45 Natalya GOLANT MYTHOLOGICAL IDEAS of VLACHS of EASTERN
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
ЖУРНАЛ ЭТНОЛОГИИ И КУЛЬТУРОЛОГИИ Том XVIII 45 oficiale a timpului. Ключевые слова: А. А. Скальковский, историо- Cuvinte-cheie: A. A. Skalkovsky, istoriografie, Novo- графия, Новороссия, Бессарабия, краеведение. rosye, Basarabia, studii regionale. Summary Резюме The article deals with the contribution of Apollon В статье рассматривается вклад известного ис- Skalkovsky (1808–1898), the outstanding researcher of следователя юга России XIX в. Аполлона Александро- Southern Russia in the XIXth century, to historical stud- вича Скальковского, оставившего яркий след в деле ies of Novorossiya and Bessarabia in trarist Russia. His- изучения истории новороссийских земель и Бессара- toriographical analysis of this scholar’s works represents бии периода царской России. Историографический groundwork in the field of historical heritage as well as анализ трудов ученого представляет собой широкий demography, statistics and ethnography, a scientific direc- спектр его наработок не только в области истори- tion that was making its first steps, the area of Southern ческого наследия, но и в демографии, статистике, а Russia being of peculiar interest from the point of view of также в зарождающейся этнографической науке, для the official historiography. которой земли южной России представляли особый Key words: A. Skalkovsky, historiography, Novoros- интерес с точки зрения официальной историографии siya, historiography, area studies. того времени. Natalya GOLANT MYTHOLOGICAL IDEAS OF VLACHS OF EASTERN SERBIA (BASED ON MATERIALS OF EXPEDITIONS OF 2013–2014) This article is based on field materials collected croat., slov., pol. mora, alb. morё, mod. Greek. μόρα) in 2013–2014 in the area of Eastern Serbia, primar- (Ciorănescu, 2007, 522). The use of this term to refer ily in the community of Negotin (in the villages of to the living dead is typical of the south-western re- Bukovče, Kobišnica, Raduevac, Slatina and the town gions of Romania, while in the east of Romania morói of Prahovo) as well as in the village of Šipikovo of is commonly used to name a being, in which the soul Zaječar community and the village of Grabovica of of a deceased unbaptized baby has been embodied Kladovo community. (Hedesan, 1998, 9–10; Ciorănescu, 2007, 522). The Two major dialects of the Romanian language term morói in the meaning of the “living dead” was are distributed among Vlachs of Eastern Serbia. Ac- recorded by the author among the residents of the cording to the terminology used by Romanian re- communes of Polovragi (Gorj district) and Ponoarele searchers, Vlachs of Eastern Serbia are native speak- (Mehedinţi district) in Oltenia. The reason for the ers of Oltenia and Banat subdialects of the Romanian transformation of a deceased person into the morói, language (Nestorescu, Petrişor, 1969; Panea, Bălosu, as Vlachs of Eastern Serbia believe, is the fact that Obrocea, 1996, 7-11). Residents of settlements dis- a cat “moved” through him (skipped over or passed cussed here are native speakers of Oltenia subdialect. under the table, on which the dead lay). To avoid this, In this article we will talk about mythological the room with the dead man is zealously kept free ideas of the inhabitants of this region and the simi- of any cats or dogs (town of Prahovo). This idea of larities and differences of these ideas compared to the causes of a deceased person’s transformation into those recorded by the author during field investiga- the living dead is widespread among Romanians: tions in 2006–2012 in the area of Romania, mainly in during the field research in Romania it was recorded Oltenia, as the majority of the residents of the consid- in particular in the communes of Polovragi of Gorj ered settlements are apparently descendants of im- district and Ponoarele of Mehedinţi district in Olte- migrants from Oltenia. nia (Голант, 2014, 191). In the village of Slatina of Such an important for East Romanian mythol- the community of Negotin in Eastern Serbia infor- ogy character as the living dead is designated by the mation was found, according to which, before bury- term morói in this region. This term has analogies ing a dead man, they could plunge a needle in his in a number of Slavic languages as well as in Alba- foot, so he could not come back from the cemetery. nian and modern Greek (compare with the serb., Similar “preventive measures” against the transfor- 46 REVISTA DE ETNOLOGIE ŞI CULTUROLOGIE Volumul XVIII mation of a deceased person into the “living dead” goddess Diana (Dicţionarul explicativ…, 1998, 1182). are also spread among Romanians in Oltenia. So, in Also, the term has an analogy in the Albanian lan- the communes of Melaya (Vâlcea district) and Po- guage (compare: Alb. zanё). As informants put it, lovragi (Gorj district) in the recent past they pierced they live in water and are active in summer. We came the heart of the dead, who, as was believed, could be- across the assertion that these are kind creatures, but come a vampire before the funeral; in Malaia, in ad- what exactly they do could not be found out. The dition, they could put a needle or a branch of a thorn term zấnă is, as a rule, used in the singular and is also in the coffin (Голант, 2014, 130). known to the residents of surveyed villages of Oltenia The demon devouring the moon is called here and Muntenia, but they use it in the sense of a “fairy, vârcolác, as in all the surveyed localities of Roma- character of (literary) fairy tales”, while creatures sim- nia. Vârcolác – a term of the Slavic origin, initially ilar to vila are designated by the terms éle (“they”), associated with the word “wolf” (compare with the ále sfínte (“those saints”), ále frumoáse (“those beau- Bulgarian върколак, Serbo-Croat vukodlak, Czech tiful”), etc. Any ideas of the traces left behind, where vlkodlak, Polish wiłkolak, Ukrainian вовкулак, Be- these creatures danced, could not be found in the larusian воўколак, and Russian волколак). Roma- surveyed villages of Eastern Serbia, while in all the nians in general typically use the lexeme vârcolác surveyed localities of Oltenia and Muntenia there are to mean “demon devouring the moon or the sun” such ideas (Голант, 2014, 132, 193-194). (Credinţe.., 2000, 290-291; Ghinoiu, 2001, 207; The term álă(-a) recorded in the villages of Ciorănescu, 2007, 838-839; Sărbători.., 2001, 1, 355- Kobišnica and Bukovče and in the town of Prahovo 356; Sărbători.., 2003, 3, 390–391; Sărbători.., 2004, of Negotin community can apparently be interpreted 4, 398; Sărbători.., 2009, 5, 377-378). Much more sel- as a symbol of the demon of bad weather. In the Ro- dom Romanians (mainly in Transylvania) make use manian language the word álă, or hálă (from Serbian of the term in its original meaning of a “man-wolf” and Bulgarian ((h)ála), may be used not only in the or in the meaning of a “vampire” typical of many of sense of a “monster, demon”, but also as a “storm” the Balkan Slavs and Greeks (Dicţionarul explicativ.., (Dicţionarul explicative.., 1998, 442). In Kobišnica 1998, 1152; Credinţe.., 2000, 290-291; Sărbători.., and Bukovče there was recorded the phrase ála plái- 2003, 3, 390-391; Ciorănescu, 2007, 838-839). One of ului, which can be translated as the “demon of the residents of the village of Kobišnica, named Spasoe hill”. In the town of Prahovo of Negotin commu- Bulbić, explaining what vârcolac represents, said that nity a statement was written, that ala is a big snake. it was the same as ájdaia. As for the question what áj- According to the information from Kobišnica and daia is, the informant said: “Sti Gheórghi a omorất-o Bukovče, on the day of St. Toader, here referred to pe ájdaia” (“St. George killed ájdaia”). For compari- as Sân-Toáder or Sân-Toáger, pomána álelor (literally son we mention the fact that some of the informants “(memorial) meal of demons”) is held. In the village from the communes of Malaia in Vâlcea district in of Kobišnica women leave food at the spring on this Oltenia and Mânzeleşti in Buzău in Muntenia argued day, and in the village of Bukovče they boil corn and that the vârcolác looks like a snake. In the village of beans in the large boilers on the square in the cen- Bukovče of the same community of Negotin in East- ter of each village area. This “meal”, according to in- ern Serbia at the time vyrkolak is eating the moon, formants, is arranged to protect the countryside, to one can see the “red water” flowing from the moon to prevent ala from bringing unhappiness. Ala was also the earth. According to the information from the vil- mentioned in connection with the day of the Forty lages of Bukovče and Raduevac, when the moon was Martyrs. On this day they try to expel them, along covered by the clouds, people came out of their hous- with snakes (şérpi), from the gardens and courtyards, es and rattled the metal utensils to drive away the for this purpose making bonfires of corncobs (infor- vârcolác. According to an informant from Kobišnica, mation from the village of Šipikovo, Zaječar commu- to this end they could come out into the streets, firing nity). Bonfires and fumigation smoke for protection pistols. A custom, according to which they tried to against snakes, insects, or evil spirits, timed to the get rid of the vârcolác by rattling metal utensils, was day of the Forty Martyrs, are spread among all Roma- recorded by the author in the summer of 2012 in the nians (Sărbători.., 2001, 1, 271-272; Sărbători.., 2002, commune of Tulnici of Vrancea district in Romanian 2, 221-222; Sărbători.., 2003, 3, 285-286; Sărbători.., Moldova, on the border with Muntenia. 2004, 4, 321-322; Sărbători.., 2009, 5, 286-287).