivory, faience, semi­ precious stones such as cumelion, Jasper, -agate etc. ^nd also of stcalite*

A well developed blade industry continued, but there -.ras a saajor change in raw material from chert to chalcedony, as the fonB«r one Is not a locally available in abandanc®. As a rasultf the length of blades becaote aiiorter. All the aa^Jor typea are found, Jhell bangles and beads also wora jianufactured on a large scale. -Juch objocta are not only abundant at places near the coastal region, but also at small outoosts such as Varaus in Dhule district, which is far away froa the coast. At Varaus, Haghunaldi l ao found scores of anell bangles, a few of which are incised vd.th signs of tne Indus script (i^ghunath Hao 1981). A variety of bone objects have bean reported from laany Late Hamppan sites. The Indus script survives in the Late Har^ppan period, • as is evident froaa the i^tedraabad evidtmce, «^ere one of the houses yielded a button shaped terracotta seal bearing an Indus sign and one pot-s:ierd Sndus ai^ and- o»« with Indus signs painted on it (lAR 1977-7B), /Vnlsial figurines such as bull, ran and horse and human figurines have also been reported. They were treated with slip and D u m i s h e d .

On the basis of carbonized grains collected from different sites, soraethlng can be said about the crops groirfn by these people and their subsistence pattern* i'hey subsisted laiiniy on farming and occasionally practiced hunting and fishing. They grew wheat (Trltlcua barley (Hordeva vul^:are I.lnn«), lentil Uena esculenta iocnch), coiaaon pea (/Isum arvense Linn.), horse gram (uollcbos blfloruB LLan,)» (tvajale, 1977) and also introduced ba;)ra (Chitalwala 1977). Beef an i niutton was also included in their diet,

A few C-14 dates are available for Lothal and vaimnbad. The dates from Lothal for the J-ate Harappan period ai e -

1) TF 23 1365 ♦ 116 2) TF' 19 laOO ♦ 140 (3.K, Bao 1979) i

This suggests that the degeneration of the Harappan culture in jujarat set in around 1900 B.C. It therefore appears that around 1800 B*v. these people started ;t»igrating to the Tapi basin as is clear from the C*1A date from i^aimnbad*

1) PIO- 425 3600 + 150 « 1760 3.C. (3710 ♦ 150) <3ali 1982: 179)

llie Late Harappans continued to live ujto 1600 B.C. aS is suggested by the date of 1o00 3.C. for the baginning of the i^ialwa culture, which iaaediately succeads the Late iiarappans at i^isiabad.

The Vlalvfa Culture' named after the .lalwa Region, n

origin )te

Aa is clear from the distrilmtion of tiie sites of this culture, the entire western part of Caitral Imlia was inhabited by the i^lwa people. The black cotton soil, consi­ dered to be one of the most fertile in the country, smabled the early farmers to grow crops on a large scnle, which could support an increasing popul tion* With the increase in population, more and more fertile land was being brought under cultivation. But when the population increased beyond a ceirtain limit, and the arable land became insufficient, they were forced to migrate to those areas, where fertile arable land was available. They therefore migrated to south, in the northern iieccan, which vras very sparsely occupied by poor Neolithic coiajaunities (Uhavalikar 1979* 248)* The Vinclhyan barrier in the x^orth closed tSie op«iing towards north, whereas deep and dangerous gorges in the iNarmada roii^t have prevented the:n from ralgrating towards CJuJarat,

Aroiand 1600 B,C. the Jalwa people began their intgi^tion into the i>eccan* They came in close contact with the Koo- lithic farmers of the southern i)eccaru As a reault« the spouted Jars and burial customs of the Neolithic farmers^ were probably adopted by the lalwa people* Interestingly, both the spouted Jars and the urn burials were conspicuous by their absence at ilalwa sites in central India (Uiavalikar 1973)* The distributional pattern of the settlements clearly shows that the i^ialwa people spread right from the foot hills of the Vindhyas in the Uorth to Inamgaon in the Bhima valley in south*

In central IncULa the flalwa culture is represented by a variety of cera.:iic fabrics* The i»alwa ware, the principal ware, exhibits a variety of shapes and the richest repertoire of painted designs in the country (Jankalia 1974* 457). The t’^alwa people se«a to have forgotten certain shapes, designs and fabric as soon as they entered into the Deccan. The t,ran ware is co.Tiplately absent, vrtiereas the Cream-slipped ware, one of the »haJor ceramics of the ilalwa culture in central India, is rarely found in the t/eccan*

'kly.a.,.ia£a A fair idea of the pottery in Maharashtra can be rv>

had from i>almabad, Chandollf Inamgaon and ^^rakashd* The Malwa ware soana to have b«en wade on alow wheel, as the atrlation marks indicate. Ilie clay used was of a little interior variety) it was mixed with husk and fine aand* It is ra^er thick in section and has a coarse gritty fabric* It is invariably dressed with tfiick orange to red slip on the outside and sometimes on the inside of those -pots, which have a wide open laouth. It is not well fired*

The painted iiu)tifs were executed in black or dark brown pigment* Two types of designs are coaraonly found* i) Geosietrlct Single or itultiple bands, trianglos and diu.TJonds, either vacant, hatched or solid; medely of loops, rayed Joined volutes, pendant or upright, grouped wavy lines, horizontally and vertically disposed, converging lines in groups, concentric circles, chevrons etc* Clenerally the designs are executed on the upper half of the pot* ii) Animal and bird aotifst Spotted deer, running dog, cat, stylized deer, stylized crane and peacock*

i a m a The ahdjes are limited in number and include a lota , globular ;}ars with vertical neck, a deep bowl with a blunt carin

reported* >>ongaon has yielded a goblet or footed cup (^>©0 196^), whereas a rioaess bowl with concave flaring sides and a channel s out have been reported from Chandoll (Deo and iUisari 196^, Figa* 3A and 36),

A few pieces of Cream-slipped war* were noticed at Chandoll and Xnamgaon. It ia interior in make, but still the *%lwa influence is evident in fabriCy forais and painted motifs (i/eo and \naari 1965? 53)*

Another comton ware found associated with the iialwa culture is red/grey ware. This ware ia found associated in all the phoaes of the chalcolithic period. It is aade of Inferior clay with a lot of sand and grass and also not perfectly fired. Fiost of the pots are found handiaade, ’Ih e shapes are li:nited in number; globular ^ars, used in burial rltw^ilSf are oiost coanon. Other forms are a basinta kunda« a dough plate, a lid and a lamp.

This vmre is very thick in section^ is coarse and well firod. ilie shapes represented are storage Jars and l^rge basins.

The Malwa pottery was fired in a specially desifpned kiln, which is identical in fona and function with that of the i:iarly Jorwe. Ihe kiln, found in the house (Ho* 85) is Gi

olrouXar on plan and was located vrlth ita longer axis in the east-vest direction* The diameter of the kiln is 1.55 m where as the fire chaiaber belovf is 1*36 t& Iong» 37 oaa wide and 51 cm deep. The extant height of the wall is 1.7 m and its thickness is 7*5 cm. At the base of the kiln» there are nine flues for the circulation of hot gaa frooi the fire chamber* Along the periphery of the kiln were provided wiiai grooves at regular intervals^ which ruight have served as outlets for hot gas-(lAH 1978-79)*

The excavations carried out at Inaingaon (I4.st« i^oc»ia) and i>aimabad (List* Ahaednasar) have thrown a welcome light on the housing pattern of the Halwa people* The people livetf in large rectangular houses* A large rectangular house at Inamgaon measures 6,6 x 4*42 m. The walls were dv/arf, hardly 60 cm high and 10 cm thick* over which was raised \#attle-and- daub construction (iihavalikar 1979* 248). The thatched roof was conical.

^metimes a large rectangular house was divided into two co:apartaents by a partitiw \mll* A tvitnber of post-holes, either outside, inside or within the wall, suppori;ed the roof. Inside the house, in one of the comers or outside in the courtyard is founa a large oval sh iped chulah which generally contains, in the centre, a flat atone etnbedded and covered b o

with iaud» obviously for sujporting the cooking vessel. i In one comer of the house vas located a circular mud plat­ form for supporting a storage bin. Sirailar platforas are atHl to be found in houses around Xnamgaon \diero in order to prevent the rodents from destroying the grain in the bin, tliomy branches of ber and sand is put at the base (Uhavalikar 19'^* 2^). ^ocie of ttie platfoms from Ina:ngaon excavations yielded sand at the base.

t'it-tiwellings weru encountered for the first time in the I'Oal.fa level at Inaagaon (Sankalia 1974* 479). One of two pit-dWttllings, located adjoining a large rectangular house, was 1.23 nt deep and its sa ximua dlHmetor was 3 si. The sides were perfectly vertical and plastered with liae. In the aouthorn side, it wras provided with a step. Along the periphery iQTQ located many post-holes virifiich su.<"est that there was roof above, i'he choking was done outside as is clear froia the location of the chula. One of the pit-dwell- ings also yielded an u m burial (iifinkalia 1974). A fe\/ of the houses contained a- pit-silos. ilie pit-silos were gene­ rally plastered wilii line which probrjbly served as an insecti­ cide. ‘Jthe silos are usually found inside the house and nost probably were (aeant for storing grains, as is the case today.

Ihe courtyard was an iiaportant and integral part of the house, as it is even today, incept for the rainy se'ison. ‘jr* o

nearly ninety per cent of t^e activities are carried out in the courtyani. There does not appear to bo any proper planning in iocating the housea. sometimes they vrere closely situated in sonio oases a narro^ur passage was provided in between then at Inamgaon. wv®ti pit dwellings were located by the side of ract;mgular houses at Inamgaon (i-tiavallkar 1975* 46).

The careful and ayateaaatic excavations conducted at Inaxagaou tias enabled ua to know more about the chalcolithio social stratification# llie twuses of the craftsmen such aa a potter, an ivory carver etc# have been identified. They were found to be located on the western front of the habi­ tation. Vakankar's excavati

X’he large acale excavations at Na via toll in central India did not yield any evldcaace of the disposal of dead, iiut as earlier aentionecl, the ilalv^a peoile, aftur migrating into the i^eccant came Into contact with the southern Neo­ lithic farmers and therefore we have clear evidence to show that they adopted certain customs and imitated certain pottery fonas from the Neolithic, it is quite likely that the burial custo.ia is also a southern influence. G7

Generally a chilci was accoxaodated in two pots usually of the red/grey ^are but oc mslonally of the painted ^aXva ware, and were placed horizontally aouth to mouth in an oval pit in iiorth-south orienvation, either below the housd floor or id.thin the courtyard with a view to keep the dead persc«i always in their company. It mxs noticed that in soffle of the cases within the burial» along with the dead» were founu placed aaiall uota such as a bowl and a spouted Jar, which most probably contained food and water respecttvely for the deoeasod* It suggests that the peoile believed in life after death. The nuaber o f pots varied, which raoat probably de.jandent on the econondo condition of the parti­ cular person*

So far Inaaigaon excavations have not yielded any evidence of adult burial of the i^alwa period. The only evid^ce in thlB regard cosies frcffli i^imabad* vihore an adult skeleton was encountered, placed in a specially dug pit in nortti-south orientation, which was devoid of any burial furniture (IaR 1953-59* 13 PL.mV-A). rieligious beliefs iividence from many excavated sites of this culture throws a welcome l i ^ t on their religious beliefs, A huge jar from Navdatoli was decoi^t€Ki witii applique figurines of a female worshipper on the right and a lizard on the left G3

ot ifhat looks like a shrine. This may be a deity, with whom alligator or lizard is associated (iJhavalikar 1979s 24l)« These people worshipped the ii^ther goddess as well as a god (:iankalia 1974* 462). The tortoise seems to be sacred as is clear from the tortoise amulet of shell froai Prakashe (Thapar 1^7* 115t XXII 31)* Fire wori^ip seeiaa to have been in vogue, as is evident from the fire altur at Kavdatoli. Here a fire pit, measuring 7 ft, 8 in, x 6 ft, 5 in. x 4 ft, 6 in, vras encountered in a squarish house. The pit was plastered and within it v/ere found burnt logs of wood and bones, su3,*:f?sting thereby its use as a vsdi or kunda for perforidng sacrifices (Saakalia, Deo and ^\nsari 1971* 49).

The potrayal of the shrine, the goddess and the creature on tJie shoulder of the iiavdatoli ;Jar, con be idaiti- fied as the representative of IXtrga, because of her asso­ ciation with lizard later in the historical period (iJiavalikar 1979* 241), llje applique figurine on sto. ai-e Jar (fig. l48a), the man with laatted dishevelled hair holding a spear like weapon in his right hand painted inside Idle base of a channel Si^outed bowl (Fig, 158-159) have been identified as a warrior-like deity, (^ankalia 1974* 462).

An elaborately painted ;}ar froa i^aiaabad sugijests that the Malwa people worshipped a god similar to the latter day G3

i?aaupati* In this painting a Jungle scene is daplcted in two coaparfeaonts; in the upper one is a standing la-m with two d«or approaching and peacocks in between and the l O ’^e r oorapartment has three tigers springing away in opposite directions* The human figurine is solid and rauscular and the animals are in hatched lines (lAKs 1958-59).

Lithic industry The tools and weapons of the ‘lalwa people present a fairly v/ide variety. They manufactured blades 3j?.inly of chalcedony and occasionally of camelian, quartz and agate* the e v m distribution of blades in all the layers at Kavda- toli suggests that every house prepared its own tools ankalia, Deo and /^sari 197t« 270-71). A variety of tools were coanufactured» which included parallel sided blades^ backed blades* penknives* points* triangles* trapezes and serrated blades* Llfferont types of tools -nust have beeati used for a variety of functions* Backed blades* triangles and trapezes aiight have been used for mfiking coTiposite tools, vrtiereaa lunates and points were probably used as arrow heads* it is xiot unlikely that the peni-uiife and parallel sided blades were used directly (Ibid)* Very rarely ;>olished stone axes* made on dolerite* have also been recovered. Most probably they were heavy duty tools* used for felling 70

trees etc*

A considerablenuuabor of tools,aade on bones of deer and cattla (Thoiaasi pers.coa.) and antler, were recovered from different chalcollthic sitc*s. They coaprise points, punches, chisels and awls. 'Ihe point or the worlting edge waa obtiiined either by grinding or chipping. ast.aLJjifeigsJa The chalcollthic people of the Deccan and Central India used copper, but on very restricted scale. It was generally believed that the chalcollthic people obtained copper frcKB the Khetri ilnas of Ha;5a3than (Agrawal 1970* 175)* But it is not unlikely that they ea^acted copper fro;a the chalcopyrite nodultss wnich are locally available. In this connection, aentlon should be laade of a fumice, reported from Inaogaon, wiiich was specially designed to extract copper froaa chalcopyrite ^iJhavalikar, 1975a)* copper objects, so far recovered, can be divided into two main categories. Tools auch as axe, spear-head, arrow-heaci and point can be included in wea on category and the objects used for do.aesti- (jate purpose were poker, scraper, tong, fish hook,blade, and chisel. They ilso made omaznants of copper ouch as ^leeds, bangles, arjtiinony rods, rings, and pins. The object rese;:ib- llng a mirror from L>aimabad necfds a special mention (lAR 1977-78). -s

The Halwa peopla manufactured beada of terracotta^

8e ;il-preciou8 atones^ ivory and paste, i l i e most common seoi-prcolous stones used for soanufacturlng beads were oamelian, agate^ Jasper and chalcedony* A few beads of quartz» faience^ steatite* copper auad bone are also present* They are found in different sha,)es» but the most oo^sion among thea are long barrel, long blcone and globular. The other, rattier uncotaion shapes, are spherical, oblate, disc, tubular, cylindrical etc.

ocon^a of objects were m:de of clay and terracotta* Most of them were utilitarian objocts, whereas a few were decorative and some of the-ri were associ uted with their religions beliefs, m o n g the utilitarian objects, the lamp was the most inportant. Xwo types of lamps, viz, the boat shaped and squarish are found, acaong which the former is most coimaon (ueo and i^kisari 19b3}* Generally the boat shaped lamps are provided with a groove in the centre for acco modating v/ick. Other objects falling in tliis category are lid, skin rubber, lug-handle, shar;)ners and spindle whorls* Beads, ear-stud, decorated terracotta pieces, toy >ot, marble etc* were decorative objects* The objects such as terracotta male and feanle figurines, bulla, horses etc. were associated with religious belief,

#4ost of the stone objocts w*jr© made on trap, a material which is locally availablt^, and occasionally on sandstonta and quartzite. The following stone objects were taade and us«5d; ring stone, sling balls, haaaerstone, rubber stone and saddle quern* It is generally believed that rins stones were used as woighta for the digging stick («*iggot 1950), iiut the poaibility of tliese, being used as an effective fighting weapon can not be ruled out (Child 1952s 140), T'ost probably the sling balls were used for killing or trailing birds and ssiall game. The grains were pulverized into flour in S)ddle quern with idio helo of pounder or rubber stone.

Both, marine and riverine shells were used for manu­ facturing different objects sucii as bungle, beads, and s^joons. The bangles were manufactured fro:i chink shell, that is u3ually found in the iaura^tra coast, which la the nearest source fro-a wiiere they mi.^jit have been obtained, i’he other saarine shells and cowa±es, mainly used as beads, ar^ avai­ lable in the 3oiabay coaat. This sugi.esta that the ialwa people hau very good tradin/i contffQts witSi -Uie people living near the coast. ;iome of the bivalve riverine shells were used as spoons, as is clear froin their ground edges, whereas 'J

a few perforated bivalve shells .liight have been used for decorating cattle and other dojiiesticated ?inintals«

These people practiced a aixed economy based on faraing, hunting -^nd fishing. They grew ^eat, as is clear from the tJaiauAbid (IAH 1976-77) and the Navadatoli {jankalia > 00 and anaari 1971 )evid«ice, 3ut the stapple food seems to be barley, as it vras grovm rni large scale. The other crops grx>wn wore rice, black gram, green gram, lentil and grass. 3ecf, autton, venision and a variety of fish played an iiaportant role in their diet. y .-Lgw.grtagt .^gav^-^eq,

Over a dozen ;%lwa sites have been subjected to exca­ vation either on a soall scale or large scale. The important amonj.:, them are iaheshwai- and Navdatoli (iankalia, iubbarzio and jweo 1953, oankalia, u«o and Ansari 1971) ^^ran CIAR 1960- 61, 62-63» 63-64, 54-65), Nagda (lAR 1955-56), iiayatha i^akankar 1970, .\nsari and Lhavalikar 1975), and presently riiangwada, all in Hadhya Pradesh; Prakashe (Thapir 1967* 1-161) and Bahai (lAH 1956-57) both in the Tapi basin; aiaabad (I/Vft 1953-39, 1974-75 to 19'^-79) Nevasa C >ankalia, Deo and Ansari I960) Wasik and Jorvre (-ankalia and i>eo 1955) all in the (Godavari basin; Chandoli C^^eo and ^sari 19t»5) i»ongaon (i>eo 1969) and Inamgaon (oankalia 1974, -havalikar 1975a» 1979)* all in Bhima valley. 74

A s«rlea of C-14 dates, obtained from many t^lwa sites* show that the culture flourished in the central India around 1700 a.C, and the people started adgrating into the i>eccan about 1600 B.C. rhe follovirln \ are C-14 date& froa different sites l) Navdatoli - 'rhere are many dates available from Wavdatoli itself, but the following dates are sufficisoit to prove that the ’ia l w a culture h^gan in c^tral Indiaabout 1700 B.C*

1) p 201 1545 ♦ 130 ii) p 201 1610 ♦ 70 iii) p 202 1660 ♦ 130 (iankalla 197^»i 545)

However, one C-14 date, available from the bottom layer of Inaagaon Is TF 1001 XiNl4-J, A1-2(16) 1565 i 110, ¥rtiich proves that the people arrived in the i^eccan around loOO B.C. (Uiavalikar 1977). ilie activities of the ttalwa culture ceased in Hahar shtra around 1400 B*C,, as the date of 1390 for the top most layer of -%lwa phase frora aimabad sugi-ests (iJali 1982: 183).

rhQ Jorrfe vulture

Around 1600 B.C« the f^lwa culture disappeared from the scene in t^ie Deccan, and at the same time, there emerged ?0

a newf more prosperous culture named as the Jorvfe culture# The culture rfa. first Identified at Jorwe (Tal. iiangamner, i)ist* Ahmednagar) and hence it is called'Jorwe culture* after the type site« The site was reported in the local press by d./i* iiali in 1950 and was excavated on a anall sC ile by oankalia and i)eo 11955). The Jorwe culture appears to have emerged about the middle of the second rnillennium 3«C, in the x^ravara-uodavari basin as a result of the synthesis of the Malvra culture and the Southern Neolithic (Uhavalikar 1970)* But to a certain extend it can also be said to be the result of the internal develojfflcnt within the s'lalwa culture itself (i^avalikar 1973* 139).

Since the discovery of the Jorwe culture in 1950, exten­ sive archaeological explorations were undertake* As a result, nearly hundred Jorwe sites were brou^t to li^M* The excavations conducted at Inanigaon are helpful in many ways and have anabled us to reconstruct a complete picture of their coa^aunity pattern* The decadent fora of the Jorwe culture still survived at Inaragaon and the iihima valley, while it had co:aplately disappeared frcwn the Tapi and the -^iodavari baains* This decacient form of the Jorwe was labelled as the *Late Jorwe culture*, wnich survived for three centuries raore, upto 700 iJ.C. thus it has bridged the gap between the chalcollthic and^megalithic periods. f'l D

iioccept and parts of the Vidarbha region, the culture «ras spread all over Haharashtra* Its eastammoBt l i m i t i s tile i\iraa valley in Vidarbha v#here Tuljapur Uadhl (i;ist« /laaraimti) was its outpost. In the nortii, it crossed the Tapi and entered into the Naraada valley. In the south contact of the Jorwe culture has been noticed in the upper Krishna valley ( ^undara 19t>d}, \iAiere its southem.aost limit is T.£4arsii3ur. Theur near i’oo n a is its westernmost lisalt.

The overall distribution of the sites of this culture & 10WS that ttiare was heavy concentration in the Tapi basin, followed by the Clodavari basin, and sporadic aettlenvents in the Bhima valley l l i i s is solely due to the ecology of each river valley. The Ta i valley has large tracts of black cotton soil and is perhaps one of the raost fertile units in the country. In sharp contrast to the plain level topography of the Tapi valley, «ie ?ravara-Ciodavari is oharaet- erised by undulating surfaces, at least in tholr upper reaches. An outstanding feature of the Pravara valley is that raost of the sites here lie on the left bank of the river, in this case the choice in the selection of sites may obviously have bean governed by the availability of the rich hinterl

basin is a dxy area with an average raini'all between 250-750 iom. Here large tracts of arable land are not avai­ lable and the pioneering colonizers, therefore located their habitations only in those areas where patches of black cotton soil ^ere available*

As is clear froni the distribution, there were three main groups of concentration in tdrtie Tapi, Godavari and the Bhima valley, and each of these ragions had at least one site which was the largest in the area* Thus we have Prakashe in liie Tapi, iJaimabad in the Go

The Jorwe ware, as is clear from the unifom striation marks, was made on fast m^eel* The clay used was well levigated and is free from tempering material. The ware is well firod and it often gives a metallic ring* It has a ■'b --

fully oxidlzdd core* The surface was treated with a )nrash» the colour of ranges from drab through llsht shades o f red. The designs vrere painted in black plgaent, on the outer surface. They are onfined mostly to the upper half of a vessel* Occasionally pots with wide tnouth, mostly bowls bear decorations on both the surfaces,

t The painted designs aiostly consist of geometric patterns such as vertical or converging lines in groups, zigzag* wav^ , criss-cross and running loops, latticed diamonds or upright triangles, horizontal bands etc* Very rarely some animal figurines such as an antelop, a deer and stylized anizaals, floral and hiuaan representation (lAR 1975-76) were also depicted.

Forma The characteristic shapes in this ware are limited, which ilcXecl. include concave,^oarinr.ted bowl, convex sided bowl, lobular spouted vessel with carination at the waist and having s?o«t««U w^th' e^rtbnation^ «t-th«- wajbo% tm ^ h«vtng flaring mouth, high necked globular ;Jar and constricted neck* The other shapes which are not very common include bowl-on* stand. Iota, cylindrical vessel <^r>cL t.v>c».v\\s.

Other associated wares such as Red/Grey ware and 73

Coarse handmade vfQre are simil jr to those found in the preceedLng >1aXwa level,

The Jorwe pottery was fired in a speolalXy designed kiln* which raso?ables that of the Harappans, vrtilch are generally brick built (^ankalia 1970)* The kilns are reported from Inamgaon (^ankalia 197^) and also from £teimabad (lAK 1977-78). The kiln from Inamgaon looks like a huge trough of clay* It is constructed on a stone foundation, and the extant heii^t of the wall is 1*75 m witi» *60 m depth* Inside the kiln were found oval leaped cushions with holes in the centre and groves on sidesf which most probably served as outlets for the hot gas coming out. (iSiavalikar 1979).

The excavations at Daimabad have yielded two pottery kilns oalled kiln No. 1 and Kiln l^o. 2 of the Jorwe culture. The kiln No* 1 was fully exposed while kiln Ho. 2 could not be fully exposed due to torrential rainfall (^ali 1981}.

The kiln I4o.1 at iL^iaabad is squarish on plan with rounded comers. The kiln, measuring 5 a long and equally broad, was provided with 25 cm h i ^ mud platform. It consi­ sted of three parts, the outer laud wall, the c^tral ash packing and the inner burnt wall. The kiln had two stoke holes from the north. A large stone inserted in the wall 80

of the kiln In the south-east comer probably served as step for getting into the Kiln. The extant height !aea- sared 1*40 m. The kiln was divided into two coapartsents b y a thin laud vrall* The vralls were plastered with mud-Along the periphery of the kiln w e m provided with grooves which raight have served as an outlet for th& hot gas* The other kiln is si^iil ir to kiln No* 1 in all respect, accept tiisit the size differs (IaR 1977-7B* 35-36, 1981s 60-61, PI. IXa).

A few small size settlements In certain respect were fully dep^dent on large size settlements as is revealed by the study of statistical analysis of pottery frosj Inangaon and Chandoli* The study has established that the Chandoli people^in exchange for beans (i^valikar and r

The Jorwe people lived in large specious rectangular houses of anid. The floor was well imaed, plastered with Qud and cow dung and repaired periodically. The walls^ as in case of Malwa structures, were of wattle and-daub-construc' tions. The average rectangul r house measiires 5 x 3 m. Unlike the i'ialwa houses, virtiere no planning was adopted, the Jorwe houses were well arranged in a linear pattern, a meter or so away from each other, llie gap betwe

i:laboratQ arr-angement v/aa also made to dtviin aw y the rain water ioankalia 197^J ihe roof was su;;>ported by wooden posts, post-holea of i^ich have bean fount! along the periphery of a house. Fire-plts or heirtiis were found both inside the house and outside the houae, in which case the former

.% l m For the first time in Inula, an attenipt has been a »de to reconstruct the social str tific\tlon of a prehistoric coniaunity (LtiavallKar 1975, 19'/^ and 19Q2). The most scianti- fic work and perfect rocoiding of antiquities at Inamgaon haVQ a n bled the axcavatArs to infer the csxi stance of a class structured society. There did fixists a social hier­ archy, as the houses of elites and craftsmen hav« been diatinsiii-iihed (i^iavallkar 1973).

It was obsei’ved that the houses of craftsmen were located on the westerii periphery of the principle habita­ tion area, whereas the large specious houses of elites and the rulints chief, were located in the cantre. Ihis fact is also noticed in presait day villages in Maharashtra. ^ far the houses of a potter, an ivory carver, a copperstaith, p / )

a goldaraith and a lime-maker h^tve been Identified (itiavallfcir 1975). It is obaerved that in case of crafts­ men's quarters, they were provided with pit-silos. There vras greater need for the craftaaoi to store grains pro­ perly, as he was not gr?in proc&icer, but was paid in kind for his service to tlie comraunity (i^iavalikar 1979* 255)* In contraat, the houses located in the centre of the habitation contained instead four legged Jars, which were aup^rted by four flat stones* A five-roomed structure (25 X 10 m) in the centra of -nound, containing a unique burial in it, has bee^i identified as the house of the ruling chief (Ojavaiikur 1975* 49).

.-■ublic .vrc iltecture

It was generally presumed that the Jori«fC settlements were not foi’tified. But tliare is clear evidence to show thiit at least major ssttlern'mts such as Inangaon and Daimabad were fortified. At ^^^aimabad tSie traces of laid imll have b«en noticed (lAR 1959-60J 18), Clusters of stones at alaost regular intervels around the periphery of the habi­ tation. at Inamgaon augi^eat that there was a fortification around the habitation (sJhavalikar 1982).

There 1s oorroboi^tive evidence, to show the existence of a central authority, in the form of eib inkaent and diversionary channel and a granery. The Jorwe people dug u o

a large irrigation channel and constructed an esabankment wall parallel to it in order to prevent the flood water from posing any threat to the settleaant* The diversionary channel ’measured 240 m long and 2*2? !b wide and the water aocumul:^ted in the channel was utilized for irrigating lowlying fields* This enabled the people to grow wheat (Oiavalikar 197i?, 1979).

A granery was located near the house of the ruling chief. A squarish structure (10.50 x 9#15 o), divided into twOf contained 6 pit-ailos and 7 mud i^^latforms i ^ c h has been identified as a granary* The grain collected from the coaiaunity in the forsa of tax was stored in this granary, and perhaps was distributed to, the people during famine under the supervision of the chief.

ieixcept takwada, where the graveyard is located away from ttlie habitation (Lliavalikar 19681 3)» all other exca­ vated sites of the Jorwe culture have yielded t^e evidence of burials within the habitation only. The dead were buried within the precinct of the house, eitdier below tdbe floor or within the courtyard* The mode of burying the child was not different froa that of the ilalwa people* The burial furniture found inside the burial pit varied, depending on the economical condition of the person. 31

Adults were buried in the jit in an extended position, iiotl'i the adults and children were buriad in north-aouth orientation, with head towj^rda north and legs tov^ards south. Adults and children were buried within the house or in the courtyard with a view to keep the departed soul within the precinct of tueir residence. (L*iavalikar 1979 * 260). m e general rule of the coraniunlty was to chop off the lower extreaeties of an adult before burying, so that he should not lom away and turn into a ghost. In some cases, it was observed that the dead was wrapped in grass and than buried.

The large five-roomed house at Inaagaon yielded a unique burial, which has no parallel within the country, vn adult was founc to have been placed in a four legged clay Jar in a sitting posture. The Jar was burled care­ fully in a specially dug pit in the courtyard of the house. The normal rule of the coiamunity of chopping off the lower extreraities, does not seerj to have been applicable to this person for the lower extrojueties were found intact. In the earlier level, in t e same h

aen of neans, who etiJoyed high status in the society.

^o lL aL a n

The evidences obt. inad frota several Jorwe »lt«s such as Nevasa, Chandoll, Inaigaon and Daliaabad, throw a trelcome lii,,ht on the religious belief of the people* The Jorwe people worshipped both male and female deities. I*here are A few unbaked figurines also which are significant, as even today such figurines of flour €U'e prepared in villages at the times of coraniunity feast (lii: valik r 1970: I3l). A unique large fijurine of clay with pinched limbs from Nevasa (lAfv 1959«t^s 23 ?1. XXXI. 3) was nost probably connected with fertility, .iiiuilarly, a teri’acotta female figurine with heavy oreasta reported froifl Daimabad, roay be connected with fertility (^^ali > few figurines from laamgaon have puncturod decoration on their body; they niay suggest omataenta C^^valikar 19Y9)#. Yet one more figurine has .}\inctured holes over the body; she may be associated with the smallpox.

The most significant evidence in this respect ooraes frora Inamgaon where in a pit was founci a clay box, containing a mother goddess over which a headless feaale figurine and a bull, were foun^ carefully buried, 'llie headless fenale figure might be the prototype of the godde vS Vishira of the Mahabharata (--ialya arva, f*bf 29) t who was connected with o c5o

the welfare of the children (Chavilikar 19V9* 2 *39 ) •

Considerably large number of bull figurines recovered from excavations augsest that the bull cult was in vogue during the Jorwe period, ; special aiention in this connec­ tion should be made of the ^onoorphic bottle in the Jorwe fabric from s;handoli which v/as ujounted on wiieals, vrhich are raisaing, 3ankalia attrlbutos it to the feaUval called DOla in which bulls are decorated and taken out for procession (iankalia 1974s 489).

rhe blade tool Industry of the Jorwe people was more or less siinilar to that of the ilalwa people. The evidence from Inaagaon suggests that the backed blades, senrated and blunted oada blades are found in large nuiaber. These bl ^des were suitable for mounting on wooden or bone shafts for making com^site tools. 2ho other varieties such as lunate, penknife, >oixit etc. are modern?te in nunber. The principle material used for manufacturing blades was chalcedony but occasionally camelian, quartz and agate were rslso used.

A few polished stone axes, made on dolerite, were also recovered from excav.tions. They are generally t**iangular in shape havins a sharp cutting edge obtained by grinding. Most probably they were heavy duty tools and were usad for felling trees etc. MtSil

Copper, being scarce, was used on restricted scale only for naking objects such as bangles, ^kltit, axe, chisel punch, antimony rod, arrow-head, needle, awl, fish-hook, bead, cresent etc*

Terracotta objects include laaips, incense burners, toy wheels, marbles, male or fasaale figurines, bull, spindle whotls, sharpnera, crucibles and many misceilaneous objects. m d a aeads of seii-precious stones such as camelian, chalcedony, Jasper, agate, copper, paste, ivory, gold terracotta and faience were in use. The other, not very popular materials used were bone, shell, quartz, serpentine, « steatite etc.

Saddle quems, pounders, mace heads, rubber stones» sling balls, haiaraer stones, bead polishers etc. form 141© repertoire of stona objects.

A few rare iteras such as copper bangles and aniclets, gold beads, marine shell beads could have been used only by rich people. The occurrence of sea fish, marine shells and conch shells suggest that the Jorwe people had trading contacts with the people living in the coastal regions.

The Jonre people v#ere aaainly faz^ers who cultivated the black cotton soil (JJiavalikar & Possehl 1974s 41-44). In fact Kosaabl argued that it is rather difficult to till the hard black cotton soil in abscnce of iron tools U o a m h l 1963). But that is not acceptable.

, These people grew barely as the principle crop at many sites, but the wheat seems to be in i-aportant crop at Inamgaon, ^irhich could be raised because of the facility of artificial irrigation (Oiavalikar 1975* 254). The other crops gro.m were rice COrvza sativa Linn), i-odon millet

(i^vodra or .^aspalu^.; scrobiculatu.1 Linn), finger millet (Hagij or i^leusine carac.nna Linn), great millet CJo\/ar or ^or«;huai vulaare). pearl millet (3ajra or Pmriisetiyi tv,3hoides) coiinion pea (UAthvrus sativug Linn), horse gram (Paliohas bictorua Linn) hyancientii bean (uolichas labla^flf J-inn) grain (Cicer arietinu:n i-inn), Lentil (•jsas esulenta leco ,nch). moong/urd (green graa, black gram or m4mSL t^oxb/^^a^og^ iBua^;o i^inn), Linseed (Llnua uritatlssiiaua Linn), safflower (Cartliamus huetoriua Linn) and Indian ;Ju;3ube (ber or ^vzyhvis .ioiuba). iiesides, meat, veniaion and f i ^ played an iraport- ant part in their diet.

At about c 1000 B.C., due to the sudden decline in 33

rainfall and increasing aridity, all the activities of the Jorwe culture in the Tapi and th© Godavari valleys oaae to a grinding halt. This sudden change in the environment is very vrell strati graphically represented at Nevasa by a sterile layer between chalcolithic and the early historic periods. The chemical analysis carried out indicate that it wras fortaed in arid condition (ihijumdar and !ia;)aguru 1965* 152)# i3ut Idle decadent fora of the Jorwo culture, which has been termed as the *Late Jorvfe* still survived in the jihioa valley. This phase of the Jor^e culture la very vrell represented at Ina-ngaon. The large scale excavations of this phase at Inanigaon have tairovm a flood of light on the different facets of their life.

The decline in rainfall naturally led to a decline in agricultural production, and therefore there was a drastic change in their living pattern. The irrigation channel at Inajagaon, which played an important role in the life of the early Jorwe people, fell into disuse during the Late Jorwe period (iihavalikar 19'/9) and therefore intensive agriculture was not possible.

The Late Jorwe culture is the JoJuno shadow of the once flourishing Jorwe culture. A few settleaents of this culture have been found in the Bhima valley and also in the Krishna valley t >undara 19t>8), The characteristic Jor^re ott-jry regains the sa'sa in this phase but it becoaes coarse and seoas to be carelessly treated* Certain pottery forms char^^ed during this period* For instance, the concave sided, carinateearin;* Ihie channel spouted bovl also occurs rarely*

i'here was a draatic change in the housibng pattern* The large roctan^^ular and riftilti-rooaed houses wure replaced by clusters of si&all round huts. Ihe \rell arranged line -r pattern of the ho\xs&t'y disappeared and instead the nuclear pattern caaie Into existence* The courtyard continued to play an im.^ortont role* i'here was hardly any change in the material equipm^t* llie internal trade and contact with the coastal people probably continued*

3ut drastic change took place in the subsistence pattern* ^Jue to the decrease in agricultural products, people slowly resorted to the pastoral :aode of life. Hunting and fishing played an important role* There is corrobo­ rative evidence froa Inamtgaon excavations, indicating a narked decrease in cattle bones from nearly 80>« in the iiarly Jorwe to AO-50 per cent in the Late Jorwe, and it was reverse In case of sheep-goat btmes* Xn sharp contrast to vy i

previous two culturea, the Late Joive period yielded a good nunber of lx>nes of vflld aniaals, turtles etc, la evident from fish bones and flj^ hooka» flslilng seems to have been in full swing.

Around 700 3,c, the Late Jorwe people at Inat’agaon witnessed the Influx of the megalithic people from south India* A burial site of^ the Hegalithic culture has been discovered at -^inipalsuti» 6 km away from Inamgaon, There was some cultural contact between the Late Jorwe and the Megalithic people^ as the excavations at Inaiagaon have yielded typical black-and-rod ware, a chancteristlc ware of the i^egalithic culture, in the last two to three layers, ^bout 700 B.C. all -Uie Late Jorwe settlements disappeared from the scene, and wo do not imow v/hat happ«ied to these people.

A series of C-14 dates available from many sites of the Jorwe culture shows that the culture flourished in the odddle of the second millenium B.C. The oeak period of the Jorwe culture seems to be between 1300-1100 B,C, Two dates,

one each from Jongaon TF-38A, 1565 ♦ 110 13.C. and Xniimgaonj I F 1086 - 1535 ♦ 150 B.C.) stretched back the antiquity of the Jorwe culture beyond 1500 B.C* The date for the overlap between the .4alwa and the Jorwe comes to 1370 B.o, o'o/)

(PRL 411 3230 ♦ 100 « 1370 B.C. 3320 ♦ 100 froo i^aiaabad 1932)

The decline set in around 10U0 B.C. and the Late Joive vanished around 700 B.C. Ihe date for period II at Inamgaon,

1190 ♦ 110 iPRL 57) does not appear to be consist^t.

Regarding the authorstd^2\*0| the Jorwe culture, something can be speculated on the basis of skeletal remains available ■'» ■ from several eaccavated sites. A skeleton from Br. No. 10 studied by >:jiiardtt indicates characteristics of the primitive people in the ;}ungles of the Deccan ( iankalia, Deo, Ansari and cJirhardt, I960 * 520). ilalhotra, who studied skeletons from Chandoli, suggests that there is close affinity between the Chandoli and i^IohcNn;)odaro skulls (Nos. 6,7,9,14 and 26) (^ialhotra in i>eo and Ansari 1965* 176). The ’ioh^^odaro skeletons are mediterraenean in character. The skeletal Trains from Inosigaon, being studied by Ors. Lucaks and •^alimbe, show mixed characteristioa (pers. cosi.). Hence nothing can be said with certainty about the racial affinity of the people.