Tasting the Good and the Beautiful 67

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Tasting the Good and the Beautiful 67 TASTING THE GOOD AND THE BEAUTIFUL 67 Tasting the Good and the Beautiful: The Aestheticization of Eating and Drinking in Traditional Chinese Culture Da’an Pan California State Polytechnic University, Pomona Exploring traditional Chinese gastronomic culture in terms of its interdisciplinary expression and values, this article argues that eating and drinking, as sources of creative imagination and aesthetic pleasure, are integral to the creative process in Chinese literature and art, and possess a double value integrating the good with the beautiful. Gastronomic and artistic creations are mutually enhancing and mutually inspiring in their common pursuit of beauty. While exemplifying the holistic values of Chinese culture, the aestheticization of eating and drinking contributes to finer, richer gastronomic experiences. An investigation into this phenomenon opens a window to understanding the development of Chinese gastronomy, thus shedding cross-cultural light on the study of contemporary gastronomy. Beauty and Taste Discussing the semiotics of contemporary food consumption, Barthes (1915-1980) wrote, “One could say that an entire ‘world’ (social environment) is present in and signified by food.... To eat is a behavior that develops beyond its own ends, replacing, summing up, and signalizing other behaviors, and it is precisely for these reasons that it is a sign” (1997, pp. 23; 25). In traditional Chinese society the importance of eating and drinking as cultural and aesthetic signs goes beyond people’s physical existence. For many Chinese individuals food and drink are themselves aesthetic objects, and cooking, eating, and drinking are aesthetic pursuits. The notion of mei-shi (lit., beautiful food; i.e., gourmet food) is almost a household word. In contrast to Plato (427-347 BC), who deprecated cookery as “no art” but “a routine” and “a form of flattery,” and eating as merely serving human physical needs (Hamilton & Cairns, 1989, “Gorgias,” passim, pp. 245-47), Confucius (551-479 BC) associated proper cooking and eating with a person’s spiritual cultivation in the same moral and aesthetic contexts (1979, VII.14, p. 87). In The Analects Confucius prescribes the protocol of eating as a moral and aesthetic behavior, saying: “[The gentleman] ... did not eat his fill of polished rice, nor did he eat his fill of finely minced meat.... He did not eat food that had gone off color or food that had a bad smell. He did not eat food that was not properly prepared.... He did not eat food that had not been properly cut up, nor did he eat unless the proper sauce was available” (Ibid., bk. 10, no. 8, p. 103). For a Confucian gentleman, fine dining has played a dual function by providing nourishment to both the body and the mind. Underlying this perception is the mind-body holism in traditional Chinese philosophy, including medical philosophy. As Chang points out, “perhaps one of the most important qualifications of a Chinese gentleman was his knowledge and skill pertaining to food and drink” (1977, p. 11). The moral and aesthetic value assigned to eating and drinking in traditional Chinese culture has led gastronomy to constant refinement and ultimate sophistication, in the process inspiring the representation of this subject in literature and art. In the Classic of Poetry, China’s first anthology of poems, reputedly adopted by Confucius for moral education, eating and particularly banqueting (or feasting) take place on various occasions such as the celebration of good harvests, homage to benevolent rulers, and ancestral sacrifices. In traditional Chinese society banqueting is “an important ritual in the 68 PAN Fall 2003 social sphere” (M. M. Yang, 1994, p. 137) and one of the popular forms of socialization that contributes significantly to social order, unity, and harmony. In many poems in this classic public or private banqueting creates a festive mood blended with a moral aura. The poem “Deer Cries” vividly conveys the moral undertones of a state banquet when the king proposed the following toast: “... My guests of honor are all here;/ Your virtuous reputation resounds far and wide./ Please teach our people not to breach the proprieties;/ All gentlemen could follow your example./ I have fine wine,/ Let my guests of honor feast and play ...” (Ren & He, 1989, pp. 317-19). Traditional Chinese gastronomy possesses a double value integrating the good with the beautiful. Eating and drinking satisfy not only one’s bodily needs but also one’s aesthetic and spiritual needs. As banqueting was often highlighted with poetry-making, gastronomic appreciation and artistic creation became mutually enhancing and mutually inspiring. In Chinese literature and art and particularly literati literature and art, eating and drinking are aestheticized as worthy themes or subject matters, as the appreciation of gastronomic products, activities, and etiquettes is essentially an aesthetic value judgment. In a sense, Chinese gastronomy is a holistic art and a liberal art, and the study of Chinese literature and art necessarily involves gastronomy. As West explains, food “... was elevated at an early period [in China] from necessity to art, from sustenance to elegance; the subsequent high cultural status assured that food would remain a key ingredient in the language and structure of literature and art” (1997, p. 68). The Chinese concept of beauty is associated with that of taste. The Chinese character- word mei (beautiful; delicious) can be interpreted as a pictograph for a totemic emblem, or as an ideogram signifying a strong-bodied sheep, whose physical strength is beautiful, or the taste of mutton from a fattened sheep (Yü, 1984, pp. 117-19). It is synonymous with the character-word xian (delicious), whose ideogramic composition suggests fish cooked with mutton. The concept of taste acquires a metaphysical status in traditional Chinese metaphysi- cal and medical thinking when the so-called Five-Flavors (referring to sourness, bitterness, sweetness, piquancy, and saltiness) theory is incorporated into the Five-Elements (or Five Evolutive Phases, referring to wood, earth, fire, metal, and water) theory, forming the philosophical underpinnings of traditional Chinese gastronomy, including herbological gas- tronomy. According to The Yellow Emperor’s Classic of Medicine, one of the earliest classics of Chinese medicine, the harmonization of the five flavors in food, while embodying the harmony (and balance) of nature, contributes to the harmony (and balance) of the body and the mind (Ni, 1995, pp. 40; 93-94; 243-44). In his discussion on food in early Chinese literature, Knechtges analyses a discourse on the “perfect flavors” by Yi Yin, “the Chinese gastronome par excellence” (1986, p. 53). Citing Yi Yin’s discourse from the Chinese classic Lüshi chunqiu (The Annals of Lü Buwei), Knechtges interprets, “Blending the five flavors is an extremely delicate task, comparable to the subtle skill required of an archer and coachman, or even the mysterious movements of the cosmos” (Ibid.. Cf. Knoblock & Riegel, 2000, p. 308). Rooted in nature, the Five-Elements theory and the Five-Flavors theory both reflect human conceptualization of the law and order of nature and reify the dynamic balance that informs nature and characterizes nature’s beauty. Also rooted in nature is traditional Chinese aesthetics, which forms an inherent link between the Five-Flavors theory and gastronomy in that harmonious, good taste is not only a manifestation of nature’s beauty but also beauty in itself. To make and consume tasty food is to comply with the law and order of nature, and a taste for fine food is a taste for the beauty of nature. The appreciation and differentiation of taste demonstrate a human need for fine dining as a source of aesthetic as well as physical pleasure. Archeological findings from the Shang dynasty (ca. 1700 - ca. 1200 BC) and the succeeding Western Zhou dynasty (ca. 1200 - ca. 771 BC) in ancient China indicate a large variety and an elaborate system of eating TASTING THE GOOD AND THE BEAUTIFUL 69 utensils and drinking vessels, their sophisticated craftsmanship made possible by an advanced technology (Yü, 1984, p. 120). The aesthetic of tableware is part of the gastronomic system, as beautiful tableware adds to the beauty of food and drink. This helps explain the avoidance of weapon-shaped eating utensils such as knives and forks at the Chinese dinner table. As Anderson notes, “This use of food as social lubricant, stimulus, and marker is traceable to the very dawn of Chinese civilization — and beyond, if the careful attention to beauty in the construction of Neolithic pottery means what I think it means” (1988, p. 200). As sources of creative inspiration and aesthetic pleasure, eating and drinking are integral to the creative process in Chinese literature and art. For example, the story of Yi Yin mentioned earlier “offers one of the most palatable anecdotes of Chinese mythology because of the rare ‘literary’ flavor it produces in our modern imaginations” (Yue, 1999, p. 40). Depicted in poetic elegance and imagination, eating and drinking are further aestheticized and better appreci- ated, which results in finer, richer culinary and gastronomic practices. Thus, a virtuous cycle is generated between eating-drinking and literature-art in their common pursuit of beauty. Many Chinese writers and artists, especially the literati, were gourmets who often incorpo- rated their gastronomic experience and imagination into their creative or critical works. Among the recurring subjects of traditional Chinese painting are banqueting, tea drinking, and wine drinking, as well as a variety of food items such as vegetables and fruit. Gastronomic discourses have entered various genres of Chinese literature, and even the traditional form of literary criticism known as shi-hua (lit., remarks on poetry). Indeed, as West observes, “Culinary arts and literature shared a vocabulary of taste and judgment ....” (1997, p. 68). For Chinese gourmet-readers the gastronomic component of a literary or painterly text is a source of vicarious pleasure.
Recommended publications
  • Review & Analysis
    Chinese Social Sciences Today Review & Analysis THURSDAY APRIL 11 2019 5 However, most extant referen- Translation and research of tea classic tially valuable books and records about tea culture are aged. Some information is outdated and im- promoted Chinese tea culture to world practical in developed society. Thus when translating tea culture documents, including The Classic of Tea, Chinese and foreign trans- CULTURAL COMMUNICATION lators alike have depended largely By YUAN MENGYAO on foreignization and occasional and DONG XIAOBO domestication in their translation methodologies, in a bid to dissem- Tea is one of the main symbols of inate tea culture more efficiently. the Chinese culture. As early as in the Western Han Dynasty (202 Cultural blending BCE–8 CE), tea and tea culture The Classic of Tea and Chinese had been spread overseas. The tea culture have been influential Classic of Tea, also translated into overseas not only because they in- Cha Ching based on the Wade- tensified other countries’ interest Giles romanization system, not in studying Chinese tea and were only advanced the development of fused into their daily customs, tea culture in China, but also gen- but also because they profoundly erated extensive influence abroad. impacted the literature, art and Authored by Tang Dynasty tea aesthetic communities of other expert Lu Yu (733–804), who has nations. been honored as the Sage of Tea, After the introduction of The the masterpiece is the first known Classic of Tea to the West, a great monograph on tea in the world. number of tea culture mono- Studying the outbound transmis- Tang Dynasty tea expert Lu Yu (733–804) and part of his magnum opus The Classic of Tea Photo: FILE graphs that were modeled after sion of tea culture in ancient times the Chinese classic emerged, and along with the history of the trans- troduced into Japan in the South- leaves via land routes has had a liam Ukers compiled and pub- many countries tailored the tea lation of The Classic of Tea will ern Song Dynasty (1127–1279).
    [Show full text]
  • PMM ND Xu Et Al
    1 New development: Wang Anshi’s Wanyanshu as the origins of modern public management? Yunxiao Xu, Caichen Ma and James L. Chan A recent paper in this journal (Drechsler, 2013) traced the origins of modern Western public management to the Wanyanshu, a memorandum Wang Anshi submitted in 1058 to a Song Dynasty emperor in China. We raise doubts about the author’s assessment and claims about that still remarkable document about government human resource management, in part by citing Chinese historians’ ambivalence. Believing in the value of Sino-Western comparative research in public management, we push back the origins of Chinese statecraft by 2,000 years by suggesting further research into older and greater Chinese contributions to global public management. Keywords: China; civil service examination; human resource management; international comparative public management; Wang Anshi; Wanyanshu. Professor Drechsler’s article in the September Wang Anshi’s Wanyanshu Yunxiao Xu is 2013 issue of Public Money & Management praised The Wanyanshu was in effect Wang Anshi’s Associate Professor highly a memorandum submitted in 1058 by mission report to the emperor. Calling it ‘a of Public Finance, Wang Anshi, a Chinese Song Dynasty official to report to the Emperor Renzhong about current School of Economics, the emperor, regarding it as ‘one of the key affairs’, Wang Anshi wrote it after serving six Peking University, texts of Chinese public management’ and ‘one years as a local government official. Thus he China; and Visiting of the first texts of public management in the had learned first-hand a great deal of the Researcher (2013– modern sense’ (Drechsler, 2013, p.
    [Show full text]
  • The Tea Ceremony
    The Tea Ceremony The Tea Ceremony by ReadWorks Most of Julie's friends' parents drank coffee. Some of them liked tea, too; but not like her parents did. Jill's family, Billy's family, and Tanya's family each had just two or three boxes of tea on a shelf, but Julie's had a whole cabinet dedicated to tea. No bags in boxes either; her parents drank loose-leaf tea only. "The real stuff," her dad called it. Packed tightly in rich red and gold tins, the Tang's collection included fragrant jasmine green tea; Longjing tea, a pan-fried green tea Julie preferred to call by its nickname, Dragon Well tea; roasted, curly-leaved oolong tea; lightly sweet white tea; and more. Every New Year-the Chinese New Year that is-her parents would have a traditional tea ceremony. That's the time when she would roll her eyes and slink out of the room. Her mom said it was an important cultural tradition, but Julie just thought it was B-O-R-I-N-G. (Or at least she assumed it would be if she ever stuck around for it.) However, now that she was 13 (an official teenager at last!), Julie felt different, more mature, and she was beginning to really enjoy history, thanks to her great social studies teacher. Julie decided it was time this New Year to take an interest in her own family and cultural history once she realized she actually knew very little. (She had only been to China once when she visited her grandparents as a five-year-old and her classes devoted equal time to studies of all the cultures of the world, not just that of the Chinese.) "Why do we have to do this tea ceremony every year?" Julie asked her mother, who was taking the clay teapots out of the cabinet reserved for special teapots and fancy dishes.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese Ceramics in the Late Tang Dynasty
    44 Chinese Ceramics in the Late Tang Dynasty Regina Krahl The first half of the Tang dynasty (618–907) was a most prosperous period for the Chinese empire. The capital Chang’an (modern Xi’an) in Shaanxi province was a magnet for international traders, who brought goods from all over Asia; the court and the country’s aristocracy were enjoying a life of luxury. The streets of Chang’an were crowded with foreigners from distant places—Central Asian, Near Eastern, and African—and with camel caravans laden with exotic produce. Courtiers played polo on thoroughbred horses, went on hunts with falconers and elegant hounds, and congregated over wine while being entertained by foreign orchestras and dancers, both male and female. Court ladies in robes of silk brocade, with jewelry and fancy shoes, spent their time playing board games on dainty tables and talking to pet parrots, their faces made up and their hair dressed into elaborate coiffures. This is the picture of Tang court life portrayed in colorful tomb pottery, created at great expense for lavish burials. By the seventh century the manufacture of sophisticated pottery replicas of men, beasts, and utensils had become a huge industry and the most important use of ceramic material in China (apart from tilework). Such earthenware pottery, relatively easy and cheap to produce since the necessary raw materials were widely available and firing temperatures relatively low (around 1,000 degrees C), was unfit for everyday use; its cold- painted pigments were unstable and its lead-bearing glazes poisonous. Yet it was perfect for creating a dazzling display at funeral ceremonies (fig.
    [Show full text]
  • I. Guides to the State of the Field Song Research Tools
    I. Guides to the State of the Field Page 1 of 125 Song Research Tools home | about | faq I. Guides to the State of the Field The late Etienne Balazs began formulating plans for an international, collaborative study of the Sung period as early as 1949 and formally initiated the "Sung Project" in 1954. The Project was responsible for some of the most valuable reference tools in this guide. Its history is related in: Ref (W) DS751.S86 1978x Yves Hervouet, "Introduction," (W) DS751.S86 1978x A Sung Bibliography Loc: Z3102 .S77 Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1978, pp. vii-xiv. I.A. SOCIETIES, NEWSLETTERS, AND JOURNALS Societies Japan: Sōdaishi kenkyūkai 宋代史研究会 (Society for Song Studies): http://home.hiroshima-u.ac.jp/songdai/songdaishi-yanjiuhui.htm This site contains announcements for and reports on the annual meetings of the society, links to related sites, a bibliography of Japanese scholarship on Song studies (1982-2002) and a directory of Japanese scholars working in the field. Sōdaishi danwakai 宋代史談話會 (Society for the Study of Song History in Japan) http://www2u.biglobe.ne.jp/~songsong/songdai/danwakai.html Established in 1997 as a forum and reading group for young scholars of Song history active in Kyoto-Osaka-Kobe region. Includes meeting information, list of readings, and an announcement board. Sōdai shibun kenkyūkai 宋代詩文研究會 (Society for the Study of Song Literature) http://www9.big.or.jp/~co-ume/song/ http://www9.big.or.jp/~co-ume/song/danwakai.htm Includes announcements and a mailing list. Registration is required to get access to the full site.
    [Show full text]
  • The Paradigm of Hakka Women in History
    DOI: 10.4312/as.2021.9.1.31-64 31 The Paradigm of Hakka Women in History Sabrina ARDIZZONI* Abstract Hakka studies rely strongly on history and historiography. However, despite the fact that in rural Hakka communities women play a central role, in the main historical sources women are almost absent. They do not appear in genealogy books, if not for their being mothers or wives, although they do appear in some legends, as founders of villages or heroines who distinguished themselves in defending the villages in the absence of men. They appear in modern Hakka historiography—Hakka historiography is a very recent discipline, beginning at the end of the 19th century—for their moral value, not only for adhering to Confucian traditional values, but also for their endorsement of specifically Hakka cultural values. In this paper we will analyse the cultural paradigm that allows women to become part of Hakka history. We will show how ethical values are reflected in Hakka historiography through the reading of the earliest Hakka historians as they depict- ed Hakka women. Grounded on these sources, we will see how the narration of women in Hakka history has developed until the present day. In doing so, it is necessary to deal with some relevant historical features in the construc- tion of Hakka group awareness, namely migration, education, and women narratives, as a pivotal foundation of Hakka collective social and individual consciousness. Keywords: Hakka studies, Hakka woman, women practices, West Fujian Paradigma žensk Hakka v zgodovini Izvleček Študije skupnosti Hakka se močno opirajo na zgodovino in zgodovinopisje.
    [Show full text]
  • Meaning Beyond Words: Games and Poems in the Northern Song Author(S): Colin Hawes Source: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol
    Poésie chinoise et modernité Wang Yucheng 王禹偁 (954-1001) (1) Le chant de l'âne blessé par un corbeau 烏啄瘡驢歌 Pourquoi les corbeaux des monts Shang sont-ils si cruels, Avec leur bec plus long qu'un clou, plus pointu qu'une flèche ! Qu'ils attrapent les insectes, qu'ils brisent des oeufs à leur guise, Mais pourquoi s'en prendre à ma bête déjà blessée ? Depuis un an que je suis banni à Shangyu, J'ai confié tout mon bagage à mon âne boiteux. Dans les Qinling aux falaises escarpées il est grimpé, Avec mes nombreux volumes chargés sur le dos. Une profonde blessure l'avait balafré de l'échine à la panse, Et il a fallu six mois de soins pour qu'enfin il commence à guérir. Mais hier ce corbeau a soudainement fondu sur lui, Becquetant la vieille plaie pour arracher la nouvelle chair. Mon âne a rugi, mon serviteur a grondé, mais envolé le corbeau ! Sur mon toit il s'est juché, aiguisant son bec et battant des ailes. Mon âne n'a rien pu faire, mon serviteur n'a rien pu faire, Quel malheur que de n'avoir ni arc ni filet pour l'attraper ! Nous devons compter sur les rapaces de ces montagnes, Ou prier le voisin de prêter le faisan aux couleurs d'automne : Que leurs serres de fer, que ses griffes crochues, Brisent le cou de ce corbeau, qu'ils dévorent la cervelle de ce corbeau! Mais qu'ils ne songent pas seulement à se remplir le ventre : Il s'agit surtout d'aider à venger un âne blessé ! 1 梅堯臣 Mei Yaochen (1002-1060) 舟中夜與家人飲 (2) La nuit sur un bateau, buvant avec mon épouse 月出斷岸口 La lune qui se lève écorne la falaise, 影照別舸背 Sa lumière découpe la poupe du bateau; 且獨與婦飲 Je bois tout seul avec mon épouse, 頗勝俗客對 Et c'est bien mieux qu'avec l'habituelle compagnie.
    [Show full text]
  • Tracing Changes in Acu- Moxa Therapy During the Transition from the Tang to the Song Dynasties 1
    EASTM 18 (2001): 75-11 I Changing Standards: Tracing Changes in Acu­ moxa Therapy During the Transition from the Tang to the Song Dynasties 1 Asaf Goldschmidt [Asaf Goldschmidt is a lecturer at Tel Aviv University, Israel. He received his Ph.D. in History and Sociology of Science from the University of Pennsylvania in I 999. His dissertation was on "The transformations of Chinese medicine dur­ ing the Northern Song dynasty (920-1127)." The dissertation analysed how by the end of the Northern Song dynasty three past medical approaches converged into one comprehensive medical system. He is currently working on a history of the first imperially sponsored pharmacy in China and on the influence of the Song emperor Huizang on medicine.] * * * Acupuncture is probably one of the most renowned topics when traditional Chi­ nese medicine is discussed. Indeed, more often than not, when people discuss traditional Chinese medicine one of the first issues they discuss is acu-moxa therapy (see definition below). Acu-moxa therapy is certainly one of the most intriguing and unintuitive therapeutic skills in the arsenal of traditional Chinese medicine. However in spite of this, little research has been conducted on the history of this topic. Existing works mostly concentrate on either the question of the origin of acu-moxa therapy or provide a general overview of its history.2 This paper offers a different approach - it compares the contents of six surviving texts of acu-moxa therapy dating to the late Tang and early Song dynasties. By com­ paring the contents of these works, I attempt to examine changes in the manu­ scripts available to practitioners of that era.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dictionary of Chinese Deities
    THE DICTIONARY OF CHINESE DEITIES HAROLD LIU For everyone who love Chinese myth A Amitabha Amitabha is is a celestial buddha described in the scriptures of the Mahayana school of Buddhism. Amitabha is the principal buddha in the Pure Land sect, a branch of Buddhism practiced mainly in East Asia. An Qisheng An immortal who had live 1.000 year at he time of Qin ShiHuang. According to the Liexian Zhuan, Qin Shi Huang spoke with him for three entire days (including nights), and offered Anqi jade and gold. He later sent an expedition under Xu Fu to find him and his highly sought elixir of life. Ao Guang The dragon king of East sea. He is the leader of four dragon king. His son Ao Bing killed by Nezha, when his other two son was also incapitated by Eight Immortals. Ao Run The dragon king of West Sea. His crown prine named Mo Ang and help Sun Wukong several times in journey to the West story.His 3th son follow monk XuanZhang as hisdragon horse during Xuan Zhang's journey to the West. Ao Qin The dragon king of South sea AoShun The dragon King of North sea. Azzure dragon (Qing Long) One of four mythical animal in China, he reincanated many times as warrior such as Shan Xiongxin and Yom Kaesomun, amighty general from Korea who foiled Chinese invasion. It eleemnt is wood B Bai He Tongzhu (white crane boy) Young deity disciple of Nanji Xianweng (god of longevity), he act as messenger in heaven Bai Mudan (White peony) Godess of temptress Famous prostitute who sucesfully tempt immortal Lu Dongbin to sleep with her and absorb his yang essence.
    [Show full text]
  • Memorial on the Crop Loans Measure, by Wang Anshi
    Primary Source Document with Questions (DBQs) MEMORIAL ON THE CROP LOANS MEASURE By Wang Anshi Introduction The Song dynasty (960-1279) was weaker than its predecessor, the Tang, and ruled over a smaller territory. To the north and northwest, the Song faced strong alien regimes: the Khitan Liao dynasty (907-1125) and the Tangut Xixia (990-1227). These regimes posed a constant military threat, which the Song defused by making payments of silk and other goods to both the Xixia and the Liao according to negotiated agreements. Still, the burden of maintaining troops for the defense of the empire was significant and caused serious financial problems for the imperial government (the cost of the payments to the Xixia and the Liao was small by comparison). The officials of the Song dynasty approached the task of government with the inspiration of a reinvigorated Confucianism, which historians refer to as “Neo-Confucianism.” Song officials such as Fan Zhongyan (989-1052), Su Shi (1037-1101, also known by his pen name, Su Dongpo), and Wang Anshi (1021-1086) worked to apply Confucian principles to the practical tasks of governing. As with any group of scholars and officials, different individuals had different understandings of just what concrete measures would best realize the moral ideals articulated in the Analects and Mencius. Such disagreements could be quite serious and could make or unmake careers. Wang Anshi was a noted scholar and official. He distinguished himself during a long term of service as a country magistrate. In 1068, the young Shenzong Emperor (r. 1068-1085), then twenty years old, appointed Wang Anshi as Chief Councilor and charged him with carrying out a thorough-going reform of the empire’s finances, administration, education, and military.
    [Show full text]
  • How Poetry Became Meditation in Late-Ninth-Century China
    how poetry became meditation Asia Major (2019) 3d ser. Vol. 32.2: 113-151 thomas j. mazanec How Poetry Became Meditation in Late-Ninth-Century China abstract: In late-ninth-century China, poetry and meditation became equated — not just meta- phorically, but as two equally valid means of achieving stillness and insight. This article discusses how several strands in literary and Buddhist discourses fed into an assertion about such a unity by the poet-monk Qiji 齊己 (864–937?). One strand was the aesthetic of kuyin 苦吟 (“bitter intoning”), which involved intense devotion to poetry to the point of suffering. At stake too was the poet as “fashioner” — one who helps make and shape a microcosm that mirrors the impersonal natural forces of the macrocosm. Jia Dao 賈島 (779–843) was crucial in popularizing this sense of kuyin. Concurrently, an older layer of the literary-theoretical tradition, which saw the poet’s spirit as roaming the cosmos, was also given new life in late Tang and mixed with kuyin and Buddhist meditation. This led to the assertion that poetry and meditation were two gates to the same goal, with Qiji and others turning poetry writing into the pursuit of enlightenment. keywords: Buddhism, meditation, poetry, Tang dynasty ometime in the early-tenth century, not long after the great Tang S dynasty 唐 (618–907) collapsed and the land fell under the control of regional strongmen, a Buddhist monk named Qichan 棲蟾 wrote a poem to another monk. The first line reads: “Poetry is meditation for Confucians 詩為儒者禪.”1 The line makes a curious claim: the practice Thomas Mazanec, Dept.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient-Style Prose Anthologies in Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) China
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 In The Eye Of The Selector: Ancient-Style Prose Anthologies In Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) China Timothy Robert Clifford University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian History Commons, and the Asian Studies Commons Recommended Citation Clifford, Timothy Robert, "In The Eye Of The Selector: Ancient-Style Prose Anthologies In Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) China" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2234. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2234 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2234 For more information, please contact [email protected]. In The Eye Of The Selector: Ancient-Style Prose Anthologies In Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) China Abstract The rapid growth of woodblock printing in sixteenth-century China not only transformed wenzhang (“literature”) as a category of knowledge, it also transformed the communities in which knowledge of wenzhang circulated. Twentieth-century scholarship described this event as an expansion of the non-elite reading public coinciding with the ascent of vernacular fiction and performance literature over stagnant classical forms. Because this narrative was designed to serve as a native genealogy for the New Literature Movement, it overlooked the crucial role of guwen (“ancient-style prose,” a term which denoted the everyday style of classical prose used in both preparing for the civil service examinations as well as the social exchange of letters, gravestone inscriptions, and other occasional prose forms among the literati) in early modern literary culture. This dissertation revises that narrative by showing how a diverse range of social actors used anthologies of ancient-style prose to build new forms of literary knowledge and shape new literary publics.
    [Show full text]