DOCSLIB.ORG

The Economic and Social Research Institute

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Economic and Social Research Institute The Economic and Social Research Institute ATTITUDES IN THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND RELEVANT TO THE NORTHERN IRELAND PROBLEM’ VOL. I Descriptive Analysis and Some Comparisons with Attitudes in Northern Ireland and Great Britain E. E. DAVIS and R. SINNOTT Paper N o. 97 September, 1979 THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE COUNCIL a978-1979 ~:T. K. WHITAKER, M.SC. (E~ON.), D.ECON.SC., LL.D., President of the Institute. *J. F. MEENAN, M.A., B.L., Chairman of the Council. R.D.C. BLACK, PH.D., Professor, Department of Economics, The Queen’s University, Belfast. F. B. CHUB B, M.A., D. PH I L., Professor, Department of Political Science, Trinity College, Dublin. SEAN CROMIEN, B.A., Second Secretary, Department of Finance. G. DEAN, M.D., F.R.C.P., Director, Medico-Social Research Board. N.J. GIBSON, B.SC. (ECON.), PH.D., Professor, Department of Economics, The New University oAr Ulstel; Coleraine. PATRICK A. HALL, B.E., M.S., DIP.STAT., Director of Research, Institute of Public Administration. *W. A. HONOHAN, M.A., F.I.A. TIIE MOST REV..]AMES KAVANAGH, M.A., S.T.L., Bishop of Zerta. :’~KIERAN A. KENNEDY, M.ECON.SC., B.PHIL., PH.D., Director of the hzstilute. IVOR KENNY, M.A., Director General, Irish Management Institute. MICHAEL J. KILLEEN, B.A. (MOD.), B.COMM., D.P.A., Managing Director, Industrial Development Authority. T. P. LINEHAN, B.E., B.SC., Director, Central Statistics Office. ’~P. LYNCH, M.A., M.R.I.A., Professor of Political Economy, University College, Dublin. CHARLES MCCARTHY, B.L., Chairman, Human Sciences Committee. ’:’EUGENE MCCARTHY, M.SC.(ECON.), D.ECON.SC., Federated Union of Enlployers. *M. D. MCCARTHY, M.A., PH.D., D.SC. JOHN J. MCKAY, B.SC., B.COMM., M.ECON.SC., D.P.A., Acting C.E.O. City of Dublin Vocational Education Committee. "C. H. MURRAY, LL.D., Governor, CentralBank. J. C. NAGLE, M.COMM. D. NEVIN, Assistant General Secretaly, h’ish Congress of Trade Unions. THE MOST REV. J. NEWMAN, M.A., D.PH., Bishop of Limerick. TADHG O CEARBHAILL, Secretary, Department of Labour. REV. E. F. O’DOHERTY, M.A., B.D., PH.D., Professor, Department of Logic and Psychology, University College, Dublin. D. I~. O’MAH O NY, M.A., PH.D., B.L., Professor, Department of Economics, University College, Cork. LABHRAS O NUALLAIN, D.ECON.SC., Professor of Economics, University College, Galway. *W. J. L. RYAN, M.A., PH.D., Professor of Political Economy, Trinity College, Dublin. REV. L. RYAN, M.A., D.D., L.PH., Professor, St. Patrick’s College, Maynooth. T. WALSH, D.SC., Director, An Foras Tal6ntais. *REV: C. K. WARD, B.A., S.T.L., PH.D., Professor, Department of Social Science, Univer.qty College, Dublin. ’:’NOEL WHELAN, B.COMM., M.ECON.SC., PH.D., Secretary, Department of Economic Planning and Development. *Members o1" Executive Committee ATTITUDES IN THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND RELEVANT TO THE NORTHERN IRELAND PROBLEM" VOL. I Descriptive Analysis and Some Comparisons with Attitudes in Northern Ireland and Great Britain Copies of this paper may be obta!ned from The Economic and Social Research Institute (Limited Company No. z8269). Registered Office." 4, Burlington Road, Dublin 4. Price £5.00° (Special rate for students £2.5 o) E. E. Davis is a Research Professor and Head of the Department of Social Psychology and Sociology at tile Economic and Social Research Institute. Richard Sinnott was formerly a Research Fellow at the Economic and Social Research Institute and is presently an Assistant Lecturer in the Department of Politics at University College, Dublin. The paper has been accepted for publication by the Institute which is not responsible for either the content or the views expressed therein. ATTITUDES IN THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND RELEVANT TO THE NORTHERN IRELAND PROBLEM" Vol. i. Descriptive Analysis and Some Comparisons with Attitudes in Northern Ireland and Great Britain E. E. DAVIS and R. SINNOTT © THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE DUBLIN, 1979 ISBN o 707° oo~6 ACKNO WLED GEMENTS Tile first phase of this research was greatly f~tcilitated by a grant from the Committee for Social Science research in Ireland (formerly the Committee for tile Administration of the Ford Foundation Grant for Social Science Research in Ireland). A major proportion of the entire costs, including field work and support for the first author, has been borne by The Economic and Social Research Institute. We would also like to acknowledge the assistance of the staff and the.use of the facilities of the Computer Centre,University College, Dublin. We acknowledge with gratitude these sources of funding and support. The views expressed in this paper, however, reflect those of the authors and not necessarily those of either the above named Committee or The Economic and Social Research Institute. We would particularly like to record our indebtedness to E. P. Moxon- Browne of Queen’s University Belfast for his contributions made in the course of the preparation of comparable questions for the Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland surveys and for permission to use the material contained in his 1979 mimeographed report. Tile authors were assisted in the conduct of Pilot Interviews in various parts of the country by Noel Sheehy, Agnes Breathnach and Teresa Brannick. Their participation in this phase of the study and other inputs which they made to the development of the pretest instrument were very valuable and we would like to record our thanks to them here. Geraldine Moane has provided invaluable assistance of both a technical and conceptual nature throughout all phases of tile main study, including analysis and interpretation of the data and the preparation of the present manuscript. We should also like to express our thanks to Dr. M. Fine-Davis for her very valuable comments on an earlier draft of tile manuscript and other assistance in preparing the paper in its present form. Valuable comments on an earlier draft of the manuscript wei~e also made by Brendan R. Dowling, Professor Robert O’Connor and BrendanJ. Whelan of the Economic and Social Research Institute, Dr: John Whyte, Professor John Blacking, Brian Farrell, John Bowman, Peter Feeney, and Dr. Patrick Honohan as well as by a number of other colleagues and persons knowledgeable about the subject matter of this study..We are grateful to all of these for their contributions while absolving them of any responsibility for .remaining imperfections. We are also grateful to Irish Marketing Surveys Ltd., Social Surveys (Gallup Poll) Ltd., Radio Telefis Eireann and the British Broadcasting Corporation for permission to use data collected by them or on their behalf. We should like to express our great appreciation to Mary O’ Malley fbr the dedicated and efficient manner in which she has prepared vast quantities of materials throughout all phases of the project, including the present manuscript. We are extremely indebted to all of the staff of the Survey Unit of The Economic and Social Research Institute for sampling, field work and preparation of the data. We wish particularly to express appreciation to Brendan J. Whelan, Head, and E. M. Colbert-Stanley, Operations Manager of the Suwey Unit. We are also very grateful to Bernadette Payne and Mary McElhone for their expert editorial assistance in preparing this manuscript in its final form. Finally, we should like to express our very sincere thanks to Professor Kieran A. Kennedy, Director of The Economic and Social Research Institute, |br his unwavering support throughout all phases of this project. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page General Summary by Geraldine Moane 16 INTRODUCTION a8 A. Background 18 B. The O.uestion’of Relevance 19 Relevance of Research on Attitudes in the Republic to Policy Making in the Republic 2. Relevance of Research on Attitudes in the Republic to the Overall Search for a Solution to the Northern Ireland Problem C° Scope of this Report II. METHOD A. Preparatory Work: Literature Review and Pilot Interviews B. Structured Pretest C. Main Study Questionnaire Format and Techniques Samples (a) Nationwide Representative Sample (b) "Extra Border" Sample (c) "Extra Protestant" Sample 3. Data Collection III. RESULTS: PART I--SOLUTIONS AND POLICIES A. Choice of Solutions in the Republic of Ireland 1. Outline of Solutions First Choice Solution 3. Comparison of First and Second Choice Solutions 4. Choice of Solution by Selected Demographic Variables 5. Time Perspective and Perceived Difficulty of United h’eland Solution 5o B. Comparison of Choices of Solutions in the Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland and Great Britain 53 :. Comparisons with Northern Ireland 53 ~. Comparisons with Great Britain 60 C. Policy Preferences in the Republic of Ireland 63 Articulation of the Goal of Reunification by the Irish Government 63 Constitutional Change in the RepublicofIreland 64 3. British Withdrawal: Policy Preference and Expected Consequences 7° 4. Security Policy 77 (a) General Security Policy 77 (b) Judicialand Penal Policy 80 (c) Political Policy 81 D. Comparison of Policy Preferences in the Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland and Great Britain 83 1. Comparison of Preferences Regarding Constitutional Change in the Republic of Ireland 83 ~. Comparison of Preferences and Expectations Regarding British withdrawal 85 3. Comparison of Preferences and Perceptions Regarding Irish Government Security Policy 89 IV. RESULTS: PART II--ATFITUDES AND THEIR RELATIONSHIPS TO SOLUTIONS AND POLICIES 94 A° Attitudes Relevant to Northern Ireland 94 B. Relationships between Attitudes and Social and Demographic Characteristics 1 o :. Sex :o~ ~. Rural/UrbanBackground xo3 3. Age :o4 4. Occupational Status :o6 5. Education 107 6. Religion lo9 7. Border/Non-Border Residence 110 C° Attitudes and Degree and Type of Political Attention and involvement 114 Degree of PoliticalAttention and Involvement 115 Newspaper Readership 117 3. Party Affiliation 1’21 D° Relationship between Attitudes and Choice of Solution and Policy Preferences 1.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Copyrighted Material
    Index Note: page numbers in italics denote illustrations or maps Abbey Theatre 175 sovereignty 390 Abbot, Charles 28 as Taoiseach 388–9 abdication crisis 292 and Trimble 379, 409, 414 Aberdeen, Earl of 90 Aiken, Frank abortion debate 404 ceasefire 268–9 Academical Institutions (Ireland) Act 52 foreign policy 318–19 Adams, Gerry and Lemass 313 assassination attempt 396 and Lynch 325 and Collins 425 and McGilligan 304–5 elected 392 neutrality 299 and Hume 387–8, 392, 402–3, 407 reunification 298 and Lynch 425 WWII 349 and Paisley 421 air raids, Belfast 348, 349–50 St Andrews Agreement 421 aircraft industry 347 on Trimble 418 Aldous, Richard 414 Adams, W.F. 82 Alexandra, Queen 174 Aer Lingus 288 Aliens Act 292 Afghan War 114 All for Ireland League 157 Agar-Robartes, T.G. 163 Allen, Kieran 308–9, 313 Agence GénéraleCOPYRIGHTED pour la Défense de la Alliance MATERIAL Party 370, 416 Liberté Religieuse 57 All-Ireland Committee 147, 148 Agricultural Credit Act 280 Allister, Jim 422 agricultural exports 316 Alter, Peter 57 agricultural growth 323 American Civil War 93, 97–8 Agriculture and Technical Instruction, American note affair 300 Dept of 147 American War of Independence 93 Ahern, Bertie 413 Amnesty Association 95, 104–5, 108–9 and Paisley 419–20 Andrews, John 349, 350–1 resignation 412–13, 415 Anglesey, Marquis of 34 separated from wife 424 Anglicanism 4, 65–6, 169 Index 513 Anglo-American war 93 Ashbourne Purchase Act 133, 150 Anglo-Irish Agreement (1938) 294, 295–6 Ashe, Thomas 203 Anglo-Irish Agreement (1985) Ashtown ambush 246 aftermath
    [Show full text]
  • The European Community and the Relationships Between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic: a Test of Neo-Functionalism
    Tresspassing on Borders? The European Community and the Relationships between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic: A Test of Neo-functionalism Etain Tannam Department of Government London School of Economics and Political Science Ph.D. thesis UMI Number: U062758 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U062758 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 or * tawmjn 7/atA K<2lt&8f4&o ii Contents List of Figures v Acknowledgements vi 1. The European Community and the Irish/Northern Irish Cross- 1 border Relationship: Theoretical Framework Introduction 2 1. The Irish/Northern Irish Cross-border Relationship: A Critical 5 Test of Neo-functionalism ii. Co-operation and The Northern Irish/Irish Cross-Border 15 Relationship iii. The Irish/Northern Irish Cross-border Relationship and the 21 Anglo-Irish Agreement iv. The Anglo-Irish Agreement and International Relations Theory 25 Conclusion: The Irish Cross-border Relationship and International 30 Relations Theory: Hypotheses 2. A History ofThe Cross-Border Political Relationship 34 Introduction 35 i. Partition and the Boundary Commission.
    [Show full text]
  • TRADE UNIONISM and SECTARIANISM A1'k)NG DERRY SHIRT WORKERS 1920-1968 with Special Reference to the National Union of Tailors and Garment Workers
    TRADE UNIONISM AND SECTARIANISM A1'K)NG DERRY SHIRT WORKERS 1920-1968 With Special Reference to the National Union of Tailors and Garment Workers A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Science, University of London. by Andrew Robert Finlay Department of Anthropology University College London 1989 BIRL LONDIN. UNIV. -1•- ABSTRACT The problem at the heart of this study is: to what extent and in what ways was the development of trade unionism in the Derry shirt industry influenced by sectarianism? This problem and my approach to it were elaborated in contradistinction to existing theories of trade unionism in Northern Ireland. According to the main theory, developed most cogently within traditional Irish marxism, trade unionism was thwarted by sectarianism. I suggest that this theory has more to do with the reductionist and evolutionist assumptions of its authors than with social reality and argue that the relationship between trade unionism and sectarianism Is better understood with an approach in which it is recognised that both of these institutions are constituted through the actions of concrete individuals who are themselves consituted by society, and in which priority is given to the meanings which individuals ascribe to their actions and predicaments. My- study is based on interviews with a sample of retired union officials and activists. My respondants were keenly aware of the Catholic-Protestant dichotomy, but, contrary to what traditional Irish marxists would lead one to expect, they did not regard sectarianism as a significant problem until the 1950s, My analysis of union growth and structure 1920-1952 largely confirmed this view: union densities compared favourably with clothing workers in Britain, and the main factors underlying fluctuations in membership were more or less the same as elsewhere in Britain.
    [Show full text]
  • Troy D. Davis Curriculum Vitae
    Troy D. Davis Curriculum Vitae Professor and Chair Department of History Stephen F. Austin State University Nacogdoches, Texas 75962 (936) 468-3802 E-mail: [email protected] Education: Doctor of Philosophy in Modern European History, Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Emphasis: Irish History. Degree awarded December 1992. Degree required demonstration of competency in five fields through written and oral examinations, plus dissertation. Passed examinations in April 1990. Five fields were: Modern Europe, 1648-1815; Modern Europe, 1815-1919; Modern Europe, 1919-present; United States, 1900-present; and European intellectual history, 1648-present. Dissertation topic: Irish-American diplomacy, 1945-52. Defended dissertation November 24, 1992. One year of graduate study in history at Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland, October 1986-May 1987. Attended classes on Irish history and politics. Performed independent research relevant to dissertation. Master of Arts in Modern European History, Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Degree awarded May 1986. Degree required demonstration of competency in four fields through written and oral examinations, plus masters essay. Four fields were: Modern Europe, 1815-1919; Modern Europe, 1919- present; United States, 1900-present; and Historical Methods. Masters essay topic: The Blueshirt movement in Ireland in the 1930s. Bachelor of Arts in History, Texas Christian University, Ft. Worth, Texas. Degree awarded summa cum laude, with University and Departmental Honors in May 1984. Teaching Experience:
    [Show full text]
  • A Catalogue of the Eamon Donnelly Collection
    A Catalogue of the Éamon Donnelly Collection at Newry and Mourne Museum Robert Whan A personal perspective by one of Éamon Donnelly’s grandchildren On the last Friday of 1944, my day along with Major Vivion de Valera grandfather, Éamon Donnelly, who representing his father. A year later was a native of County Armagh and a a striking memorial was unveiled at prominent Irish Nationalist politician, his grave with the inscription “to a died at the age of 67 in a Dublin true friend and sterling patriot”. It is nursing home. A Requiem Mass was still there at his grave; a huge block of celebrated at St Andrew’s Church in white granite (now dulled by age and the City on 30th December, attended weather) with a bas-relief of Éamon on by Éamon de Valera, then Taoiseach the front. of the Irish Republic and other leading members of the Irish government. Since then, apart from the very Éamon’s remains were taken through occasional pilgrimage to his grave the streets of Dublin to Amiens Street and memorial by politicians and (now Connolly) Station for the train historians, Éamon Donnelly has been journey to Newry, County Down, largely forgotten. where he had spent much of his life, for burial. I came to Newry in about 1956 when my mother, Nell, the eldest of Éamon In Newry, one of the largest crowds and Marianne Donnelly’s six children ever seen in the town lined the route and by then a relatively young widow, to St. Mary’s Cemetery where Éamon returned to the town that had been her was buried with his wife, Marianne, family home years before.
    [Show full text]
  • Conor Cruise O'brien and Northern
    Irish Historical Studies (2021), 45 (167), 101–121. © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Irish Historical Studies Publications Ltd. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/ihs.2021.23 ‘I was altogether out of tune with my colleagues’: Conor Cruise O’Brien and Northern Ireland, 1969–77 STEPHEN KELLY* Liverpool Hope University ABSTRACT. This article critically re-assesses Conor Cruise O’Brien’s attitude to Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1977. It argues that O’Brien’s most significant contribution to public life was the ability to deconstruct many aspects of Irish nationalism, specifically his rejection of the Irish state’s irredentist claim over Northern Ireland. In doing so, it contends that O’Brien was one of the most important, and outspoken, champions of so-called ‘revisionist nationalism’ of his generation. The article examines three themes in relation to O’Brien’s attitude to Northern Ireland: his attack on the Irish state’s anti-partitionism; his rejection of Irish republican terrorism; and his support for the ‘principle of consent’ argument. The article illustrates that O’Brien was criticised in nationalist circles and accused of committing political heresy. Indeed, his willingness to challenge the attitude of most mainstream Irish politicians on Northern Ireland invariably left him an isolated figure, even among his own Labour Party comrades. Writing in his Memoir, O’Brien neatly summed up the difficult position in which he found himself: ‘I was altogether out of tune with my colleagues over Northern Ireland’.
    [Show full text]
  • EXTENSIONS of REMARKS November 15, 1979 H.R
    32790 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS November 15, 1979 H.R. 544{): Mr. VOLKMER, Mr. TAUKE, and VOLKMER, Mr. RITTER, Mr. SKELTON, Mr. Programs to make grants to States and local Mr. LUNGREN. WOLPE, Mr. AKAKA, Mr. GARCIA, Mr. BROWN governments to cover the costs of planning H.R. 5504: Mr. OTTINGER. of California, Mr. EDGAR, Mr. HoLLAND, Mr. and preparedness under radiological emer­ H.R. 5548: Mr. BEILENSON, Mr. RoE, Mr. JOHN L. BURTON, Mr. HALL of Ohio, Mr. EVANS gency plans and revision of existing radio­ RINALDO, Mr. WEISS, Mr. FROST, Mr. CHAP­ of Georgia, Mr. GUDGER, Mr. MATSUI, Mr. logical emergency plans which provide for PELL, Mr. MURPHY of Illinois, Mr. LAGOMAR­ SHANNON, Ms. MIKULSKI, Mr. APPLEGATE, Mr. State and local response to emergencies in­ SINO, Mr. BONIOR Of Michigan, Mr. HUGHES, HARKIN, Mr. LENT, Mr. McEwEN, Mr. TAYLOR, volving any fixed nuclear facility required Mr. DICKINSON, Mr. BLANCHARD, Mr. DASCHLE, Mr. RINALDO, Mr. SoLOMON, Mr. MILLER of to be licensed under the Atomic Energy Act Mr. BEDELL, Mr. STOKES, Mr. HARRIS, Mr. Ohio, and Mr. STACK. of 1954. LEACH of Louisiana, Mr. LEHMAN, Mr. BaN­ H . Res. 446: Mr. PHILLIP BURTON and Mr. (2) No State or local government shall be KER, and Mr. 0BERSTAR. FITHIAN. eligible for any grant under this subsection H.R. 5575: Mr. CoELHO, Mr. BAUMAN, and unless the State or local government has Mr. KRAMER. submitted to the Nuclear Regulatory Com­ H.R. 5607: Mr. BEDELL and Mr. LEACH Of PETITIONS, ETC. mission, before the expiration of fiscal year Louisiana. 1980, an application which sets forth, in such H.R.
    [Show full text]
  • Reconfiguring the Island of Ireland
    European Journal of Political Research 45: 897–920, 2006 897 doi: 10.1111/j.1475-6765.2006.00639.x National territory in European space: Reconfiguring the island of Ireland KATY HAYWARD University College Dublin, Ireland Abstract. The meaning and significance of borders in nation-statehood and European inte- gration are integrally linked in a process of change. Uncovering such connections in a case study notable for its recent transformation, this article explores the way in which the narratives and models of European integration have been used in the discourse of Irish official nationalism. Its central thesis is that participation in the space of European Union has facilitated the conceptualization of a common Irish space in which borders (specifically the Irish border) are not conceived as barriers to be overcome, but rather as bridges to the fulfilment of interests. Thus, the Irish governmental elite have used the language of European integration to reconfigure traditional ideals of latent anti-partitionism for a context of peaceful settlement. Introduction The impact of European Union (EU) membership on state borders has been central to the transformation of governance in contemporary Europe (Herb 1999: 9). New relationships across the internal and external territorial borders of the EU have been driven by economic considerations, facilitated by political adjustments and legitimated through conceptual change. As with all develop- ments in European integration, the precise nature of this conceptual reform varies according to context. From a state level of analysis, the reconceptual- ization of borders between Member States varies in line with the official nationalism of the states concerned, which provides ideological justification for the way their territory is governed.
    [Show full text]
  • The Belfast Agreement
    Fordham International Law Journal Volume 22, Issue 4 1998 Article 11 The Belfast Agreement Duncan Shipley-Dalton∗ ∗ Copyright c 1998 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj The Belfast Agreement Duncan Shipley-Dalton Abstract The Belfast Agreement (or “Agreement”), to give it its proper name, reached at Stormont on Good Friday 1998, is an important document of Irish history. It is certainly a political text, but it has important legal effects. And these I wish to emphasize. As a member of the Ulster Unionist Party (”UUP”) - elected later to the Northern Ireland Assembly - I accepted the Agreement on April 10 as the best opportunity for the return of power to all the people of Northern Ireland. At the time of writing (early March 1999), the major issue remains the decommissioning of Irish Republican Army (”IRA”) arms before - I submit - Sinn Fein is entitled to its two seats on the Northern Ireland executive. Selected aspects of the Agreement are discussed in other contributions to this book. Given the representation herein of Irish nationalism, including Irish-America, I must begin by defining - against the condescension of some observers of Ireland - the plain people of Ulster as important historical actors. THE BELFAST AGREEMENT Duncan Shipley-Dalton* INTRODUCTION The Belfast Agreement (or "Agreement"), to give it its proper name,1 reached at Stormont on Good Friday 1998, is an important document of Irish history. 'It is certainly a political text, but it has important legal effects. And these I wish to em- phasize.
    [Show full text]
  • Of Ireland: Interim Report
    ISBN: 978-1-903903-89-6 Published by: The Constitution Unit School of Public Policy University College London 29-31 Tavistock Square London WC1H 9QU Tel: 020 7679 4977 Email: [email protected] Web: www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit ©The Constitution Unit, UCL 2020 This report is sold subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, hired out or otherwise circulated without the publisher’s prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. Contents List of Figures ............................................................................................................................. ii List of Tables .............................................................................................................................. ii Working Group Members ......................................................................................................... iii Working Group Secretariat ....................................................................................................... iv Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................... v Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... vi Part 1 Starting Points 17 Introduction ...................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Politics in the Streets
    Politics in the Streets The origins of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland by Bob Purdie (1990) Originally published by The Blackstaff Press, Belfast PDF version included on CAlN with the permission of the author http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/crightslpurdiel THE NEW OPPOSITION There's many a victory decisive and complete Has meant a sight less fighting than a hardly fought defeat; And if people do their duty, every man in his degree, Why defeat may be more glorious than a victory needs to be. quoted in the Belfact hbour Chicle, February 195 In 1945 Nationalist politicians in Northern Ireland assumed that the changed political situation put a united Ireland within their grasp. As they perceived it, the Unionists were Tories, therefore the new Labour government at Westminster was bound to oppose them. With a minimum of persuasion the Government could be brought to see that this meant supporting Irish unity. The new importance of the United States as ally and benefactor of Britain would make this more likely by giving the Irish-American lobby strong influence. It was such thinking that lay behind the creation in 1945 of the Anti-Partition League (APL),' which was set up to co-ordinate the Nationalist MPS at Stormont and to build a grass- roots political movement that would unite the entire Catholic community behind them. The APL was launched by Nationalist MPS and senators in a series of public rallies throughout the nationalist areas of Northern Ireland, beginning in January 1946. At these, the triumphs of the past and heroes long dead were summoned up to support the claim that Ireland was about to break the last fetter that tied it to the British Empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Provided by the Author(S) and University College Dublin Library in Accordance with Publisher Policies
    Provided by the author(s) and University College Dublin Library in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite the published version when available. Title The significance of the cross-border dimension for promoting peace and reconciliation Authors(s) O'Dowd, Liam; McCall, Cathal Publication date 2006 Conference details þÿPaper presented at the workshop on The Irish border in perspective as part of the Mapping frontiers, plotting pathways: routes to North-South cooperation in a divided island þÿprogramme, Queen s University, Belfast, 1 October 2004 Series IBIS Working Papers; 55; MFPP Working Papers; 5 Publisher University College Dublin. Institute for British-Irish Studies Link to online version http://www.ucd.ie/ibis/filestore/wp2006/55/55_lodcmc.pdf Item record/more information http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2210 Downloaded 2021-09-27T14:35:19Z The UCD community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters! (@ucd_oa) © Some rights reserved. For more information, please see the item record link above. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CROSS- BORDER DIMENSION FOR PROMOTING PEACE AND RECONCILIATION Liam O’Dowd and Cathal McCall IBIS working paper no. 55 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CROSS-BORDER DIMENSION FOR PROMOTING PEACE AND RECONCILIATION Liam O’Dowd and Cathal McCall Working Papers in British-Irish Studies No. 55, 2006 (also printed as MFPP working paper no. 5) Institute for British-Irish Studies University College Dublin IBIS Working Papers No. 55, 2006 (also printed as MFPP working paper no. 5) © the authors, 2006 ISSN 1649-0304 ABSTRACT THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CROSS-BORDER DIMENSION FOR PROMOTING PEACE AND RECONCILIATION This paper focuses on the significance of the cross-border dimension in promoting peace and reconciliation.
    [Show full text]