Yasuo Fukuda
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Remarks at the Fukuda Doctrine Memorial Plaque Unveiling Ceremony Yasuo Fukuda, Former Prime Minister of Japan October 1, 2018 Manila Hotel, Manila, Philippines
Remarks at the Fukuda Doctrine Memorial Plaque Unveiling Ceremony Yasuo Fukuda, Former Prime Minister of Japan October 1, 2018 Manila Hotel, Manila, Philippines 1. Opening His Excellency Mr. Francis C. Laurel, President of the Philippines-Japan Society, H. E. Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Chairman of the Indonesia-Japan Friendship Association (PPIJ), Ladies and Gentlemen, As just introduced, I am Yasuo Fukuda. Before I begin my remarks, I must express my deepest condolences to the victims in the northern Philippines who suffered from the terrible devastations of Typhoon Ompong two weeks ago. Many precious lives were lost and many people went missing. And on Sept. 28, huge earthquakes and tsunami caused enormous destructions to Sulawesi Island in Indonesia. I offer my sincere condolences to the Indonesian victims. Japan, like the Philippines and Indonesia, is a country that suffers from frequent natural disasters. Living in a similar disaster-prone environment, it is especially heart-wrenching to see the devastation following the typhoon. Japan has cooperated in a variety of ways with these countries in the area of disaster prevention, and I hope that further close collaboration will be planned in the future. I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude for the great honor of speaking to you on this day, when the memorial plaque of the "Fukuda Doctrine" announced by my father, Takeo Fukuda, was just installed at this illustrious Manila Hotel. A short while ago, the plaque was unveiled by H. E. Mr. Francis C. Laurel and other representatives from the Philippines, and the following persons from Japan witnessed the memorable ceremony: My siblings -- in other words sons and daughters of Takeo Fukuda -- his grandchildren, Ambassador Tanino who took part in drafting the Fukuda Doctrine, former Minister of Justice, Mr. -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
The Abduction of Japanese People by North Korea And
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Ritsumeikan Research Repository THE ABDUCTION OF JAPANESE PEOPLE BY NORTH KOREA AND THE DYNAMICS OF JAPANESE DOMESTIC POLITICS AND FOREIGN POLICY: CASE STUDIES OF SHIN KANEMARU AND JUNICHIRO KOIZUMI’S PYONGYANG SUMMIT MEETINGS IN 1990, 2002 AND 2004’S PYONGYANG SUMMIT MEETINGS by PARK Seohee 51114605 March 2017 Master’s Thesis / Independent Final Report Presented to Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Asia Pacific Studies ACKNOLEGEMENTS First and foremost, I praise and thank my Lord, who gives me the opportunity and talent to accomplish this research. You gave me the power to trust in my passion and pursue my dreams. I could never have done this without the faith I have in You, the Almighty. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Professor Yoichiro Sato for your excellent support and guidance. You gave me the will to carry on and never give up in any hardship. Under your great supervision, this work came into existence. Again, I am so grateful for your trust, informative advice, and encouragement. I am deeply thankful and honored to my loving family. My two Mr. Parks and Mrs. Keum for your support, love and trust. Every moment of every day, I thank our Lord Almighty for giving me such a wonderful family. I would like to express my gratitude to Rotary Yoneyama Memorial Foundation, particularly to Mrs. Toshiko Takahashi (and her family), Kunisaki Club, Mr. Minoru Akiyoshi and Mr. -
Jpfp News Letter
JPFP The Japan Parliamentarians Federation for Population NEWS LETTER No.83 June 2019 The 45th Anniversary of the Japan Parliamentarians Federation for Population (JPFP) (Part II): Promotion of Parliamentarian Activities on Population and Development and ICPPD The last issue traced the history leading up to the establishment of JPFP and its activities during the 1970s. In this issue, we follow JPFP’s activities in the international arena during the 1980s and 1990s. October 1981 - The Asian Conference of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (ACPPD) (Beijing, China) The conference resolved to establish the Asian Forum of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (AFPPD) as well as the Asian Population and Development Association (APDA), as the parental body of AFPPD. Hon. Takeo Fukuda (Chair of JPFP) was awarded the United Nations Peace Medal. Headed by Hon. Takeo Fukuda (Chair of JPFP, HR, LDP), the participants from Japan included: Hon. Takashi Sato (HR, LDP), Hon. Eisaku Sumi (HR, LDP), Hon. Keijiro Shoji (HR, LDP), Hon. Yoshiro Mori (HR, LDP), Hon. 1981 - ACPPD (Beijing) Junichiro Koizumi (HR, LDP), Hon. Katsutsugu Sekiya (HR, LDP), Hon. Shin Sakurai (HR, LDP), Hon. Akira Momiyama (HR, LDP), Hon. Shigeru Ishimoto (HC, LDP), Hon. Yukio Tashiro (HC, LDP), Hon. Chikage Ogi (Hiroko Hayashi) (HC, LDP), Hon. Dr. Hironori Inoue (HR. SPDJ, Hon. Takako Doi (HR, SPDJ), Hon. Yoshito Fukuoka (HR, SPDJ), Hon. Toshimi Kawamoto (HR, SPDJ), Hon. Jinichi Katayama (HC, SPDJ, Hon. Shigetake Arishima (HR, Komeito), Hon. Yasu Kashiwabara (HC, Komeito), Hon. Dr. Hidehiko Yaoi (HR, Komeito), Hon. Kosaku Wada (HR, DSP), Hon. Michikazu Karatani (HC, DSP), Hon. Toshio Yamaguchi (HR, NLC), Hon. -
The Senkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: a Crisis Postponed
Naval War College Review Volume 66 Article 5 Number 2 Spring 2013 The eS nkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: A Crisis Postponed Paul J. Smith Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Smith, Paul J. (2013) "The eS nkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: A Crisis Postponed," Naval War College Review: Vol. 66 : No. 2 , Article 5. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol66/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Smith: The Senkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: A Crisis Postponed THN E SE KAKU/DIAOYU ISLAND CONTROVERSY A Crisis Postponed Paul J. Smith n 11 September 2012, the Japanese government signed a contract worth 2.05 billion yen ($26.1 million) with Kunioki Kurihara, a private business- Oman, to purchase three of the five main islands that constitute the Senkaku/ Diaoyu Island group, an action that effectively nationalized the islands.1 Ironi- cally, the government purchase was designed to head off more ambitious moves by Tokyo’s governor (東京都知事), Shintaro Ishihara, to purchase the islands with cash collected in a national fund-raising campaign. Ishihara, known for his nationalistic views, had told an American audience in April 2012 that the Dr. Smith joined the Naval War College’s National “Senkaku Islets will be purchased by the Tokyo Security Affairs Department in July 2006 and teach- Metropolitan Government . -
Brazil, Japan, and Turkey
BRAZIL | 1 BRAZIL, JAPAN, AND TURKEY With articles by Marcos C. de Azambuja Henri J. Barkey Matake Kamiya Edited By Barry M. Blechman September 2009 2 | AZAMBUJA Copyright ©2009 The Henry L. Stimson Center Cover design by Shawn Woodley Photograph on the front cover from the International Atomic Energy Agency All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org BRAZIL | 3 PREFACE I am pleased to present Brazil, Japan, and Turkey, the sixth in a series of Stimson publications addressing questions of how the elimination of nuclear weapons might be achieved. The Stimson project on nuclear security explores the practical dimensions of this critical 21st century debate, to identify both political and technical obstacles that could block the road to “zero,” and to outline how each of these could be removed. Led by Stimson's co-founder and Distinguished Fellow Dr. Barry Blechman, the project provides useful analyses that can help US and world leaders make the elimination of nuclear weapons a realistic and viable option. The series comprises country assessments, published in a total of six different monographs, and a separate volume on such technical issues as verification and enforcement of a disarmament regime, to be published in the fall. This sixth monograph in the series, following volumes on France and the United Kingdom, China and India, Israel and Pakistan, Iran and North Korea, and Russia and the United States, examines three countries without nuclear weapons of their own, but which are nonetheless key states that would need to be engaged constructively in any serious move toward eliminating nuclear weapons. -
POSITION NAME HR/HC PARTY Honorary Chair Mr. Yasuo FUKUDA
POSITION NAME HR/HC PARTY Honorary Chair Mr. Yasuo FUKUDA Former Prime Minister Chair Mr. Sadakazu TANIGAKI H.R. LDP Senior Vice-Chair Mr. Ichiro AISAWA H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Ichiro AISAWA H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Naokazu TAKEMOTO H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Masayoshi YOSHINO H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Teruhiko MASHIKO H.C. DPJ Vice-Chair Mr. Hiroyuki NAGAHAMA H.C. DPJ Vice-Chair Ms. Tomoko ABE H.R. INDP Vice-Chair Ms. Yuriko KOIKE H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Tetsuo SAITO H.R. Komei Executive Director Mr. Keizo TAKEMI H.C. LDP Deputy �Executive Director Mr. Kenya AKIBA H.R. LDP Deputy �Executive Director Ms. Toshiko ABE H.R. LDP Deputy �Executive Director Mr. Tetsuro FUKUYAMA H.C. DPJ Director Mr. Ichiro TSUKADA H.C. LDP Director Mr. Issei KITAGAWA H.C. LDP Director Mr. Yoshimasa HAYASHI H.C. LDP Director Mr. Ryuhei KAWADA H.C. JRP Director Mr. Asahiko MIHARA H.R. LDP Secretary-General Ms. Aiko SHIMAJIRI H.C. LDP Deputy� Secretary-General Mr. Masahiro ISHIDA H.C. LDP COMMITTEES International Cooperation Chair Mr. Keizo TAKEMI H.C. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. Tatsuo FUKUDA H.R. LDP Domestic Measures Chair Mr. Tetsuo SAITO H.R. Komei Vice-Chair Mr. Issei KITAGAWA H.C. LDP Vice-Chair Ms. Emiko TAKAGAI H.C. LDP Gender Issues Chair Ms. Toshiko ABE H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Ms. Aiko SHIMAJIRI H.C. LDP Vice-Chair Ms. Karen MAKISHIMA H.R. LDP Global Issues Chair Ms. Yuriko KOIKE H.R. LDP Vice-Chair Mr. -
Asia and Japan in the 21St Century—The Decade of the 2000S
This article was translated by JIIA from Japanese into English as part of a research project to promote academic studies on Japan’s diplomacy. JIIA takes full responsibility for the translation of this article. To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your personal use and research, please contact JIIA by e-mail ([email protected]). Citation: Japan’s Diplomacy Series, Japan Digital Library, http://www2.jiia.or.jp/en/digital_library/japan_s_diplomacy.php Asia and Japan in the 21st Century —The Decade of the 2000s* Taizo Miyagi Once characterized by war, conflict, and poverty, Asia had transformed itself into a region of remarkable economic growth and development by the end of the 20th century. This in fact was what Japan had hoped and striven for Asia throughout the postwar period. However, the emergence of China and other devel- opments have eclipsed Japan’s presence in Asia, so that Japan can no longer claim an unchallenged posi- tion even in economic matters. While 21st century Asia stands proud as the growth center for the world economy, there are undeniable signs that this region is becoming the stage for a new power game that is now unfolding. How is Japan to live and prosper in this environment? In the final analysis, the 21st cen- tury signifies the advent of a new age that can no longer be understood in terms of the “postwar” construct. I. The Koizumi Cabinet and Asia 1. Breaking Free of Conventional Wisdom with Bold Actions Before assuming the post of prime minister, Junichiro Koizumi was long considered to be a maverick within a Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) dominated by the Keiseikai Group (Takeshita Faction), which claimed the postal business lobby as a powerful source of support. -
Japan's Political Turmoil in 2008: Background and Implications for The
Order Code RS22951 September 16, 2008 Japan’s Political Turmoil in 2008: Background and Implications for the United States Mark E. Manyin and Emma Chanlett-Avery Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary On September 1, 2008, Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda stunned observers by resigning his post, saying that a new leader might be able to avoid the “political vacuum” that he faced in office. Fukuda’s 11-month tenure was marked by low approval ratings, a sputtering economy, and virtual paralysis in policymaking, as the opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) used its control of the Upper House of Japan’s parliament (the Diet) to delay or halt most government proposals. On September 22, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) will elect a new president, who will become Japan’s third prime minister in as many years. Ex-Foreign Minister Taro Aso, a popular figure known for his conservative foreign policy credentials and support for increased deficit spending, is widely expected to win. Many analysts expect that the new premier will dissolve the Lower House and call for parliamentary elections later in the fall. As a result, Japanese policymaking is likely to enter a period of disarray, which could negatively affect several items of interest to the United States, including the passage of budgets to support the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan and the renewal of legislation that authorizes the deployment of Japanese navy vessels that are refueling ships supporting U.S.-led operations in Afghanistan. This report analyzes the factors behind and implications of Japan’s current political turmoil. -
OFFICIAL GAZETTE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT Piihtinq B8IEAII EDITION 8=T-*-I~A=+Hbsmmw*
OFFICIAL GAZETTE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT PiiHTiNQ B8IEAII EDITION 8=t-*-i~A=+HBsmmw* No. 279 FRIDAY, MARCH 7, 1947 Price 7.50 yen visions of Article 3-2 of the Opium Law. MINISTERIAL ORDINANCE (3) Approvals in accordance with the Health Insurance Law and the Regulations for the Ministry of Welfare Ordinance No. 6 Enforcement of the Health Insurance Law. March 7, 1947 (4) Special licences in accordance with the provisions of Article 4, paragraph 3 of the The Regulations for the Enforcement of National Park Law, and permissions in accor- the Ordinance of the Temporary Measures of Permission and Approval and others relative to dance with the provisions of Article 8, paragraph 2 of the same Law. the Ministry of Welfare shall be amended as (5) Permissions in accordance with the pro- follows : Minister of Welfare visions of Article 13 of the National Medical Treatment Law. .* KAWAI Yoshinari (6) Permissions in accordance with the pro- Article 1. According to the provisions of visions of Article 23, paragraph.1, of the Medi- paragraph 2 of Article 2 of the Ordinance of cines Law (including the cases applied in the the Temporary Measures of Permission and same Article, paragraph 4, of the same Law). Approval and otrers (hereinafter, shall be called (7) Approvals in accordance of the pro- the Ordinance), the following permissions and visions of Article 2, paragraph 2, and Article 5 approvals shall be given in accordance with the of "Resale by the Government of Opium for existing regulations : Pharmacy ". 1. Approval in accordance with the pro- (8) Permissions in accordance with the pro- visions of Article 89, "paragraph 1, of the Regu- visions of Article ll, paragraph 1, of the Regu- lations for the Enforcement of the Epidemic lations for the Enforcement of the Opium Law. -
Strategic Yet Strained
INTRODUCTION | i STRATEGIC YET STRAINED US FORCE REALIGNMENT IN JAPAN AND ITS EFFECTS ON OKINAWA Yuki Tatsumi, Editor September 2008 ii | STRATEGIC YET STRAINED Copyright ©2008 The Henry L. Stimson Center ISBN: 0-9770023-8-1 Photos from the US Government Cover design by Rock Creek Creative All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms............................................................................................................. v Preface ..............................................................................................................viii Acknowledgements............................................................................................. ix INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................... 1 Yuki Tatsumi and Arthur Lord SECTION I: THE CONTEXT CHAPTER 1: THE GLOBAL POSTURE REVIEW OF THE UNITED STATES: “REDUCE, MAINTAIN, AND ENHANCE”............................................................... 13 Derek J. Mitchell CHAPTER 2: THE US STRATEGY BEYOND THE GLOBAL POSTURE REVIEW ...... 25 Tsuneo “Nabe” Watanabe CHAPTER 3: THE LEGACY OF PRIME MINISTER KOIZUMI’S JAPANESE FOREIGN POLICY: AN ASSESSMENT ................................................................... -
Japanische Innenpolitik: Schwerpunkte Und Tendenzen
Japanische Innenpolitik: Schwerpunkte und Tendenzen Japanese Domestic Policy 2008/09: Highlights and Tendencies Manfred Pohl Domestic policy in 2008 and the first half of 2009 was once again characterized by traditional as well as recent shortcomings of political culture in Japan. That is why this chapter has to discuss the desperate fight of the Asô government for political survival under the system. The growing rift in the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and the New Kōmeitō is described as a clear signal of beginning decline of the half-century of nearly unbroken rule by the LDP. Electoral behavior of Kōmeitō (or rather Sōka gakkai) followers and electoral maneuvering of conservative stalwarts is discussed, as are relations between the LDP and the opposition party with the ministe- rial bureaucracy, which was deeply troubled in 2008 by plans both of the LDP and the DPJ to curb its predominant role. Regional and gubernatorial elections in 2008 are outlined as possible early indicators for the disastrous election defeat of both the LDP and the Kōmeitō. The chapter finally seeks to evaluate the guiding role of the imperial family in Japanese society by reflecting upon the golden anniversary of the marriage of the imperial couple. 1 Überblick Die Jahre 2008 und 2009 dürften in die Geschichte der japanischen Innenpolitik als eine Periode eines unaufhaltsamen Niedergangs der machtgewohnten Libe- 24 Innenpolitik raldemokraten verzeichnet werden. Die größte Regierungspartei LDP (Liberal- Demokratische Partei, Jiyū Minshutō) unterlag in diesem Zeitraum weiter einem inneren Zersetzungsprozess, in dem die traditionellen Herrschaftsstrukturen, die der Partei seit 1955 ein nahezu unangefochtenes Machtmonopol sicherten, zerfielen.