Veronica Bortolussi Matricola 857843
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Criticism of “Fascist Nostalgia” in the Political Thought of the New Right
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS WRATISLAVIENSIS No 3866 Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, nr 3 Wrocław 2018 DOI: 10.19195/2300-7249.40.3.6 JOANNA SONDEL-CEDARMAS ORCID: 0000-0002-3037-9264 Uniwersytet Jagielloński Criticism of “fascist nostalgia” in the political thought of the New Right The seizure of power by the National Liberation Committee on 25th April, 1945 and the establishment of the republic on 2nd June, 1946 constituted the symbolic end to Mussolini’s dictatorship that had lasted for more than 20 years. However, it emerged relatively early that fascism was not a defi nitively closed chapter in the political and social life of Italy. As early as June of 1946, after the announcement of a presidential decree granting amnesty for crimes committed during the time of the Nazi-Fascist occupation between 1943 and 1945, the country saw a withdrawal from policies repressive towards fascists.1 Likewise, the national reconciliation policy gradually implemented in the second half of the 1940s by the government of Alcide De Gasperi, aiming at pacifying the nation and fostering the urgent re- building of the institution of the state, contributed to the emergence of ambivalent approaches towards Mussolini’s regime. On the one hand, Italy consequently tried to build its institutional and political order in clear opposition towards fascism, as exemplifi ed, among others, by a clause in the Constitution of 1947 that forbade the establishment of any form of fascist party, as well as the law passed on 20th June, 1 Conducted directly after the end of WW II, the epurazione action (purifi cation) that aimed at uprooting fascism, was discontinued on 22nd June 1946, when a decree of president Enrico De Nicola granting amnesty for crimes committed during the Nazi-Fascist occupation of Italy between 1943–1945 was implemented. -
Statuto E Attività 1962-2012
ISTITUTO PER LA DOCUMENTAZIONE E GLI STUDI LEGISLATIVI Sotto l’Alto Patronato del Presidente della Repubblica STATUTO E ATTIVITÀ 1962-2012 JOVENE EDITORE NAPOLI 2012 ISLE Via del Plebiscito 102 - 00186 ROMA Tel. 06 679 5142 - Fax 06 679 3449 [email protected] DIRITTI D’AUTORE RISERVATI © Copyright 2012 ISBN 978-88-243-2109-9 JOVENE EDITORE Via Mezzocannone 109 - 80134 NAPOLI NA - ITALIA Tel. (+39) 081 552 10 19 - Fax (+39) 081 552 06 87 web site: www.jovene.it e-mail: [email protected] Printed in Italy Stampato in Italia ISTITUTO PER LA DOCUMENTAZIONE E GLI STUDI LEGISLATIVI Sotto l’Alto Patronato del Presidente della Repubblica UFFICIO DI PRESIDENZA Presidente Onorario Antonio Maccanico Presidente Giovanni Pieraccini Vicepresidenti In rappresentanza In rappresentanza dei Soci ordinari: dei Soci collettivi: Augusto Barbera Giuseppe Mazzei Francesco D’Onofrio Segretario Generale Silvio Traversa Consiglio Direttivo Augusto Barbera A.B.I. Francesco D’Onofrio Domenico Siniscalco ASSOGESTIONI Gaetano Gifuni Alessandro Rossi Casa Editrice Dott. Eugenio Jovene s.r.l. Giuseppe Guarino Giuseppe Mazzei Il Chiostro Vincenzo Lippolis ENEL Antonio Maccanico GRUPPO FERROVIE DELLO STATO Donato Marra Giovanni Ialongo Massimo Sarmi Giovanni Pieraccini POSTE ITALIANE S.P.A. Massimo Scioscioli Gaetano Blandini Paolo Agoglia Elisabetta Serafin SIAE Franco Bernabé Silvio Traversa TELECOM ITALIA Ugo Zampetti UNICREDIT Tesoriere Massimo Scioscioli Revisori dei Conti Gaetano De Vito - Sebastiano Piana - Francesco Sposato INDICE GIOVANNI PIERACCINI, Presentazione.................................................................. p. 7 SILVIO TRAVERSA, Introduzione........................................................................... » 11 ANTONIO MACCANICO, La nascita dell’ISLE ...................................................... » 15 ANTIGONO DONATI, I primi quindici anni dell’ISLE......................................... » 19 GIULIANO AMATO, La Scuola di Scienza e Tecnica della Legislazione.............. -
Guide to the Council of the European Communities
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you byCORE provided by Archive of European Integration General Secretariat of the Council GUIDE TO THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES 1991 W/lliMW ι \ \\\ General Secretariat of the Council GUIDE TO THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES Brussels, 1991 Cataloguing data can be found at the end of this publication Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1991 ISBN 92-824-0796-9 Catalogue number: BX-60-90-022-EN-C © ECSC-EEC-EAEC, Brussels · Luxembourg, 1991 Printed in Belgium CONTENTS Page Council of the European Communities 5 Presidency of the Council 7 Conference of the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States 8 List of Representatives of the Governments of the Member States who regularly take part in Council meetings 9 Belgium 10 Denmark 11 Federal Republic of Germany 12 Greece 15 Spain 17 France 19 Ireland 21 Italy 23 Luxembourg 29 Netherlands 30 Portugal 32 United Kingdom 35 Permanent Representatives Committee 39 Coreper II 40 Coreper I 42 Article 113 Committee 44 Special Committee on Agriculture 44 Standing Committee on Employment 44 Budget Committee 44 Scientific and Technical Research Committee (Crest) 45 Education Committee 45 Committee on Cultural Affairs 46 Select Committee on Cooperation Agreements between the Member States and third countries 46 Energy Committee 46 Standing Committee on Uranium Enrichment (Copenur) 47 Working parties 47 Permanent Representations 49 Belgium 50 Denmark 54 Federal Republic of -
A Total War of the Mind: the French Theory of La Guerre Révolutionnaire, 1954-1958
King’s Research Portal DOI: 10.1177/0968344516661214 Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication record in King's Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Finch, M. P. M. (2017). A Total War of the Mind: the French Theory of la Guerre Révolutionnaire, 1954-1958. War in History . https://doi.org/10.1177/0968344516661214 Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on King's Research Portal is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Post-Print version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version for pagination, volume/issue, and date of publication details. And where the final published version is provided on the Research Portal, if citing you are again advised to check the publisher's website for any subsequent corrections. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognize and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. •Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the Research Portal for the purpose of private study or research. •You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain •You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the Research Portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. -
Preserving Power After Empire: the Credibility Trap and France's
Preserving Power after Empire: The Credibility Trap and France’s Intervention in Chad, 1968-72 Marc R. DeVore Open Access Copy—Please Do Not Cite Forthcoming in War in History 1 Abstract France’s 1968-72 intervention in Chad constitutes a forgotten turning point in the Fifth Republic’s foreign relations. Inter-connected institutions and treaties gave France a disproportionate influence over its African ex-colonies. French security guarantees underscored this system, however, whereby francophone African leaders continued to accept French economic and political leadership. French leaders discovered in Chad, however, that they had fewer choices and needed to dedicate more resources to fulfilling these commitments than President Charles de Gaulle had intended. Prosperous ex-colonies’ leaders judged French commitments’ value according to how France responded to crises in its least valued ex- colonies. Thus, although French analysts viewed intervening in Chad as irrational from a cost/benefit perspective, they found themselves pressured into doing so by other African governments who let it be known that they would interpret failing to support Chadian President François Tombalbye as a sign that they too could not count on France. Entrapped by prior commitments, French policymakers developed a new approach to using force, which I term strategic satisficing, far different from traditional French counterinsurgency practices. The tightly-coupled application of force and diplomacy in pursuit of limited objectives enables France to intervene with the frequency needed to uphold its post-colonial order in Africa. Introduction France’s role in Africa sets it apart from other states of its size. France is arguably the most politically potent foreign actor in Sub-Saharan Africa even though it is today a medium- sized European state with an economy that only occasionally ranks amongst the world’s top half dozen. -
Delpaese E Le Forze Armate
L’ITALIA 1945-1955 LA RICOSTRUZIONE DEL PAESE STATO MAGGIORE DELLA DIFESA UFFICIO STORICO E LE Commissione E LE FORZE ARMATE Italiana Storia Militare MINISTERO DELLA DIFESA CONGRESSOCONGRESSO DIDI STUDISTUDI STORICISTORICI INTERNAZIONALIINTERNAZIONALI CISM - Sapienza Università di Roma ROMA, 20-21 NOVEMBRE 2012 Centro Alti Studi per la Difesa (CASD) Palazzo Salviati ATTI DEL CONGRESSO PROPRIETÀ LETTERARIA tutti i diritti riservati: Vietata anche la riproduzione parziale senza autorizzazione © 2014 • Ministero della Difesa Ufficio Storico dello SMD Salita S. Nicola da Tolentino, 1/B - Roma [email protected] A cura di: Dott. Piero Crociani Dott.ssa Ada Fichera Dott. Paolo Formiconi Hanno contribuito alla realizzazione del Congresso di studi storici internazionali CISM Ten. Col. Cosimo SCHINAIA Capo Sezione Documentazione Storica e Coordinamento dell’Ufficio Storico dello SMD Ten. Col. Fabrizio RIZZI Capo Sezione Archivio Storico dell’Ufficio Storico dello SMD CF. Fabio SERRA Addetto alla Sezione Documentazione Storica e Coordinamento dell’Ufficio Storico dello SMD 1° Mar. Giuseppe TRINCHESE Capo Segreteria dell’Ufficio Storico dello SMD Mar. Ca. Francesco D’AURIA Addetto alla Sezione Archivio Storico dell’Ufficio Storico dello SMD Mar. Ca. Giovanni BOMBA Addetto alla Sezione Documentazione Storica e Coordinamento dell’Ufficio Storico dello SMD ISBN: 978-88-98185-09-2 3 Presentazione Col. Matteo PAESANO1 Italia 1945-1955 la ricostruzione del Paese el 1945 il Paese è un cumulo di macerie con una bassissima produzione industriale -
Defence Policy in the Italian Republic: Frames and Issues
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 DEFENCE POLICY IN THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC: FRAMES AND ISSUES Nicola Labanca 1 University of Siena Abstract: The article focuses on the civil-military relations in Republican Italy. The new democratic model of relations between the political authorities and the military had a strong continuity in the past. Also, in the new Republic the Armed Forces enjoyed a large degree of autonomy. Different phases can be identified in the history of Italian defence policy. In the reconstruction phase (1945-48), the General Staff decided to have again a big Army, based more on quantity than quality. The membership of NATO and the hardest period of the Cold War (1949-53) greatly accelerated the transformation of Italian Armed Forces. Some scepticism against limitations that NATO posed to national autonomy were overcome by the consciousness that the Alliance provided conspicuous means and allowed to abolish the military limitations of the 1947 Peace Treaty. In the years 1954-62, the Armed Forces had to scale down previous expectations, but at the same time, modernized quickly thanks to US aid. The Army was the first beneficiary, then the Air Force and finally (in 1958) the Navy. This was for two reasons: the Navy was the service in best conditions at the end of the war, while Soviet threat in the Mediterranean was at a low level. However, the Army still relied mainly on numbers, with a low number of armoured and motorized units. In these years, Italy also inaugurated its nuclear military policy. From the mid 1960s to the mid 1970s, the Armed Forces started a “ristrutturazione” (“restructuration”) required by the new NATO strategy of flexible response, which accelerated in the years 1975-78. -
Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell
Copyrights sought (Albert) Basil (Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell) Filson Young (Alexander) Forbes Hendry (Alexander) Frederick Whyte (Alfred Hubert) Roy Fedden (Alfred) Alistair Cooke (Alfred) Guy Garrod (Alfred) James Hawkey (Archibald) Berkeley Milne (Archibald) David Stirling (Archibald) Havergal Downes-Shaw (Arthur) Berriedale Keith (Arthur) Beverley Baxter (Arthur) Cecil Tyrrell Beck (Arthur) Clive Morrison-Bell (Arthur) Hugh (Elsdale) Molson (Arthur) Mervyn Stockwood (Arthur) Paul Boissier, Harrow Heraldry Committee & Harrow School (Arthur) Trevor Dawson (Arwyn) Lynn Ungoed-Thomas (Basil Arthur) John Peto (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin & New Statesman (Borlasse Elward) Wyndham Childs (Cecil Frederick) Nevil Macready (Cecil George) Graham Hayman (Charles Edward) Howard Vincent (Charles Henry) Collins Baker (Charles) Alexander Harris (Charles) Cyril Clarke (Charles) Edgar Wood (Charles) Edward Troup (Charles) Frederick (Howard) Gough (Charles) Michael Duff (Charles) Philip Fothergill (Charles) Philip Fothergill, Liberal National Organisation, N-E Warwickshire Liberal Association & Rt Hon Charles Albert McCurdy (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett & World Review of Reviews (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Colin) Mark Patrick (Crwfurd) Wilfrid Griffin Eady (Cyril) Berkeley Ormerod (Cyril) Desmond Keeling (Cyril) George Toogood (Cyril) Kenneth Bird (David) Euan Wallace (Davies) Evan Bedford (Denis Duncan) -
Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British-Free French Relations 1940-1941" (2019)
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2019 Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British- Free French Relations 1940-1941 Samantha Sullivan Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Sullivan, Samantha, "Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British-Free French Relations 1940-1941" (2019). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 324. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/324 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British-Free French Relations 1940-1941 By: Samantha Sullivan Advised by: Drs. Steven Zdatny, Andrew Buchanan, and Meaghan Emery University of Vermont History Department Honors College Thesis April 17, 2019 Acknowledgements: Nearly half of my time at UVM was spent working on this project. Beginning as a seminar paper for Professor Zdatny’s class in Fall 2018, my research on Churchill and De Gaulle slowly grew into the thesis that follows. It was a collaborative effort that allowed me to combine all of my fields of study from my entire university experience. This project took me to London and Cambridge to conduct archival research and made for many late nights on the second floor of the Howe Library. I feel an overwhelming sense of pride and accomplishment for this thesis that is reflective of the work I have done at UVM. -
The French Revolution in the French-Algerian War (1954-1962): Historical Analogy and the Limits of French Historical Reason
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2016 The French Revolution in the French-Algerian War (1954-1962): Historical Analogy and the Limits of French Historical Reason Timothy Scott Johnson The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1424 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IN THE FRENCH-ALGERIAN WAR (1954-1962): HISTORICAL ANALOGY AND THE LIMITS OF FRENCH HISTORICAL REASON By Timothy Scott Johnson A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2016 © 2016 TIMOTHY SCOTT JOHNSON All Rights Reserved ii The French Revolution in the French-Algerian War (1954-1962): Historical Analogy and the Limits of French Historical Reason by Timothy Scott Johnson This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in History in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Richard Wolin, Distinguished Professor of History, The Graduate Center, CUNY _______________________ _______________________________________________ Date Chair of Examining Committee _______________________ -
Nazis, Operation Condor, and Bush's Privatization Plan
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 32, Number 12, March 25, 2005 EIRInvestigation Nazis, Operation Condor, and Bush’s Privatization Plan by William F. Wertz, Jr. President George W. Bush has made it clear that the model members of Congress could take some lessons from Chile, for his current drive to privatize social security in the U.S. is particularly when it comes to how to run our pension plans. the privatization of social security which was implemented Our Social Security system needs to be modernized.” More in Chile under the fascist dictatorship of Gen. Augusto Pino- recently, when in Santiago, Chile for the APEC summit from chet in 1981 by his Labor Minister Jose´ Pin˜era.1 As Lyndon Nov. 19-21, 2004, Bush reiterated: “Chile provides a great LaRouche has warned, if Bush succeeds, it will be a foot in the example for Social Security reform.” door for fascism. This is no exaggeration, as we shall prove. Bush’s timing was very poor. On Dec. 13, 2004, the Su- The murderous policies which the George Shultz-Henry preme Court of Chile ruled that Pinochet is mentally compe- Kissinger faction in the United States supported in Chile un- tent to stand trial on charges of kidnapping and murder (some- der Pinochet, including torture, assassination, and mass mur- thing which could not be said of George W. Bush). In January der, directly involved the first-generation Nazi war criminals 2005, Juan Manuel Contreras Sepulveda, who headed up Pi- who were smuggled out of Europe after World War II, via the nochet’s Directorate of National Intelligence (DINA) and the so-called “rat-lines” to SouthAmerica, organized by the Allen Operation Condor death squad campaign, was arrested to be- Dulles-James Jesus Angleton Anglophile faction of the U.S. -
Burning the Veil: the Algerian War and the 'Emancipation' of Muslim
3 Unveiling: the ‘revolutionary journées’ of 13 May 1958 Throughout the period from early 1956 to early 1958 putschist forces had been gathering strength both within the army and among right- wing settler organisations and these eventually coalesced on 13 May 1958 when crowds gathered in the Forum and stormed the General Government buildings. The military rapidly used the crisis to effect a bloodless coup and to install a temporary ‘revolutionary’ authority headed by a Committee of Public Safety (Comité de salut public or CSP) under Generals Massu and Salan. There then followed a tense stand- off between the army in Algeria and the new Paris government headed by Pierre Pfl imlin, a three-week period during which civil war was a real possibility, until de Gaulle agreed to assume, once again, the role of ‘saviour of the nation’, and was voted into power by the National Assembly on 1 June.1 ‘13 May’ was one of the great turning points in modern French history, not only because it marked a key stage in the Algerian War, but more signifi cantly the collapse of the Fourth Republic, de Gaulle’s return to power, and the beginnings of the new constitutional regime of the Fifth Republic. The planning of the coup and its implementation was extraordi- narily complex – the Bromberger brothers in Les 13 Complots du 13 mai counted thirteen strands2 – but basically two antagonistic politi- cal formations reached agreement to rally to the call for de Gaulle’s return to power. On the one hand there was a secret plot by Gaullists, most notably Michel Debré (soon to become Prime Minister), Jacques Soustelle, Léon Delbecque and Jacques Chaban-Delmas (acting Minister of Defence), to engineer the return of the General so as to resolve the political crisis of the ‘system’, the dead hand of the party system of the Fourth Republic, which they viewed as destroying the grandeur of France.