Personalities and Perceptions: Churchill, De Gaulle, and British-Free French Relations 1940-1941" (2019)
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Institute of National Remembrance https://ipn.gov.pl/en/digital-resources/articles/4397,Battle-of-Warsaw-1920.html 2021-10-01, 13:56 11.08.2020 Battle of Warsaw, 1920 We invite you to read an article by Mirosław Szumiło, D.Sc. on the Battle of Warsaw, 1920. The text is also available in French and Russian (see attached pdf files). The Battle of Warsaw was one of the most important moments of the Polish-Bolshevik war, one of the most decisive events in the history of Poland, Europe and the entire world. However, excluding Poland, this fact is almost completely unknown to the citizens of European countries. This phenomenon was noticed a decade after the battle had taken place by a British diplomat, Lord Edgar Vincent d’Abernon, a direct witness of the events. In his book of 1931 “The Eighteenth Decisive Battle of the World: Warsaw, 1920”, he claimed that in the contemporary history of civilisation there are, in fact, few events of greater importance than the Battle of Warsaw of 1920. There is also no other which has been more overlooked. To better understand the origin and importance of the battle of Warsaw, one needs to become acquainted with a short summary of the Polish-Bolshevik war and, first and foremost, to get to know the goals of both fighting sides. We ought to start with stating the obvious, namely, that the Bolshevik regime, led by Vladimir Lenin, was, from the very beginning, focused on expansion. Prof. Richard Pipes, a prolific American historian, stated: “the Bolsheviks took power not to change Russia, but to use it as a trampoline for world revolution”. -
An Ambiguous Partnership: Great Britain and the Free French Navy, 1940-19421
An Ambiguous Partnership: Great Britain and the Free French Navy, 1940-19421 Hugues Canuel On se souvient aujourd’hui des forces de la France libre en raison de faits d’armes tels que leur courageuse résistance à Bir Hakeim en 1942 et la participation du général Leclerc à la libération de Paris en 1944. Par contre, la contribution antérieure de la marine de la France libre est moins bien connue : elle a donné à de Gaulle, dont l’espoir était alors bien mince, les moyens de mobiliser des appuis politiques au sein de l’empire colonial français et d’apporter une contribution militaire précoce à la cause des Alliés. Cette capacité s’est développée à la suite de l’appui modeste mais tout de même essentiel du Royaume-Uni, un allié qui se méfiait de fournir les ressources absolument nécessaires à une flotte qu’il ne contrôlait pas complètement mais dont les actions pourraient aider la Grande- Bretagne qui se trouvait alors presque seule contre les puissances de l’Axe. Friday 27 November 1942 marked the nadir of French sea power in the twentieth century. Forewarned that German troops arrayed around the Mediterranean base of Toulon were intent on seizing the fleet at dawn, Admiral Jean de Laborde – Commander of the Force de Haute Mer, the High Seas Force – and the local Maritime Prefect, Vice Admiral André Marquis, ordered the immediate scuttling of all ships and submarines at their berths. Some 248,800 tons of capital ships, escorts, auxiliaries and submarines was scuttled as the Wehrmacht closed in on the dockyard.2 The French “Vichy navy” virtually ceased to exist that day. -
Bordeaux Pendant L'occupation
Cours du 22 octobre 2015 BORDEAUX PENDANT L’OCCUPATION I° – La débacle Juin 1940: l'exode vers Bordeaux : alors que l’armée allemande progresse, les autorités françaises battent en retraite. Bordeaux paraît alors hors de portée de la Wehrmacht. En quelques heures, la ville, sous la poussée de l’exode, est envahie et la cohue s’installe. Ministres, parlementaires, fonctionnaires, entreprises... et des centaines de milliers de réfugiés déferlent. En quelques semaines, la population bordelaise passe de 300 000 à 1 million d’habitants. La ville se transforme en une cohue indescriptible. Des milliers de véhicules, de voitures à cheval, de charrettes à bras et de bicyclettes, surchargés de valises, de cartons, de baluchons mal ficelés surmontés de matelas fixés tant bien que mal pour protéger des mitraillages, traversent l’unique pont de Bordeaux. Bordeaux. Le Pont de Pierre. Juin 1940. Les réfugiés envahissent les rues, le port ou stationnent 400 bateaux et bivouaquent dans les parcs et sur les trottoirs. Plus d’un million de repas sont distribués quotidiennement. Mais la pénurie menace, l’eau est rationnée, les hébergements, même de fortune, font défaut. La débâcle frappe également les entreprises : on trouve les 4 000 employés de Peugeot de Sochaux, le personnel de la banque de France avec les réserves en devises, or, titres et valeurs… 1 Les réfugiés attendant à la gare Saint-Jean 2 Bordeaux, capitale de la France : à partir du 14 juin, le gouvernement et l’appareil d’état arrivent de Touraine, de moins en moins sûre. Après la Commune en 1870-1871 et 1914, Bordeaux s’improvise capitale de la France pour la 3 e fois de son histoire. -
The Demarcation Line
No.7 “Remembrance and Citizenship” series THE DEMARCATION LINE MINISTRY OF DEFENCE General Secretariat for Administration DIRECTORATE OF MEMORY, HERITAGE AND ARCHIVES Musée de la Résistance Nationale - Champigny The demarcation line in Chalon. The line was marked out in a variety of ways, from sentry boxes… In compliance with the terms of the Franco-German Armistice Convention signed in Rethondes on 22 June 1940, Metropolitan France was divided up on 25 June to create two main zones on either side of an arbitrary abstract line that cut across départements, municipalities, fields and woods. The line was to undergo various modifications over time, dictated by the occupying power’s whims and requirements. Starting from the Spanish border near the municipality of Arnéguy in the département of Basses-Pyrénées (present-day Pyrénées-Atlantiques), the demarcation line continued via Mont-de-Marsan, Libourne, Confolens and Loches, making its way to the north of the département of Indre before turning east and crossing Vierzon, Saint-Amand- Montrond, Moulins, Charolles and Dole to end at the Swiss border near the municipality of Gex. The division created a German-occupied northern zone covering just over half the territory and a free zone to the south, commonly referred to as “zone nono” (for “non- occupied”), with Vichy as its “capital”. The Germans kept the entire Atlantic coast for themselves along with the main industrial regions. In addition, by enacting a whole series of measures designed to restrict movement of people, goods and postal traffic between the two zones, they provided themselves with a means of pressure they could exert at will. -
“Naughty Willie” at Rhodes House
Gowers of Uganda : Conduct and Misconduct Being an abridged version of an article forthcoming in ARAS : Gowers of Uganda: The Public and Private Life of a Forgotten Colonial Governor Roger Scott, University of Queensland I Apparently, not a lot has been written about the conduct of the private lives of colonial governors. This is in contrast to the information provided in histories and novels and films about white settler society in southern and eastern Africa. In my conference contribution, I want to add to this scarce literature. My forthcoming article in ARAS has a wider compass, including an appreciation of the intersection between the public and private life of a forgotten governor of Uganda, Sir William Gowers. Both pieces draw upon original archival and obscure secondary sources examined in the context of a wider project, a biography by my wife focussed on another member of the Gowers family, her paternal grand-father, Sir Ernest Gowers. These primary sources1 provide testimony from, among others, the Prince of Wales and his aide-de-campe, that Gowers was outgoing, entertaining, and full of bravado as well as personal bravery. The same files also reveal that his personal life became a source of widespread scandal among the East African Europeans, especially missionaries, and it required the intervention of his mentor Lord Lugard to fight off his dismissal by the Colonial Secretary. William was in other words a prototype of the cliché of the romantic literature of his era: the “Black Sheep” of the family. William and his younger brother Ernest were provided with an education at Rugby and Cambridge explicitly designed for entry to the public service. -
James Barr, a Line in the Sand: the Anglo-French Struggle for the Middle East, – (New York and London
Book Reviews / Bustan: The Middle East Book Review () – James Barr, A Line in the Sand: The Anglo-French Struggle for the Middle East, – (New York and London: W.W. Norton & Company, ), pp. ISBN ---- ALineintheSand, which looks at the overt and covert Anglo-French struggle in the Middle East from the Sykes-Picot Agreement in to the war in Palestine, is worth reading because of its subject and the archival sources it utilizes. In the prologue to his book, James Barr, a journalist by profession, dramatically describes how in the summer of , his eyes “bulged” when he came across a report from early , written by an MI security officer. The officer, recently returned from the Middle East, alleged that the French authorities in the Levant were arming and financing “Jewish terrorists” fighting against British forces in Palestine. That information had been given to him by an MI officer who in turn claimed that it came from a “Top Secret” source. Barr concludes that “while the British were fighting and dying alongside the Americans to liberate France, their supposed allies the French were secretly backing Jewish efforts to kill British soldiers and officials in Palestine.” The history of the rivalry between France and Britain for dominance in the region is well known. Barr offers a long catalogue of imperial feuding, machinations, intrigues and back-stabbing by two ostensibly allied powers. He lays the blame evenly on France and Britain, but it would have been more accurate to study those relations as three decades of Britain’s persistent efforts to renege on the commitments it made to France in the Sykes-Picot Agreement. -
HISTORIA CONTEMPORÁNEA - Programa 2015
1 HISTORIA CONTEMPORÁNEA - Programa 2015 Profesor Adjunto a cargo de la cátedra: Dr. Daniel F. Gaido Profesores Asistentes: Dr. Carlos Mignon y Lic. Jorge Santarrosa PRESENTACIÓN: En el marco del curso se estudiará la historia de Europa en los siglos XIX y XX tomando como eje el desarrollo del capitalismo, centrándose en las luchas de clases que el capitalismo genera y que constituyen la base de su historia política. Por tal motivo se pondrá énfasis en el análisis de los procesos revolucionarios, donde tales luchas, usualmente soterradas, se manifiestan con claridad. El curso abordará temas tales como el ciclo de las revoluciones burguesas, la formación de los estados nacionales, el ascenso de la democracia parlamentaria, el desarrollo del movimiento obrero, las ideologías de izquierda (anarquismo, socialismo y comunismo), el surgimiento del imperialismo moderno, la revolución rusa y el estalinismo, fascismo y nazismo, las dos guerras mundiales, el Holocausto judío, la descolonización de posguerra, el colapso de la Unión Soviética y la formación y crisis de la Unión Europea. OBJETIVOS: Desarrollar una aproximación teórica al proceso de desarrollo capitalista, analizando las transformaciones políticas ocurridas en Europa como resultado de dicho proceso. Investigar los orígenes del imperialismo moderno y sus transformaciones como resultado de los procesos de descolonización después de la segunda guerra mundial. Analizar el origen histórico de las principales corrientes políticas alternativas al capitalismo, como anarquismo, socialismo y comunismo. METODOLOGÍA Y FORMA DE EVALUACIÓN: Clases teóricas: Clases frontales con una exposición sintética de temas centrales mediante el análisis de casos representativos. La asistencia a las clases teóricas no es obligatoria. -
Third Division World War II Vol One.Pdf
THIRD INFANTRY DIVISION THE VICTORY PATH THROUGH FRANCE AND GERMANY VOLUME ONE 'IVG. WILLIAM MOHR THE VICTORY PATH THROUGH FRANCE AND GERMANY THIRD INFANTRY DIVISION - WORLD WAR II VOLUME ONE A PICTORIAL ACCOUNT BY G. WILLIAM MOHR ABOUT THE COVER There is nothing in front of the Infantry in battle except the enemy. The Infantry leads the way to attack and bears the brunt of the enemy's attack. The primary purpose of the Infan try is to close with the enemy in hand-to-hand fighting. On the side of a house, tommy gunners of this Infantry patrol, 1st Special Service Froce Patrol, one of the many patrols that made possible the present offensive in Italy by feeling out the enemy and discovering his defensive strength, fire from the window of an adjoining building to blast Nazis out. The scene is 400 yards from the enemy lines in the Anzio area, Italy. Fifth Army, 14 April, 1944. The 3rd Infantry Division suffered 27,450 casualties and 4,922 were killed in action. 2 - Yellow Beach, Southern France, August, 1944 3 - Marseilles, France, August, 1944 4 - Montelimar, France, August, 1944 5 - Cavailair, France, August, 1944 6 - Avignon, France, August, 1944 7 - Lacroix, France, August, 1944 8 - Brignolles, France, August, 1944 9 -Aix-En-Provence, France, August, 1944 12 - St. Loup, France, August, 1944 13 - La Coucounde, France, August, 1944 14 - Les Loges Neut, France, August, 1944 15 - Besancon, France, September, 1944 18 - Loue River, Ornans, France, September, 1944 19 - Avonne, France, Septem&er, 1944 20 - Lons Le Sounier, France, September, 1944 21 - Les Belles-Baroques, France, September, 1944 22 - St. -
Ike's Rebuff' of De Gaulle in '58 Bared
statement that he could no longer justify delegating Free World defense decisions to the United States, adding: "It would be more realistic at this time to create a tripartite or- ganization to take joint de- cisions on global problems." Ike's Rebuff ' State's memorandum does not mention Germany, but Schoenbrun states what was well known: the Dulles view Of de Gaulle that France was a continental power like Germany and not a world power like the United In '58 Bared States and Britain. This con- k i lL/101 cept de Gaulle then rejected By Chklmers M. Roberts and today still rejects, as indi- Washington Post Mail Writer cated by the current NATO, problem he has created in Wel A bit of history was put on search for a world-wide French the public record yesterday great power role independent but It will probably serve less of the United States. the cause of enlightenment The Eisenhower reply on Oct. 20 reflected the Dulles than further to exacerbate view. The President replied French-American relations. close cooperation at line sum- mit between France, the Unit- that "our present procedures The State Department re- ed Kingdom and the United for organizing the defense of leased to a Senate subcom- States." the Free World clearly require mittee the text of a 1958 De Gaulle on Sept. 17 wrote the willing cooperation of letter from President- Eisen- President Eisenhower "to indi- many other nations, both with- hower that in effect rejected cate that NATO in its present in and outside NATO. We can- President de Gaulle's call for form no longer met the needs not afford to adopt any system an American-French British of French security" and noted which would give to our other directorate to take joint de- that France had world-wide re- allies, or other Free World cisions on global problems. -
The Iraq Coup of Raschid Ali in 1941, the Mufti Husseini and the Farhud
The Iraq Coup of 1941, The Mufti and the Farhud Middle new peacewatc document cultur dialo histor donation top stories books Maps East s h s e g y s A detailed timeline of Iraqi history is given here, including links to UN resolutions Iraq books Map of Iraq Map of Kuwait Detailed Map of Iraq Map of Baghdad Street Map of Baghdad Iraq- Source Documents Master Document and Link Reference for the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Zionism and the Middle East The Iraq Coup Attempt of 1941, the Mufti, and the Farhud Prologue - The Iraq coup of 1941 is little studied, but very interesting. It is a dramatic illustration of the potential for the Palestine issue to destabilize the Middle East, as well a "close save" in the somewhat neglected theater of the Middle East, which was understood by Churchill to have so much potential for disaster [1]. Iraq had been governed under a British supported regency, since the death of King Feysal in September 1933. Baqr Sidqi, a popular general, staged a coup in October 1936, but was himself assassinated in 1937. In December of 1938, another coup was launched by a group of power brokers known as "The Seven." Nuri al-Sa'id was named Prime Minister. The German Consul in Baghdad, Grobba, was apparently already active before the outbreak of World War II in September 1939, soliciting support for Germany and exploiting unrest. [2]. Though the Germans were not particularly serious about aiding a revolt perhaps, they would not be unhappy if it occurred. In March of 1940 , the "The Seven" forced Nuri al-Sa'id out of office. -
Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell
Copyrights sought (Albert) Basil (Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell) Filson Young (Alexander) Forbes Hendry (Alexander) Frederick Whyte (Alfred Hubert) Roy Fedden (Alfred) Alistair Cooke (Alfred) Guy Garrod (Alfred) James Hawkey (Archibald) Berkeley Milne (Archibald) David Stirling (Archibald) Havergal Downes-Shaw (Arthur) Berriedale Keith (Arthur) Beverley Baxter (Arthur) Cecil Tyrrell Beck (Arthur) Clive Morrison-Bell (Arthur) Hugh (Elsdale) Molson (Arthur) Mervyn Stockwood (Arthur) Paul Boissier, Harrow Heraldry Committee & Harrow School (Arthur) Trevor Dawson (Arwyn) Lynn Ungoed-Thomas (Basil Arthur) John Peto (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin & New Statesman (Borlasse Elward) Wyndham Childs (Cecil Frederick) Nevil Macready (Cecil George) Graham Hayman (Charles Edward) Howard Vincent (Charles Henry) Collins Baker (Charles) Alexander Harris (Charles) Cyril Clarke (Charles) Edgar Wood (Charles) Edward Troup (Charles) Frederick (Howard) Gough (Charles) Michael Duff (Charles) Philip Fothergill (Charles) Philip Fothergill, Liberal National Organisation, N-E Warwickshire Liberal Association & Rt Hon Charles Albert McCurdy (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett & World Review of Reviews (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Colin) Mark Patrick (Crwfurd) Wilfrid Griffin Eady (Cyril) Berkeley Ormerod (Cyril) Desmond Keeling (Cyril) George Toogood (Cyril) Kenneth Bird (David) Euan Wallace (Davies) Evan Bedford (Denis Duncan) -
Revisiting Fred Iklé's 1961 Question, “After Detection—What?”
BRAD ROBERTS Revisiting Fred Iklé’s 1961 Question, “After Detection—What?” BRAD ROBERTS Dr. Brad Roberts is a Research Staff Member at the Institute for Defense Analyses in Alexandria, Virginia. He is also an Adjunct Professor at George Washington University, Chairman of the research advisory council of the Chemical and Biological Arms Control Institute, and a member of The Nonproliferation Review’s editorial board. He is the author of Weapons Proliferation and World Order After the Cold War (Kluwer Press, 1996). riting nearly four decades ago, Fred Iklé violation will not be deterred if it thinks it can penned the fundamental arms control com- discourage, circumvent, or absorb our reaction. Wpliance question: “after detection—what?”1 We must study, therefore, not only what our In an article published in Foreign Affairs magazine in opponent may do to avoid detection, but also January 1961, he framed the issue as follows: what he may do to escape the penalty of being The current debate on arms control and disar- detected.2 mament puts great stress on the problem of If Iklé’s question is remembered at all in the current how to detect violations of whatever agree- arms control debate, it is typically recalled as rhetorical ments may be reached....Yet detecting viola- in nature. Arms control opponents sometimes invoke Iklé tions is not enough. What counts are the to support their arguments that arms control is possible political and military consequences of a vio- only when it is not necessary and that it is a dangerous lation once it has been detected, since these delusion between military adversaries.