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HEBEELE, Gerald Clarence, 1932- the PREDICAMENT of the BRITISH UNIONIST PARTY, 1906-1914
This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 68-3000 HEBEELE, Gerald Clarence, 1932- THE PREDICAMENT OF THE BRITISH UNIONIST PARTY, 1906-1914. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1967 History, modem University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan © Copyright by Gerald Clarence Heberle 1968 THE PREDICAMENT OF THE BRITISH UNIONIST PARTY, 1906-1914 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Gerald c / Heberle, B.A., M.A, ******* The Ohio State University 1967 Approved by B k f y f ’ P c M k ^ . f Adviser Department of History ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express my deepest gratitude to Professor Philip P. Poirier of the Department of History, The Ohio State University, Dr. Poirier*s invaluable advice, his unfailing patience, and his timely encouragement were of immense assistance to me in the production of this dissertation, I must acknowledge the splendid service of the staff of the British Museum Manuscripts Room, The Librarian and staff of the University of Birmingham Library made the Chamberlain Papers available to me and were most friendly and helpful. His Lordship, Viscount Chilston, and Dr, Felix Hull, Kent County Archivist, very kindly permitted me to see the Chilston Papers, I received permission to see the Asquith Papers from Mr, Mark Bonham Carter, and the Papers were made available to me by the staff of the Bodleian Library, Oxford University, To all of these people I am indebted, I am especially grateful to Mr, Geoffrey D,M, Block and to Miss Anne Allason of the Conservative Research Department Library, Their cooperation made possible my work in the Conservative Party's publications, and their extreme kindness made it most enjoyable. -
Ref No Title Author 1001 Living with Death and Dying Kubler-Ross
Ref No Title Author 1001 Living With Death And Dying Kubler-Ross, Elisabeth 1002 Spiritual Guide for the Separated Laz, Medard 1003 Living Waters None 1004 Catholics and Broken Marriage Catoir, John 1005 Help For the Separated and Divorced Laz, Medard 1006 On the Theology of Death Rahner, Karl 1007 The Road Less Traveled Peck, M Scott 1008 Catholic Almanac None 1009 Visual Talks for Children's Groups Hutchcroft, Vera 1010 Why am I Afraid to Love? Powell, John 1011 On Death and Dying Kubler-Ross, Elisabeth 1012 Islam Williams, John 1013 What is Process Theology? Mellert, Robert 1014 Jesus Christ Liberator Boff, Leonardo 1015 We Were Never Their Age DiGiacomo, James 1016 Who Do You Say that I Am? Ciuba, Edward 1017 Handbook for Today's Catholic None 1018 Portrait of Youth Ministry Harris, Maria 1019 The Pedagogy of Ressurection Bissonnier, Henri 1020 Handbook for Today's Catholic Family None 1021 The Faith that Does Justice Haughey, John 1022 Religion Teacher's Pet Mclntyre, Marie 1023 Constitution on the Church None 1024 Jesus God and Man Brown, Raymond 1025 The Wounded Healer Nouwen, Henri 1026 Should You Ever Feel Guilty? McNulty, Frank J 1027 Who is a Catholic? McBrien, Richard 1028 Candidate's Reflection and Mission Journal Zanzig, Thomas 1029 Human Sexuality Kosnik, Anthony 1030 Successful Single Parenting Bosco, Antoinette 1031 Telling Yourself the Truth Backus, William 1032 The Art of Counseling May, Rollo 1033 Psychological Seduction Kilpatrick, William 1034 Alone with the Alone Maloney, George 1035 Learning to Live Again Sue Carpenter -
Patrick John Cosgrove
i o- 1 n wm S3V NUI MAYNOOTH Ollfctel na t-Ciraann W* huatl THE WYNDHAM LAND ACT, 1903: THE FINAL SOLUTION TO THE IRISH LAND QUESTION? by PATRICK JOHN COSGROVE THESIS FOR THE DEGREE OF PHD DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF IRELAND MAYNOOTH HEAD OF DEPARTMENT: Professor R. V. Comerford Supervisor of Research: Dr Terence Dooley September 2008 Contents Acknowledgements Abbreviations INTRODUCTION CHAPTER ONE: THE ORIGINS OF THE WYNDHAM LAND BILL, 1903. i. Introduction. ii. T. W. Russell at Clogher, Co. Tyrone, September 1900. iii. The official launch of the compulsory purchase campaign in Ulster. iv. The Ulster Farmers’ and Labourers’ Union and Compulsory Sale Organisation. v. Official launch of the U.I.L. campaign for compulsory purchase. vi. The East Down by-election, 1902. vii. The response to the 1902 land bill. viii. The Land Conference, ix. Conclusion. CHAPTER TWO: INITIAL REACTIONS TO THE 1903 LAND BILL. i. Introduction. ii. The response of the Conservative party. iii. The response of the Liberal opposition to the bill. iv. Nationalist reaction to the bill. v. Unionist reaction to the bill. vi. The attitude of Irish landlords. vii. George Wyndham’s struggle to get the bill to the committee stage. viii. Conclusion. CHAPTER THREE: THE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES THAT FORGED THE WYNDHAM LAND ACT, 1903. i. Introduction. ii. The Estates Commission. iii. The system of price‘zones’. iv. The ‘bonus’ and the financial clauses of Wyndham’s Land Bill. v. Advances to tenant-purchasers. vi. Sale and repurchase of demesnes. vii. The evicted tenants question. viii. The retention of sporting and mineral rights. -
Catholicism and the Judiciary in Ireland, 1922-1960
IRISH JUDICIAL STUDIES JOURNAL 1 CATHOLICISM AND THE JUDICIARY IN IRELAND, 1922-1960 Abstract: This article examines evidence of judicial deference to Catholic norms during the period 1922-1960 based on a textual examination of court decisions and archival evidence of contact between Catholic clerics and judges. This article also examines legal judgments in the broader historical context of Church-State studies and, argues, that the continuity of the old orthodox system of law would not be easily superseded by a legal structure which reflected the growing pervasiveness of Catholic social teaching on politics and society. Author: Dr. Macdara Ó Drisceoil, BA, LLB, Ph.D, Barrister-at-Law Introduction The second edition of John Kelly’s The Irish Constitution was published with Sir John Lavery’s painting, The Blessing of the Colours1 on the cover. The painting is set in a Church and depicts a member of the Irish Free State army kneeling on one knee with his back arched over as he kneels down facing the ground. He is deep in prayer, while he clutches a tricolour the tips of which fall to the floor. The dominant figure in the painting is a Bishop standing confidently above the solider with a crozier in his left hand and his right arm raised as he blesses the soldier and the flag. To the Bishop’s left, an altar boy holds a Bible aloft. The message is clear: the Irish nation kneels facing the Catholic Church in docile piety and devotion. The synthesis between loyalty to the State and loyalty to the Catholic Church are viewed as interchangeable in Lavery’s painting. -
The European Community and the Relationships Between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic: a Test of Neo-Functionalism
Tresspassing on Borders? The European Community and the Relationships between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic: A Test of Neo-functionalism Etain Tannam Department of Government London School of Economics and Political Science Ph.D. thesis UMI Number: U062758 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U062758 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 or * tawmjn 7/atA K<2lt&8f4&o ii Contents List of Figures v Acknowledgements vi 1. The European Community and the Irish/Northern Irish Cross- 1 border Relationship: Theoretical Framework Introduction 2 1. The Irish/Northern Irish Cross-border Relationship: A Critical 5 Test of Neo-functionalism ii. Co-operation and The Northern Irish/Irish Cross-Border 15 Relationship iii. The Irish/Northern Irish Cross-border Relationship and the 21 Anglo-Irish Agreement iv. The Anglo-Irish Agreement and International Relations Theory 25 Conclusion: The Irish Cross-border Relationship and International 30 Relations Theory: Hypotheses 2. A History ofThe Cross-Border Political Relationship 34 Introduction 35 i. Partition and the Boundary Commission. -
Irish Responses to Fascist Italy, 1919–1932 by Mark Phelan
Provided by the author(s) and NUI Galway in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite the published version when available. Title Irish responses to Fascist Italy, 1919-1932 Author(s) Phelan, Mark Publication Date 2013-01-07 Item record http://hdl.handle.net/10379/3401 Downloaded 2021-09-27T09:47:44Z Some rights reserved. For more information, please see the item record link above. Irish responses to Fascist Italy, 1919–1932 by Mark Phelan A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Gearóid Ó Tuathaigh Department of History School of Humanities National University of Ireland, Galway December 2012 ABSTRACT This project assesses the impact of the first fascist power, its ethos and propaganda, on key constituencies of opinion in the Irish Free State. Accordingly, it explores the attitudes, views and concerns expressed by members of religious organisations; prominent journalists and academics; government officials/supporters and other members of the political class in Ireland, including republican and labour activists. By contextualising the Irish response to Fascist Italy within the wider patterns of cultural, political and ecclesiastical life in the Free State, the project provides original insights into the configuration of ideology and social forces in post-independence Ireland. Structurally, the thesis begins with a two-chapter account of conflicting confessional responses to Italian Fascism, followed by an analysis of diplomatic intercourse between Ireland and Italy. Next, the thesis examines some controversial policies pursued by Cumann na nGaedheal, and assesses their links to similar Fascist initiatives. The penultimate chapter focuses upon the remarkably ambiguous attitude to Mussolini’s Italy demonstrated by early Fianna Fáil, whilst the final section recounts the intensely hostile response of the Irish labour movement, both to the Italian regime, and indeed to Mussolini’s Irish apologists. -
The Irish Party System Sistemul Partidelor Politice În Irlanda
The Irish Party System Sistemul Partidelor Politice în Irlanda Assistant Lecturer Javier Ruiz MARTÍNEZ Fco. Javier Ruiz Martínez: Assistant Lecturer of Polics and Public Administration. Department of Politics and Sociology, University Carlos III Madrid (Spain). Since September 2001. Lecturer of “European Union” and “Spanish Politics”. University Studies Abroad Consortium (Madrid). Ph.D. Thesis "Modernisation, Changes and Development in the Irish Party System, 1958-96", (European joint Ph.D. degree). Interests and activities: Steering Committee member of the Spanish National Association of Political Scientists and Sociologists; Steering committee member of the European Federation of Centres and Associations of Irish Studies, EFACIS; Member of the Political Science Association of Ireland; Founder of the Spanish-American Association of the University of Limerick (Éire) in 1992; User level in the command of Microsoft Office applications, graphics (Harvard Graphics), databases (Open Access) SPSSWIN and Internet applications. Abstract: The Irish Party System has been considered a unique case among the European party systems. Its singularity is based in the freezing of its actors. Since 1932 the three main parties has always gotten the same position in every election. How to explain this and which consequences produce these peculiarities are briefly explained in this article. Rezumat: Sistemul Irlandez al Partidelor Politice a fost considerat un caz unic între sistemele partidelor politice europene. Singularitatea sa este bazată pe menţinerea aceloraşi actori. Din 1932, primele trei partide politice ca importanţă au câştigat aceeaşi poziţie la fiecare scrutin electoral. Cum se explică acest lucru şi ce consecinţe produc aceste aspecte, se descrie pe larg în acest articol. At the end of the 1950s the term ‘system’ began to be used in Political Science coming from the natural and physical Sciences. -
How New Is New Loyalism?
HOW NEW IS NEW LOYALISM? CATHERINE MCGLYNN EUROPEAN STUDIES RESEARCH INSTITUTE UNIVERSITY OF SALFORD SALFORD, UK Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, February 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Page 1 Chapter One Hypothesis and Methodology Page 6 Chapter Two Literature Review: Unionism, Loyalism, Page 18 New Loyalism Chapter Three A Civic Loyalism? Page 50 Chapter Four The Roots of New Loyalism 1966-1982 Page 110 Chapter Five New Loyalism and the Peace Process Page 168 Chapter Six New Loyalism and the Progressive Page 205 Unionist Party Chapter Seven Conclusion: How New is New Loyalism? Page 279 Bibliography Page 294 ABBREVIATONS CLMC Combined Loyalist Military Command DENI Department of Education for Northern Ireland DUP Democratic Unionist Party IOO Independent Orange Order IRA Irish Republican Army LAW Loyalist Association of Workers LVF Loyalist Volunteer Force NICRA Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association NIHE Northern Ireland Housing Executive NILP Northern Ireland Labour Party PUP Progressive Unionist Party RHC Red Hand Commandos RHD Red Hand Defenders SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party UDA Ulster Defence Association UDP Ulster Democratic Party UDLP Ulster Democratic and Loyalist Party UFF Ulster Freedom Fighters UUP Ulster Unionist Party UUUC United Ulster Unionist Council UWC Ulster Workers' Council UVF Ulster Volunteer Force VPP Volunteer Political Party ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my PhD supervisor, Jonathan Tonge for all his support during my time at Salford University. I am also grateful to all the staff at the Northern Irish Political collection at the Linen Hall Library in Belfast for their help and advice. -
The Ulster Women's Unionist Council and Ulster Unionism
“No Idle Sightseers”: The Ulster Women’s Unionist Council and Ulster Unionism (1911-1920s) Pamela Blythe McKane A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN POLITICAL SCIENCE YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO JANUARY 2015 ©Pamela Blythe McKane 2015 Abstract Title: “No Idle Sightseers”: The Ulster Women’s Unionist Council and Ulster Unionism (1911-1920s) This doctoral dissertation examines the Ulster Women’s Unionist Council (UWUC), an overlooked, but historically significant Ulster unionist institution, during the 1910s and 1920s—a time of great conflict. Ulster unionists opposed Home Rule for Ireland. World War 1 erupted in 1914 and was followed by the Anglo-Irish War (1919- 1922), the partition of Ireland in 1922, and the Civil War (1922-1923). Within a year of its establishment the UWUC was the largest women’s political organization in Ireland with an estimated membership of between 115,000 and 200,000. Yet neither the male- dominated Ulster unionist institutions of the time, nor the literature related to Ulster unionism and twentieth-century Irish politics and history have paid much attention to its existence and work. This dissertation seeks to redress this. The framework of analysis employed is original in terms of the concepts it combines with a gender focus. It draws on Rogers Brubaker’s (1996) concepts of “nation” as practical category, institutionalized form (“nationhood”), and contingent event (“nationness”), combining these concepts with William Walters’ (2004) concept of “domopolitics” and with a feminist understanding of the centrality of gender to nation. -
The Home Rule Question
Réussir l’agrégation d’anglais The Home Rule The Home Rule Question (1870-1914) Pauline Collombier-Lakeman Collombier-Lakeman Pauline Question Home Rule became a significant issue from the 1870s across the British Isles. Aspirations to limited legislative autonomy were notably strong in Ireland, where a Home Rule party progressively emerged and played a major role both on the island and at Westminster. While the question of Irish Home Rule came to dominate discussions, the quest for self- (1870-1914) government was not limited to Ireland but soon spread to other parts of the United Kingdom. In Scotland and Wales, Home Rule movements were also formed with their (1870-1914) own specific objectives. This led to exchanges on the idea of “home rule all round”. On Pauline Collombier-Lakeman a broader scale, Home Rule spurred cross-imperial solidarities and raised the question of the future of the British Empire and the possibility of an “imperial federation”. And although it aroused keen interest and support across Britain and the rest of the Empire, it also provoked intense opposition in the shape of loyalism or unionism. In doing so, Home Rule reshaped British politics along new lines. Pauline Collombier-Lakeman is a Senior Lecturer in British Studies at the university of Strasbourg. After studying at the ENS Fontenay-Saint- Cloud and passing the Agrégation, she was awarded her PhD from the Université Paris 3 – Sorbonne Nouvelle in 2007. Her research work has been focusing on Irish parliamentary nationalism and the relationship between Irish Home Rulers and the British Empire. CET OUVRAGE EST LE FRUIT D’UNE ÉTROITE COOPÉRATION ENTRE BELIN ÉDUCATION ET LE CENTRE NATIONAL D’ENSEIGNEMENT À DISTANCE, ÉTABLISSEMENT PUBLIC QUI DISPENSE Question The Home Rule DES FORMATIONS DE TOUS NIVEAUX À PLUS DE 320 000 INSCRITS RÉPARTIS DANS LE JO MONDE ENTIER. -
Stephen Gwynn and the Failure Of
The Historical Journal , 53, 3 (2010), pp. 723–745 f Cambridge University Press 2010 doi:10.1017/S0018246X10000269 STEPHEN GWYNN AND THE FAILURE OF CONSTITUTIONAL NATIONALISM View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE IN IRELAND , 1919 –1921 * provided by Northumbria Research Link COLIN REID NUI Maynooth ABSTRACT . The Irish Party, the organization which represented the constitutional nationalist demand for home rule for almost fifty years in Westminster, was the most notable victim of the revolution in Ireland, c. 1916–23. Most of the last generation of Westminster-centred home rule MPs played little part in public life following the party’s electoral destruction in 1918. This article probes the political thought and actions of one of the most prominent constitutional nationalists who did seek to alter Ireland’s direction during the critical years of the war of independence. Stephen Gwynn was a guiding figure behind a number of initiatives to ‘save’ Ireland from the excesses of revolution. Gwynn established the Irish Centre Party in 1919, which later merged with the Irish Dominion League. From the end of 1919, Gwynn became a leading advocate of the Government of Ireland Bill, the legislation that partitioned the island. Revolutionary idealism – and, more concretely, violence – did much to render his reconciliatory efforts impotent. Gwynn’s experiences between 1919 and 1921 also, however, reveal the paralysing divisions within constitutional nationalism, which did much to demoralize moderate sentiment further. As the Great War lurched towards its bloody climax in 1918, the Irish nationalist maverick, William O’Brien, published a pamphlet proclaiming the death of the home rule project in Ireland. -
Bibliography
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