Chinese Buy Into Conspiracy Theory
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Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
Brazil, Japan, and Turkey
BRAZIL | 1 BRAZIL, JAPAN, AND TURKEY With articles by Marcos C. de Azambuja Henri J. Barkey Matake Kamiya Edited By Barry M. Blechman September 2009 2 | AZAMBUJA Copyright ©2009 The Henry L. Stimson Center Cover design by Shawn Woodley Photograph on the front cover from the International Atomic Energy Agency All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org BRAZIL | 3 PREFACE I am pleased to present Brazil, Japan, and Turkey, the sixth in a series of Stimson publications addressing questions of how the elimination of nuclear weapons might be achieved. The Stimson project on nuclear security explores the practical dimensions of this critical 21st century debate, to identify both political and technical obstacles that could block the road to “zero,” and to outline how each of these could be removed. Led by Stimson's co-founder and Distinguished Fellow Dr. Barry Blechman, the project provides useful analyses that can help US and world leaders make the elimination of nuclear weapons a realistic and viable option. The series comprises country assessments, published in a total of six different monographs, and a separate volume on such technical issues as verification and enforcement of a disarmament regime, to be published in the fall. This sixth monograph in the series, following volumes on France and the United Kingdom, China and India, Israel and Pakistan, Iran and North Korea, and Russia and the United States, examines three countries without nuclear weapons of their own, but which are nonetheless key states that would need to be engaged constructively in any serious move toward eliminating nuclear weapons. -
India-Japan Maritime Security Cooperation (1999-2009) : a Report PANNEERSELVAM, Prakash Guest Researcher “A Strong India Is I
JMSDF Staff College Review Volume 2 English version (Selected) India-Japan Maritime Security Cooperation (1999-2009) : A Report PANNEERSELVAM, Prakash Guest Researcher “A Strong India is in the best interest of Japan, and a strong Japan is in the best interest of India.” Former Prime Minister of Japan, Shinzo Abe Speech at the Indian parliament, 22 August 2007 Introduction India-Japan interactions have been marked by goodwill and singularly free from any structural impediments. However, the bilateral relationship between the two started to take centre stage only after the end of Cold War. However, both countries refrained from discussing defence and security matters, until Prime Minister Mori visit to India in 2000. The brief talk between two Prime Ministers in New Delhi removed many deadlocks in the bilateral relationship. Since then, India-Japan relationship maintained steady course and attained the stature of “Strategic Partnership” in 2005. The remarkable change in Indo-Japan relationship in the post-Cold War dramatically changed the security perspective of Asia-pacific region. Notably, maritime security cooperation between the two countries captured global attention. At the same time, the growing interaction between two naval forces in the recent years raised some serious questions about the intention and objectives of India-Japan maritime security cooperation. A preliminary literature survey on this topic reveals that, not too many research works has been done on this subject. Most of literature on India-Japan relationship largely focuses on complicated relationship that existed between two countries during post-world war era or bilateral relationship in Post-Cold War. This policy analysis is important because it focuses exclusively on India-Japan maritime security cooperation to identify the key factor to strengthen the strategic cooperation. -
Roster of Winners in Single-Seat Constituencies No
Tuesday, October 24, 2017 | The Japan Times | 3 lower house ele ion ⑳ NAGANO ㉘ OSAKA 38KOCHI No. 1 Takashi Shinohara (I) No. 1 Hiroyuki Onishi (L) No. 1 Gen Nakatani (L) Roster of winners in single-seat constituencies No. 2 Mitsu Shimojo (KI) No. 2 Akira Sato (L) No. 2 Hajime Hirota (I) No. 3 Yosei Ide (KI) No. 3 Shigeki Sato (K) No. 4 Shigeyuki Goto (L) No. 4 Yasuhide Nakayama (L) 39EHIME No. 4 Masaaki Taira (L) ⑮ NIIGATA No. 5 Ichiro Miyashita (L) No. 5 Toru Kunishige (K) No. 1 Yasuhisa Shiozaki (L) ( L ) Liberal Democratic Party; ( KI ) Kibo no To; ( K ) Komeito; No. 5 Kenji Wakamiya (L) No. 6 Shinichi Isa (K) No. 1 Chinami Nishimura (CD) No. 2 Seiichiro Murakami (L) ( JC ) Japanese Communist Party; ( CD ) Constitutional Democratic Party; No. 6 Takayuki Ochiai (CD) No. 7 Naomi Tokashiki (L) No. 2 Eiichiro Washio (I) ㉑ GIFU No. 3 Yoichi Shiraishi (KI) ( NI ) Nippon Ishin no Kai; ( SD ) Social Democratic Party; ( I ) Independent No. 7 Akira Nagatsuma (CD) No. 8 Takashi Otsuka (L) No. 3 Takahiro Kuroiwa (I) No. 1 Seiko Noda (L) No. 4 Koichi Yamamoto (L) No. 8 Nobuteru Ishihara (L) No. 9 Kenji Harada (L) No. 4 Makiko Kikuta (I) No. 2 Yasufumi Tanahashi (L) No. 9 Isshu Sugawara (L) No. 10 Kiyomi Tsujimoto (CD) No. 4 Hiroshi Kajiyama (L) No. 3 Yoji Muto (L) 40FUKUOKA ① HOKKAIDO No. 10 Hayato Suzuki (L) No. 11 Hirofumi Hirano (I) No. 5 Akimasa Ishikawa (L) No. 4 Shunpei Kaneko (L) No. 1 Daiki Michishita (CD) No. 11 Hakubun Shimomura (L) No. -
Pacific Partners: Forging the US-Japan Special Relationship
Pacific Partners: Forging the U.S.-Japan Special Relationship 太平洋のパートナー:アメリカと日本の特別な関係の構築 Arthur Herman December 2017 Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute Research Report Pacific Partners: Forging the U.S.-Japan Special Relationship 太平洋のパートナー:アメリカと日本の特別な関係の構築 Arthur Herman Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute © 2017 Hudson Institute, Inc. All rights reserved. For more information about obtaining additional copies of this or other Hudson Institute publications, please visit Hudson’s website, www.hudson.org Hudson is grateful for the support of the Smith Richardson Foundation in funding the research and completion of this report. ABOUT HUDSON INSTITUTE Hudson Institute is a research organization promoting American leadership and global engagement for a secure, free, and prosperous future. Founded in 1961 by strategist Herman Kahn, Hudson Institute challenges conventional thinking and helps manage strategic transitions to the future through interdisciplinary studies in defense, international relations, economics, health care, technology, culture, and law. Hudson seeks to guide public policy makers and global leaders in government and business through a vigorous program of publications, conferences, policy briefings and recommendations. Visit www.hudson.org for more information. Hudson Institute 1201 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W. Suite 400 Washington, D.C. 20004 P: 202.974.2400 [email protected] www.hudson.org Table of Contents Introduction (イントロダクション) 3 Part I: “Allies of a Kind”: The US-UK Special Relationship in 15 Retrospect(パート I:「同盟の一形態」:米英の特別な関係は過去どうだったの -
Strategic Yet Strained
INTRODUCTION | i STRATEGIC YET STRAINED US FORCE REALIGNMENT IN JAPAN AND ITS EFFECTS ON OKINAWA Yuki Tatsumi, Editor September 2008 ii | STRATEGIC YET STRAINED Copyright ©2008 The Henry L. Stimson Center ISBN: 0-9770023-8-1 Photos from the US Government Cover design by Rock Creek Creative All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms............................................................................................................. v Preface ..............................................................................................................viii Acknowledgements............................................................................................. ix INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................... 1 Yuki Tatsumi and Arthur Lord SECTION I: THE CONTEXT CHAPTER 1: THE GLOBAL POSTURE REVIEW OF THE UNITED STATES: “REDUCE, MAINTAIN, AND ENHANCE”............................................................... 13 Derek J. Mitchell CHAPTER 2: THE US STRATEGY BEYOND THE GLOBAL POSTURE REVIEW ...... 25 Tsuneo “Nabe” Watanabe CHAPTER 3: THE LEGACY OF PRIME MINISTER KOIZUMI’S JAPANESE FOREIGN POLICY: AN ASSESSMENT ................................................................... -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, IRVINE Where Power Projection Ends
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE Where Power Projection Ends: Constraints and Restraints on Japanese Militarism DISSERTATION submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Political Science by Tom Phuong Le Dissertation Committee: Associate Professor Robert Uriu, Chair Professor Patrick Morgan Professor Cecelia Lynch 2015 © 2015 Tom Phuong Le DEDICATION To my darling, Erika together, every step of the way. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF FIGURES iv LIST OF TABLES v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vi CURRICULUM VITAE x ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION xiii CHAPTER 1: Introduction 1 CHAPTER 2: What is “Normal”? A New Approach to Militarism 19 CHAPTER 3: Social-structural and Technical Constraints 72 CHAPTER 4: Political and Normative Restraints 127 CHAPTER 5: A New Mission: Militarism, Peace, and Security 203 REFERENCES 248 APPENDIX A: Peace Museums in Japan 264 APPENDIX B: The Guidelines for Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation (shortened) 265- 266 iii LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 1.1 Conventional Understanding of Militarism 11 Figure 3.1 World Values Survey: Willingness to Fight for Country 81 Figure 3.2 Conscription in East Asia 85 Figure 3.3 Population of Japan 1920-2060 (Projections) 90 Figure 3.4 Population Pyramid of Japan (Projections) 91 Figure 3.5 The Impact of Demographics on Japanese Security 102 Figure 3.6 UN and Japan PKO Mission Totals 1990-2014 109 Figure 3.7 UN PKO Contributions: Country Rank 1990-2014 110 Figure 4.1 Museums in Japan 180 Figure 4.2 Annual Student and Foreign Visitors 1970-2014 187 -
The Politics of Seeking a Permanent Seat on the United Nations Security Council: an Analysis of the Case of Japan Jose E. Guzzar
The Politics of Seeking a Permanent Seat on the United Nations Security Council: An Analysis of the Case of Japan Jose E. Guzzardi Masters Candidate, University of Arkansas Clinton School of Public Service Mark J. Mullenbach University of Central Arkansas The membership and structure of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) have been among the most controversial and intractable issues considered by UN member-states since the establishment of the organization in the mid- 1940s. A number of emerging global and regional powers throughout the world–including Japan, Germany, India, Brazil, Indonesia, Nigeria, South Africa, and Egypt—have sought permanent seats on the UNSC during the past few decades. In this article, we examine the politics of UNSC restructuring from the perspective of an aspiring permanent member. We focus on the following questions: (1) Which factor, or sets of factors, influences the strategy choices of aspiring permanent members, as well as changes in the strategies of aspiring permanent members of the UNSC?; and (2) Which factor, or set of factors, is a relatively stronger influence on the strategy choices of aspiring permanent members of the UNSC? We hypothesize that a combination of factors from the international, regional, and domestic political systems influence the choice of strategies, as well as changes in the choice of strategies, of aspiring permanent members. Analyzing the case of Japan, we find compelling evidence that global factors, particularly the distribution of power in the international political system, have significantly impacted Japanese foreign policy, including Japan’s strategy for pursuing a permanent seat on the UNSC, since the end of the Second World War. -
E Overseas Public Relations and Cultural Diplomacy
DIPLOMATIC BLUEBOOK 2006 E Overseas Public Relations and Cultural Diplomacy foreign tourists visiting Japan and the promotion of Overview sales of Japanese products. The objective of overseas public relations and cultural With this in view, the Japanese government is exchange is to enhance other countries’ understanding carrying out public relations activities aimed at and familiarity with Japan and to develop an environ- foreigners and overseas media, as well as cultural ment conducive to the promotion of diplomatic negotia- exchange programs, including people-to-people tions by broadly publicizing Japan’s foreign policies, exchanges, cultural programs, intellectual exchanges, current affairs, and cultural and philosophical charm to and cultural cooperation with developing countries. As a foreign citizens. In particular, in recent years, as global- large-scale project, Japan hosted the 2005 World ization broadens and deepens and democratization and Exposition, Aichi, Japan (EXPO 2005). Also, by desig- human rights expand, not only politicians and those nating the year 2005 as the Japan-Korea Friendship Year, from certain intellectual classes, but also a wide range of EU-Japan Year of People-to-People Exchanges, and private citizens are having more and more influence on 150th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic diplomacy in many countries. As such, there is a greater relations between Japan and Russia, a great number of need for the government to broadly explain Japan’s exchange programs took place between Japan and those diplomatic efforts and their underlying concepts and to countries and regions. In taking charge of international gain the understanding of not only the policy makers but cultural exchanges, the roles of private citizens, indi- also the private citizens of other countries. -
Sino-Japanese Relations Since the 1972 Normalization: Prospects for Conflict Resolution and Regional Hegemonry
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Supervised Undergraduate Student Research Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects and Creative Work Fall 12-2005 Sino-Japanese Relations since the 1972 Normalization: Prospects for conflict Resolution and Regional Hegemonry Tracy Lynn Masuda University of Tennessee - Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj Recommended Citation Masuda, Tracy Lynn, "Sino-Japanese Relations since the 1972 Normalization: Prospects for conflict Resolution and Regional Hegemonry" (2005). Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj/883 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Supervised Undergraduate Student Research and Creative Work at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Sino-Japanese Relations 1 Running Head: SINO-JAPANESE RELATIONS Sino-Japanese Relations since the 1972 Normalization: Prospects for Conflict Resolution and Regional Hegemony Tracy Masuda Language and World Business with Japanese Concentration Senior Honors Project Dr. Hidetoshi Hashimoto Department of Political Science December 9, 2005 Sino-Japanese Relations 2 Abstract The purpose of this paper is to examine the political, economic, and social relationships between China and Japan following the formal normalization of these relations in 1972 and subsequent decay during the past decade. Current issues such as Japan's foiled U.N. Security Council bid, underwater drilling rights, Taiwan, and growing nationalism within both countries are discussed. The primary findings in this paper argue that Sino-Japanese relations are in a precarious state and can be repaired only if Japan issues an all-encompassing formal reparation for the actions of its imperial army on its Asian neighbors during the 1930s and 1940s. -
Japan – China Relations: a Search for Understanding
Japan – China Relations: A Search for Understanding James Przystup he last quarter of 1999 featured a series of high-level visits between Tokyo and Beijing, Taimed at managing this critical, but difficult, bilateral relationship. Diplomats and defense officials met to exchange views on foreign and security policy issues. Invariably, Chinese concerns over missile defenses and the U.S.-Japan Defense Guidelines and Japan’s focus on China’s military modernization framed the official dialogue. Similar discussions took place between political leaders and representatives of public policy associations. Over the period, the Japanese press reported on China’s foreign policy and national security objectives toward Japan and its position in China’s strategy toward the United States. Despite agreement between Washington and Beijng over China’s WTO accession, the Japanese press viewed China’s policy toward the U.S. as marked by continuing suspicions of U.S. intentions and efforts to constrain Washington’s unipolar activism. One element in this perceived strategy involved a consequent turning toward Japan as a way of exerting leverage on the United States. At the same time, China’s military modernization continued to receive the media’s attention -- in particular the prominent display of military muscle at the PRC’s 50th anniversary on October 1. Toward the Korean Peninsula and North Korea, a mutuality of interests continued to support diplomatic cooperation. Less successful were efforts to bring into effect the 1997 Japan-China fishing accord. Meanwhile, statements by the Defense Agency’s Director General about nuclear weapons and remarks made by the Governor of Tokyo during a visit to Taiwan drew Beijing’s ire. -
Kuwaiti Prime Minister’S Visit Further Bolstering Amicable Ties
4 THE JAPAN TIMES WEDNESDAY, MAY 11, 2016 Kuwaiti prime minister’s visit Further bolstering amicable ties Abdul-Rahman Humood Al- Otaibi AMBassador of Kuwait I would like to express my heartfelt welcome to the Prime Minister of the State of Kuwait, His Highness Prime Minister of the State of Crown Prince of the State of Amir of the State of Kuwait Sheikh Jaber Al-Mubarak Al-Ha- Kuwait Sheikh Jaber Al- Kuwait Sheikh Nawaf Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad mad Al-Sabah, on launching his Mubarak Al-Hamad Al-Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah Al-Jaber Al-Sabah official working visit to Tokyo on May 11. This visit comes as a other significant event during came as a complement to the in 1961, in the field of energy complement to the last visit by the visit, namely His Highness historical state visit by His and oil. The friendly bilateral His Excellency Prime Minister holding a bilateral meeting Highness the Amir of the State ties became an official diplo- Shinzo Abe to the State of Kuwait with Abe. The meeting is ex- of Kuwait Sheikh Sabah Al-Ah- matic framework with the in- in August 2013. pected to pick up from their mad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah to dependence of the State of During the visit, His High- last meeting during Abe’s visit Japan in March 2012, but also Kuwait. ness will be received in an Im- to Kuwait. injected fresh impetus to the Since then, the friendly ties perial audience with His During the talks in Kuwait already firm and stable bilat- between Kuwait and Japan Majesty Emperor Akihito.