National Symbols in Politics The Polish Case Zdzislaw Mach

Mach, Zdzislaw 1992: National Symbols in Politics. The Polish Case. -Ethnologia Europea 22: 89-107.

The article discusses functions of the Polish national emblem in the context of political and religious symbolism in Poland. The examination of th e Polish em­ blem - the white eagle - in its historica l development provides a back ground to und rsta nding variou. asp cts of the national and political ideology. Through the ana lysis of diffe.renL strucLural forms of Lhe emblem, composed of various sym­ bolic eleme nts in changing combuiations, an interpretation is made of the politi ­ cal process in Poland. A specific feature of this process was th e fact tbaL both sides of the political conflict between the regime and the democratic opposition used the same national symbols, but in different structural contexts, thus giving them different, sometimes contradictory meanings.

Zdzislaw Mach , Jagi ellonian University, Institute of Sociology, 52 Grodzka Street, 31-044, Cracow, Poland.

The article aims to demonstrate the function­ most central Polish national symbol, tracing ing of Polish national symbols in the conditions interpretations given to it in history and in the of the communist and postcommunist state, to present day by different groups. Through the describe their resonances in Polish society, and reconstruction of the various meanings associ­ to indicate certain symbolic processes typical of ated to the symbol I hope to achieve better states dominated by ideology . For the sake of understanding of the way members of the Pol­ brevity, I shall concentrate on an analysis of ish nation and the Polish society construct only one symbol, namely the national emblem, their identity as Poles and as citizens, in th e which is undoubtedly the most important, and context of national culture and politics. symbolically the richest. National symbols are eminently public (ac­ Modern nations, like all human groups, are cording to the distinction made by Firth be­ equipped with symbolic systems which repre­ tween public and private symbols; see Firth sent their permanence and identity, qualities 1973); they refer to values cultivated and recognized as being the most sacred, and that shared by the nation , and also represent that distinguish them from other nations, referring nation . They are universal , at least in the to tradition and to visions of national charac­ sense that members of th e nation understand teristics. National symbols express in a concen­ their meaning, and among them there exists trated form the central ideas and values of the an agreement that the given symbol repre­ nation. sents the nation as a whole. This does not , Interpretation and understanding of a na­ however, mean that all members of the nation tional symbolic system, of various usages and interpret the symbols in the same way, nor interpretations of the symbols by different peo­ that they identify themselves with the mean­ ple in different contexts and situations is then ing the symbols convey in their "official" in­ a way to understand identity of people and terpretation. According to the interpretation groups of which the nation and the nation­ given to national symbols by the dominant state are composed. In this article I am at­ group or groups within the nation, they are tempting to analyze changes of meaning of the supposed to stand for values and ideas central

'i Ethnologia Eurnpaea 22:2 89 for that nation. However, not only there are of a nation when national symbols integrate members of the nation who may not share the the nation in opposition to foreign oppressors values identified as central by the dominant or to another nation. In such a situation sym­ group, but also there often exists a conflict of bols contribute to polarization of the social sys­ interpretation of a given symbol, due to its tem, and those who are on the same side read ambiguity and multiplicity of meanings (see the symbols in the same way, at least as long Kapferer 1988; Bocock 1974, Mach 1993). as the conflict lasts. On the other hand one Also, since most people today live in nation­ must admit that even then symbols are often states, national symbols became state symbols abused or misinterpreted, and thus misunder­ as well, and as such stand for states and their standings and conflicts may arise . However , societies in international contexts . This identi­ when the major political conflict which unifies fication of national symbols with state symbols the nation is over, various divisions within the causes problems for those members of a nation­ society soon emerge, and the process of decom­ state who belong to a national minority, as position of meanings starts. The relations be­ their loyalty to the state, signified by state tween the signifying and the signified are no symbols which are also national symbols of longer stable and certain, nor generally ac­ other people, may contradict with their loyalty cepted. Social life is then a continuous process to their nation, different from that which dom­ of mutual identifications of various groups, in inate the given nation-state (see McDonald which symbols play a major role. Symbols are 1989; Mach 1993). Often political opposition continuously identified, interpreted, reinter­ groups within a nation-state contestate state preted and combined with others. Everything symbols , which for them stand for values becomes pluralistic, relative and negotiable . which they oppose . As those symbols are also Even the most central national symbols, de­ national symbols, sacred to many people quite clared as sacred to all during the time of con­ apart from their political significance, such an flict, say a war for national liberation, once the opposition may also lead to conflicts. Thus sym­ war is over begin to mean different things to bols not only express the integrity and solidar­ different people in different contexts. This may ity of the group, but also divide people into cause certain nostalgia among conservatively supporters and opponents, friends and ene­ minded people for those good, heroic days when mies, emphasize differences between them and sacred things were sacred to everybody, except define the boundaries of the political and ide­ the enemies , when the world was simple and ological domain of the group . Symbols of the the picture clear. nation-state do not belong to a particular na­ In contemporary societies there usually ex­ tional group only. Different groups within the ists a classical set of national symbols (emblem, same political system often use the same sym­ flag and national anthem) which are officially bols but combine them in different relations recognized and protected by law. These sym­ and use them in different contexts. With the bols have an ordering significance, distinguish­ emergence of political opposition the process of ing one nation-state from another, and at the decomposition of significations begin. This is same time conveying the message that the na­ an important aspect of social change. Espe­ tion and the state are identical, and denoting cially in contemporary nation-states of Europe the unity of the members of each nation and and America most , indeed all, symbols are sub­ their loyalty to the state . ject to questions and contestation . Nothing is Polish national symbols, though similar in sacred any more, nothing taken for granted. many respects to the majority of analogous National symbols no longer have obvious symbolic representations of contemporary Eu­ meaning, and there even is a certain fashion ropean nations, are distinguished by one es­ among the educated circles, notably among the sential feature, namely that they remained youth, to deconstruct and reconstruct the fundamentally unchanged from their very be­ world of national and political symbolism. As I ginning. It is, as Firth emphasizes, a feature of shall try to show, there are moments in history national symbols that "a change in type of gov-

90 ernment may be symbolized by abandonment monuments. In a sense it did not matter what of the old flag and creation of a different one" was the name of the street, if the street itself or (Firth 1973: 34 7). As a rule, a change of politi­ the town was of no symbolic value. For what cal system or of political leadership has they cared they could as well live anywhere brought with it a change of national symbols. else in the world (Mach 1993). Not only have nearly all communist countries After a radical change of a political system, adopted new symbols, but the same happened new political elites usually claim some contin­ in France after the revolution, in Italy, and in uation of what they regard as good, just and Germany after World War II. From the mo­ progressive elements of the past of the nation, ment that democratic systems were introduced and refer to them in the construction of the in the majority of European countries, the old new symbolic structure of the state (Lane symbols that had come from the ancestral 1981; Binns 1979, 1980; Mach 1993). Old sym­ signs of the monarchs were discarded. At pre­ bols are often revived in new contexts and sent, Eastern European countries leaving "the meanings. The idea behind such symbolic ma­ Soviet Block" and getting rid of communism in nipulation is to identify the new state with the their internal politics and economy, very care­ nation or, at least, with those segments and fully remove the symbols of state socialism: social forces of the nation whose support is they destroy monuments, change names of sufficiently important to the new ruling elite, streets or even of the countries themselves, and who are expected to give legitimation to and eliminate "socialist" elements from official the new elite (Moore 1977; Cohen 1969, 1974). emblems and flags. One of the first things the The emblem and flag of Poland have their Rumanian revolutionaries did in December origin in the Middle Ages, and the exact time of 1989 was to cut out from state flags the em­ their appearance cannot be ascertained (Grze­ blems added by the communists. These flags gorzewski 1920; Russocki et al. 1963). Histor­ with round holes in the middle were then ical sources record their existence at the begin­ waved by people fighting in the streets. Again, ning of the 13th century. The emblem of Po­ however, the involvement of the people - citi­ land precedes the flag, and so it seems to be zens of the communist states in the process of more interesting as a subject of analysis. transformation of their symbolic world de­ The principal symbolic motifs appearing in pends on their identification with ideas, norms, Europe as elements of emblems are: the griffin, and values. For example in Poland the reli­ the lion, the eagle, the crown, the sceptre, the gious minority of Lutherans who live in a small globe, and the colours of gold and purple. At enclave near the Czech border was not happy times, too, there appear religious elements with the domination of Roman Catholic reli­ with an ideological function, representing the gious symbolism of the Solidarity movement idea of defender of the faith or conferring reli­ and tried to oppose it. Also in Poland, people gious sanctions on the political ruler. The em­ who settled in the Western provinces of the blems originate principally from knightly coats country, in the land which before the World of arms, and are thus composed structurally War II belonged to Germany, did not change according to the general principles of heraldry. much in the political symbolism of their towns. The sides of the world are considered as from They were re-settled there as a result of the the point of view of a person standing behind war and of the subsequent shift of borders, did the emblem - behind the shield and its coat of not migrate voluntarily, and never accepted arms. The order of inclusion of symbolic ele­ the new land as their own symbolic space, their ments represents the hierarchy of importance own place, the spatial aspect of their identity. (that which surrounds is of prime importance); The previously German land for them was and the whole is more important than the alien and did not represent ideological value. parts while simultaneously the central ele­ Therefore in recent years, unlike Poles in other ments represent the essence of the emblem parts of the country, they did not bother to and define its present state, its particular change names of the streets, nor to remove meaning in a given context (e.g. the dynastic

7* 91 Fig. 1. Fig. 2. Fig. 3. coat of arms in the centre of the national em­ formidable, independent and majestic. A le­ blem). gend, still recounted in Poland and without The emblem of Poland depicts a white eagle doubt of some significance in the formation of with outspread wings, its head turned to the Polish attitudes to their emblem, speaks of right, with a golden bill and talons. It is set three brothers, Lech, Czech and Rus, who ar­ against an even red background on a heraldic rived long ago in Poland. One evening Lech escutcheon. The genesis of the emblem and its saw, against the background of a beautiful sky symbolism lay in the period of the creation and red from the glow of the setting sun, a white strengthening of Poland's statehood in the eagle, which had just flown up from its nest. Middle Ages. It originates without doubt in the Moved by this sight, Lech decided to settle at coat of arms of the Piast family, who ruled this very place, and to call his settlement Poland from the 10th to the 14th centuries. Gniezno (from "gniazdo", meaning "n(;)st"). During this dynasty the independent Polish Gniezno was the first capital of Poland. Anoth­ state was created. The heraldic principle was er legend has it that silver eagles on the coats to incorporate images of people, animals or ob­ of arms were granted to the first Polish king, jects with a symbolic significance in Medieval Boleslaw by the Emperor Otto III, as a token of painting and in a stylized fashion in accord­ his position of imperial power. ance with ideas about nature and the universe The white of the eagle is connected with the then current. Only a limited range of heraldic colour of good in Slavonic mythology (black colours was permitted: red, blue, green, black was supposed to represent evil). A more and two metals, gold and silver, replaced re­ worldly explanation of the white may be the spectively by yellow and white. Despite the fact that on an actual, as opposed to a stylized, facts that in Poland a very broad choice was coat of arms, the eagle was made of silvered available concerning the creation of heraldic tin, which when transferred to another me­ representations, and that heraldic rules were dium gives the colour white. One must also not fully codified until the 15th century, the bear in mind the simple fact, indicated by the Polish national emblem is basically con­ legend recounted above, that at that time the structed in accordance with the general princi­ species of eagle known as the white eagle was ples of heraldry. The reasons for the choice of quite common in Poland, so it is not surprising the white eagle as a symbol are not clear. In that a white eagle was chosen as a symbolic Europe, the eagle had since Roman times been emblem. The red background of the coat of a popular symbol for rulers, a representation of arms is connected with royal purple - a symbol power and heroic nobility (Cirlot 1971: 91-92; of the majesty of the ruler. The earliest reliable Cooper 1978: 58). The symbolic motivation was historical sources testify to the existence of the of course the qualities attributed to the eagle eagle as the emblem of the Piast dynasty at the as the king of birds - the strongest and most beginning of the 13th century (fig. 3 and 4)

92 Fig. 4. Fig. 5. Fig. 6.

although it may be assumed to have fulfilled demonstrating the significance of the emblem, this role even earlier (fig. 1 and 2). While the the loss of which (for example in battle) sym­ kingdom was broken up into feudal principal­ bolized defeat and disgrace. In the course of the ities the Piast eagle had no crown. It assumed great Battle of Grunwald in 1410 between the the crown at the moment when, in the course Poles and the Teutonic Knights, a great red of the unification of Poland at the end of the standard with a white eagle symbolizing the 13th century, Prince Przemysl II was crowned whole Polish army found itself in the midst of King, sovereign leader of a Christian state, the fray and nearly fell into the hands of the equal with all European leaders (fig. 5). From enemy. Seeing the symbol in danger, the Pol­ this moment it may be said that the crown on ish knights threw themselves desperately to the eagle's head constitutes a symbol of the the rescue, while the Teutonic Knights had political sovereignty of the Polish nation (later already begun a hymn of victory, judging quite in this article I shall consider the far reaching rightly that the loss of the symbol would ad­ consequences of this fact in the present day). minister the final blow to the Polish army. The The coronation seal of Przemysl II, made in Poles, however, recovered the standard and 1295 and depicting an eagle with a crown, bore attacked the enemy with redoubled fervour in around its rim the inscription, "the Almighty order to give vent to their patriotic feelings and himself hath returned the signs of victory to to clear themselves of dishonour (Dlugosz the Poles". From this time to the present day, 1982: 127). the white eagle has been the symbol not of The eagle of Zygmunt I (fig. 11, in the Re­ individual leaders or even dynasties, but of the naissance style) is embellished with the symbol nation and the state. Contrary to the tradition of the ruler (the letter S for Sigismundus). universally accepted elsewhere in Europe, in From this time, one encounters frequent in­ Poland up to the end of the 18th century, in the corporation of the symbol of the king or the name of equality amongst the nobility, aris­ dynasty into the emblem, lending it, as men­ tocratic titles (prince, count, baron etc.) were tioned above, a specific, concrete character, de­ not recognized. Thus, the symbol of the crown fining it and the nation or state symbolized by belonged only to the king the sovereign ruler. it, its specific content, its essence, the expres­ The crowned eagle represented precedence sion of which depends on the concrete symbolic over other heraldic eagles and the fullness of context in which the symbol is used. Thus ea­ the monarch's power. gle fig. 11 represents the Poland of Zygmunt I, Figures 5 to 10 depict royal and at the same eagle fig. 16 the Poland of the Wazas and so on. time state emblems of Poland, conceived in ac­ Figure 12 is the eagle ofZygmunt August with cordance with the ornamental principles of the the letters SA on its breast. The crown sur­ Gothic style. With the eagle of King Jagiello mounting the coat of arms symbolizes the mon­ (fig. 9) there is associated an interesting story archy as a prime idea. During the rule of the

93 .,,I Fig. 7. Fig. 8. Fig. 9.

Jagiello dynasty Poland concluded the unifica­ forces fought for the independence of the fa­ tion of the Crown (the Poland of the Piasts) and therland, the sceptre was replaced with a of Lithuania. Henceforth, the coat of arms of sword - the symbol of struggle (fig. 22). After Poland consisted of two elements, the eagle the partitions of Poland, during Napoleon's and the Pogon (meaning "Pursuit"), the em­ reign, there arose the Duchy of Warsaw under blem of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The the rule of the Wettin's dynasty, whose dynas­ form of the emblem symbolizes the principal tic coat of arms occupied half of the emblem of idea of unity and equality of the two parts the Duchy (fig. 23). The November 1831 up­ joined by a common leader (the symbol of the rising against the Russian occupation restored crown) into one whole. The eagle alone (with­ the emblem to the Republic for a short time, out the coat of arms) was henceforth the em­ though without the king's emblem, for there blem of the King (fig. 14, 16 and 19). Emblems was no king in Poland at that time. There 15-20 bear in the centre (a heart-shaped remained, however, the ideas of sovereignty escutcheon) the coats of arms of the royal and unity (whence comes the crown surmount­ houses, in accordance with the principles al­ ing the coat of arms). Figure 25 depicts the ready described. According to the rules of pri­ emblem of the Kingdom of Poland created macy, the idea of the united kingdom is de­ within the Russian Empire. It is a black two­ picted as being the most important, to which headed Russian eagle bearing the Polish na - the autonomy of individual provinces is sub­ tional emblem on its breast. In accordance with ordinate, as is the person of the King, who is the principle already mentioned, the meaning head of state but also subordinate to the idea of of this emblem may be expressed as follows: the sovereignty and unity of the nation. The the Kingdom of Poland is part of the Russian Renaissance and Baroque eagles become in­ Empire, which is most important and has prec­ creasingly ornate in style. Golden talons and edence over all else. The white eagle symbol­ bills seem to symbolize the valour of the eagle; izes as it were, a concrete version of the Em­ it is to such qualities that attention was to be pire, the Polish version, in the Kingdom of Po­ drawn. Eagle no. 21 is the emblem of the last land, which, although belonging to the Russian king of Poland, Stanislaw Poniatowski. This Empire, in its heart remains Polish. The Polish eagle holds a sceptre and a globe - the symbols eagle thus lends the Russian eagle a concrete, of power. The sceptre is the symbol of rule, of regional character, but is hierarchically sub­ supreme power, the globe of rule over the ordinate to it. Its relationship to the Polish world, as symbolized by the ideal form - the eagle, then, is the same as that of the coat of sphere. arms of the king to the emblem of Poland in During the Napoleonic wars, in which Polish the cases described above. It is worth adding

94 Fig. 10. Fig. 11. Fig. 12.

that in the principal emblem of the Russian ism, worn as a badge or as jewellery. Often the Empire the Polish eagle also appeared, only symbols of particular patriotic organizations not centrally but on the wing, along with the were incorporated into the figure of the eagle. emblems of the other provinces, for there it did Generally speaking, the Polish national ideol­ not represent the eagle of the Empire but sym­ ogy, as developed through the centuries and bolized one of its many territories. expressed in the national emblem, rests above Figure 26 depicts the emblem of Poland used all on the idea of sovereignty and national in­ by the Polish forces fighting in Hungary dur­ dependence. The country's stormy history has ing the 1848 rebellions. It is an eagle without a often forced Poles to the defence and recovery crown. In the 19th century certain radical or­ of these prime values. Thus, independence is ganizations attempted to demand such a strongly linked with the concept of the nation's change in the name of egalitarianism, but struggle for existence and permanence. without success. For the spiritual leaders of the The particular ideologies of groups or prov­ nation, the nobility, the clergy and the intelli­ inces are subordinate to the idea of a sovereign gentsia, the idea of sovereignty , represented by and integrated Poland. The ruler is called upon the crown, was more important, especially that to guide the nation, he is a leader but not a the sovereignty itself was not granted to the dictator. He should always be subordinate to Poles at that time, and seemed to be the princi­ the good of the nation as a whole and to funda­ pal condition of success in every aspect of life. mental national values. Amongst these values, Figure 27 is the emblem of federal Poland as alongside independence and unity, equality is conceived by those who took part in another also of importance, symbolized if only by the anti-Russian uprising in 1863 . Alongside the equal positions of the particular component eagle and the Lithuanian emblem, we also parts of the Republic, and also by the fact al­ have here, as an equal third part, the Archan­ ready mentioned of non-recognition of aristo­ gel Michael - the patron and symbol of Rus cratic titles, as a result of which the crown (Ruthenia). Figures 28 and 29 are the emblems symbolizes only the king or the kingdom. of independent Poland after the World War I. A characteristic feature of Polish history is Figure 30 is the post - World War II Polish the fact that the Poles never abolished the emblem, a version of fig. 29 divested of the monarchy . There was no bourgeois revolution crown. I shall return in a moment to a dis­ in Poland. The monarchy came to an end at the cussion of the meaning of this symbol. time of the partitions. In the course of Poland's In the period after World War I, after Poland subjugation under foreign powers structural attained independence, the eagle with the and perceptual changes occurred, as a result of crown became popular as a symbol of patriot- which Poland appeared anew as a parliamen-

95 h, Fig . 13. Fig. 14. Fig . 15. tary democracy. But in old Poland the king ground became popular . During the partitions was not an ruler, but something like the leader of Poland, in the 19th century, particularly of a parliament of nobles, to whom legislative after the defeat of the armed uprising of 1864, power belonged. In effect, the notion of the there arose the custom of wearing black monarchy symbolized by the crown is not in­ mourning jewellery, representing a combina­ compatible with the notion of democracy. tion of national and religious symbols. Polish nationalism has always been closely The Roman Catholic Church in Poland has tied to religious symbols . Polish society is de­ as a rule taken the part of the nation in its cidedly Roman-Catholic, and is tightly bound struggle with various oppressors, and it is a to its religious tradition. In the past there ex­ tradition in Polish thinking to combine na­ isted many significant religious minorities in tional ideas with religious ones. In the image of Poland (Orthodox, Muslim, Protestant, Jew­ the world widely accepted in Polish society the ish), but nevertheless Polish national identity two elements are mutually supportive and became related to Roman Catholicism. It so never in opposition. happened in history that the nations threat­ In the period before and after Poland at­ ening the political sovereignty of the Polish tained her independence, the linking in one nation differed from it in terms ofreligion (Tur­ emblem of the Polish eagle and religious sym­ key, Sweden, Russia, Prussia). Thus, for centu­ bols became universal. Of particular signifi­ ries Polishness was closely associated with Ca­ cance here was the image of our Lady of Cz~s­ tholicism, and fighting for political independ­ tochowa placed on the eagle's breast in the ence meant opposing domination of people of place of the previous royal coats of arms (fig. different religion. This found its symbolic ex­ 31). Following the method of analysis we have pression in the uniting of national and reli­ adopted, it may be said that this is a symbol of gious symbolic elements into a single whole. In Our Lady - the Queen of Poland (in Polish the period 1768-1772, for example, the anti­ tradition Our Lady of Cz~stochowa was very Russian military confederacy (the Bar Confed­ often given this name), and at the same time eracy) adopted as its symbol a white-and-red an indication of the fact that Catholicism is the flag with a silhouette of the Virgin Mary. A essence of Polishness. The Poland represented sign surprisingly similar in form and symbolic by this symbol is a Catholic Poland. It is a meaning appeared during the state of martial symbol of Poland with its "heart" -the religion. law in 1980s, when a label badge depicting Our The structure of the symbolic sign, however, Lady of Cz~stochowa on a white-and-red back- indicates that in the ideology represented here

96 Fig. 16. Fig. 17. Fig. 18.

Polishness is more important than Catholi­ which was consistent with ideology (Besancon cism, for the eagle embraces and encloses the 1977; Flis 1988). Political rituals organized by figure of the Madonna , and is in heraldic terms the communists in the countries where they superior to it, just as in old Poland it was supe­ governed fulfilled then a function of strength­ rior to the royal coats of arms. Thus, we are ening and validating the political system : par­ dealing here with a combination in one whole ticipation in the ritual introduced into a world­ of a national and religious symbol, though with view of human masses an order consistent with a clear indication that primacy in the hierar­ ideology, helped that ideology to be accept ed chy of values belongs to the idea of the nation. and organized activity in a direction consistent At this point, some attention should be paid with it. Through mass participation in the to the particular political situation and to the symbolic events, whether forced or voluntary, specific character of the ideology and symbolic be it through conformism or fear, an ideological political activity to be found in communist creation of reality and legitimization of power dominated Poland. The communist authorities, was achieved. A characteristic of communist like any authorities, devoted a considerable political ceremonies and rituals in their Polish amount of their activity to the affirmation of version was the introduction of national ele­ their legitimacy, their legal validity. The es­ ments. Fundamental orthodox communist ide­ sence of communist power was that in justify­ ology is anti-nationalistic, stressing instead ing the reasons for its own existence, it could class elements. However, the particularly tur­ appeal neither to tradition, nor to the personal bulent history of Poland, full of struggle for traits of its leaders, nor to generally observed independence, meant that the good of the na­ rules of legal democratic behaviour and a con­ tion stood and still stands at the top of the sequent social mandate . The one reason for the Polish hierarchy of values, before peace , well­ existence of communist authority was ideol­ being or even religion. In view of this , in impos­ ogy, a certain vision of history, its guiding ing their rule on Poland with the help of Soviet forces and its aims. Only by accepting this vi­ troops the communists decided against a sys­ sion could communist rule be recognized as tematic destruction of national values, and at­ legally valid. Consequently, political symbol­ tempted instead to introduce them into the ism played a fundamental role in the legiti­ compass of their own ideological system . This mization of communist power . It served to cre­ process has manifested itself particularly ate a certain kind of symbolic reality which clearly in the last years of the communist rule replaced the reality of social existence and in Poland, after the arousal of aspirations to

97 • Fig. 19. Fig. 20. Fig. 21. independence in the Solidarity period and the such interpretation is the particular form of subsequent introduction of martial law. the national emblem chosen by the communi­ National symbols were introduced into com­ sts . It is an eagle similar in appearance to the munist political ritual after the new regime Piast eagle . Thus , in Polish history every once took power in 1945, and appeared alongside in a while there is revived the memory of the communist symbols and portraits of party and greatness of the Piasts, during whose rule Po­ state leaders. This was paradoxically facili­ land attained full state sovereignty and saw tated by a formal similarity between the na­ economic prosperity, and whose representa­ tional flag and the flag of the Communist tives, unlike the majority oflater elected kings, party . In a hall or a street decorated for the were Polish . The Piast sovereign, therefore, purposes of such a ritual, the colour red pre­ was a symbol of a Polish sovereign. The Piast dominated (the white part of the national flag symbol represented firstly a powerful and sov­ is not so striking in relation to the red) . The ereign nation, and secondly a nation ruled by decision to retain unchanged the official na­ Poles. Furthermore, the reversion to the idea tional symbols (emblem, flag and national an­ of the Poland of the Piasts permitted the justi­ them ) was motivated, it would seem, by a de­ fication of territorial changes. Poland, obliged sire to exploit national ideology in order to to concede its Eastern lands to the Soviet strengthen communist ideology and to contrib­ Union, received in return lands in the West ute to the legitimation of the new powers. which once belonged to the Piast princes. From These powers, in using such symbols, were in­ the point of view of the creators of political tended to be seen by the society firstly as sover­ ideology, then, the federal concept of the unity eign , independent of the USSR; secondly as a of Poland, Lithuania and Ruthenia was to be native to Poland, coming from the nation, con­ abandoned in favour of the Poland of the scious of its links with that nation and working Piasts. The only change , and yet a fundamen­ for its good. A change of official symbols would tal one, introduced by the communists in the have confirmed the general intuitive feeling national symbols was to deprive the eagle of its about the alienation of the communists from crown . The communists believed that remov­ the nation, especially considering the fact that ing the eagle's crown would symbolize the lib­ after World War II the new state leaders ar­ eration of the Polish people from class hierar­ rived in Poland along with the Soviet army and chy and the relics of feudalism. They ignored de facto fulfilled the function of Soviet repre­ the important fact that the eagle's crown sym­ sentatives. A strong argument in favour of bolized above all state sovereignty, that far

98 Fig. 22. Fig. 23. Fig. 24. back in history the eagle was given a crown (until 1956), Marx, Engels and other leaders of when the nation attained full independence. the Communist parties of the USSR and Po­ An eagle without a crown, then, was not just land, there were also white-and-red flags and an egalitarian eagle but above all an eagle the national emblem. deprived of sovereignty. This too, it would The communist powers ably and extensively seem, is the way most people in Poland under­ manipulated national symbols in the quest for stand this symbol. In all actions against the legitimacy. But these symbols also played a communists in which national symbols played leading role in the ritual of political opposition. a part, the eagle regained its crown. This did Traditionally, as I have mentioned, they were not signify nostalgia for pre-War times, it was associated with religious symbols. In times of not retrospection, a longing for past greatness. relative social peace they appeared in an oppo­ It certainly was not an expression of political sitional role principally in churches. At mo­ sympathy with old Polish aristocracy and no­ ments of increased tension and open social pro­ bility, as most participants of the oppositional, test they became visible on streets, on the anti-communist demonstrations were workers walls of houses and in general in public places, and sons of peasants. Rather it looked forward, and on duplicated leaflets. National symbols and represented a desire to return political in­ appeared here in a different function from the dependence to the Polish people. The signif­ previous one. Being changed by appearing in icance of this fact was also perceived by certain different contexts, they no longer fulfilled a representatives of the ruling group. During the role of strengthening and legitimizing the po­ period of martial law in Poland, for example, litical system, but on the contrary generated one of the representatives to the Sejm (Polish feelings aimed against the unwanted author­ parliament) suggested the return of the crown ities. National symbols in the context of the as a link with historical tradition. opposition primarily signified the polarization Throughout the period of communist rule, of Polish society into, on the one hand, the national symbols appeared, with varying de­ Polish nation, deprived of sovereignty and all grees of intensity, in rituals organized by the political rights but demanding them, and on state bureaucracy. Political meetings on the the other hand, a group of communists pos­ occasion of official public holidays, anniversa­ sessed of the means of force and of the support ries or condemnations of the "enemies of social­ of the neighbouring power, and ruling despite ism" were held in halls in which, alongside the the wishes of the nation. Moreover, these sym­ red flag and busts or portraits of Lenin, Stalin bols fulfilled the function of integrating the

99 Fig . 25. Fig. 26. Fig. 27. nation, gathering together all its various sec­ eagle (fig. 32). This symbol has a double mean­ tions on an ideological plane and uniting it in ing. On the one hand, it represents the notion the struggle for sovereignty. Finally, these of the martyrdom of the nation "crucified" by symbols stirred strong emotions, ordered them its oppressors. On the other hand, it refers to and turned them against the enemy, the politi­ the idea, popular in the 19th century, of na­ cal authorities. tional Messianism. Poland was presented in Not without reason, then, did there appear literature and art as a Messiah, who by his on each occasion of oppositional ritual, be it a death would redeem humanity . Thus, Poland, mass meeting, a march, or a spontaneous gath­ by its martyrdom, is to redeem the world and ering of people, for example around a monu­ expiate its sin. A particularly interesting ver­ ment to fallen workers, white - and - red flags, sion of the crucified eagle is one on whose while the national anthem was sung. Striking breast can be seen the figure of the Virgin workers would hang out national flags and Mary (fig. 33). This is a condensed symbol in wear white-and-red armbands to stress that which a whole set of religious and national their protest was a question of more than the meanings is concentrated. The Virgin Mary - particular interests of one or another group of Queen of Poland symbolizes that particular workers. An attack by police units on a place of form of Polishness which through its Catholi­ work on strike assumed the character of the cism and martyrdom is particularly predes­ storming of a bastion in which the nation was tined to play the role of Messiah-Redeemer of defending itself. humanity. At the same time, despite the ap­ During and after martial law, as always dur­ parent predominance of religious symbols, this ing periods of intensification of repression, the is a supremely national symbol, with the na­ Church became a centre for the organization of tional ideology dominant, and emphasized fur­ political ritual. National ideas and symbols ther by religious signs placed accordingly in were present at the majority of services, and the symbolic structure. The Virgin Mary is from time to time exhibitions were organized thus above all the Queen of Poland, occupying at which national and religious symbols were a position in relation to national ideas similar put on show in the context of political opposi­ to that which characterized the ruler in old tion. There was also a return to the 19th cen­ Poland, respected, representing the nation's tury tradition of national mourning jewellery. supreme values but not dominating the nation, One symbol that became popular was a cross, a leader and a guide but not a dictator. usually in mourning black, on which in the Of course, the holders of power could see the place of Christ there was a Polish crowned danger arising from the use of national sym-

100 Fig. 28. Fig. 29. Fig. 30. bols in opposition situations, and did not intend tradition different from the tradition of revolu­ to tolerate it. For it was a feature of communist tionary struggle to which the communists ap­ ideology to exclude any alternatives, as the pealed. Furthermore, these symbols, unlike existence of alternative, rival symbolism would national symbols, could not be incorporated impair the legitimacy of the authorities, based into the context of communist political ritual. as it was exclusively on ideology and on the The discrepancy between ideological principles myth of its being universally accepted by so­ was here too great. Thus, as they could not be ciety. The assuring of a monopoly in the sphere used in the authorities' quest for legitimiza­ of symbolic activity therefore became one of tion, it was argued that they should have been the principal concerns and endeavours of the discarded, forgotten, they should have died of authorities. This manifested itself through le­ their own accord. For this reason, too, the Pol­ gal and ideological action and through the ex­ ish communist authorities attempted to re­ ploitation of conformism. In certain ideological move religious symbols from all areas of public pronoucements representatives of the author­ life outside the Church, from public buildings, ities tried to present themselves as true Poles, places of work, schools and the mass media. thus entitled to use national symbols, and the The legal monopolization of national symbols so-called "anarchic opposition" as antinational­ is one of the means of controlling political rit­ ist trouble-makers, usurping the right to ad­ ual. It is a question of the political leaders dress the nation and thus illegally making use having the exclusive freedom do decide where, of national symbols. In this context, then, sym­ when, by whom and in what situations na­ bol and ritual both appeared as divisive, not tional symbols may be used. The first step here integrating factors, although this time, while was the decree of 1955 introducing fines or the dividing line occupied the same position as imprisonment for up to one year for illegal use in the pronouncements of the opposition, its of the emblem and colours of the Polish Peo­ meaning was inverted. The functions of the ple's Republic. In the 1970s, along with the political ritual dividing society into true intensification of opposition political activity spokesmen of the national interest and usurp­ involving wide use of national symbolism, ers, remained fundamentally unaltered. there was also an increase in the activity of the Religious symbols in the context of national authorities in the direction of monopolization. symbolism were particularly dangerous for the In 1976, an amendment was introduced into political authorities; for they indicated a source the Constitution of the Polish People's Repub­ of authority other than the communist party lic, banning the use of national symbols in a (i.e. the Church), and also a national religious way incompatible with the intentions of the

101 Fig. 31. Fig. 32. Fig. 33. legislators . Any use of the flag or th e emblem emblem should be changed only as the final or any singing of the national anthem without step of the whole process of reforms, especially the approval of the authorities became a crime. after changes in the constitution. But both the This law was reinforc ed by a decree issued majority of members of parliament and public during martial law and by banning the use of opinion in Poland were strongly in favour of all unregistered symbol s (including for exam­ crowning the Polish eagle, seeing it as an ex­ ple the Solidarity badge) . On the other hand , pression of independence , negati'.m of commu­ there existed a decree ordering the decoration nism, a powerful symbol of reforms, and also as of streets and even of private houses with na­ an act which would mobilize social energy and tional flags on the occasion of public holidays provide a strong patriotic stimulus to the na­ and other celebrations dictated by the author­ tion . In December 1989 it was decided that the ities . A refusal to take part in this ritual also state emblem would be changed together with entailed a fine . Of course , as I have mentioned, significant alterations in the constitution. The the purpose of all these decrees was not to changed constitution no longer mentioned the secure respect for symbols, for no-one in Po­ leading role of the Communist Party or the land was expected to wish to abuse them. It alliance with the USSR. The word "socialism" was simply a question of the authorities ensur­ was removed from the text , to indicate a clear ing a monopoly of their use. break with the socialist past and the name of Political changes in Poland in 1989 also had the state was changed from Polish People's Re­ their symbolic dimension. The new parliament, public into Republic of Poland. On the 29th of especially the democratically elected Senate, December the parliament restored the attributed great value to the change of symbols crowned eagle as the official emblem of the of political order and of the nation - state in state. In February 1990 there was a discussion such a way that the regained independence in the parliament about the actual design of would be clearly expressed. The representa­ the emblem. The first idea was to return to the tives of the Democratic Party, which was pre­ pre-World War II emblem, simply negating viously associated with the communists and symbolically the post-war changes. Later, how­ then reformed and created its new identity, ever, a new idea was put forward that the proposed that the Parliament should change crown should be topped with a cross, as in some the official emblem of the state into the of the historic emblems, to indicate that only crowned eagle. It was explicitly stated that the under the sign of cross does Poland have its crown was the symbol of sovereignty and thus true, religious identity. Some members of the it should be returned to the eagle , since Poland parliament objected to this idea (notably lib­ was once again a sovereign state. Some mem­ eral Catholic MPs ) since they believed that Po­ bers of the parliament from the Solidarity land was also the home of people who were group objected on the grounds that the country Polish but not Christian or even not religious. was not yet fully independent and that the Finally the parliament decided to return to the

102 pre-war emblem with the golden crown and role in these discussions, appealing to the Pol­ without the cross. ish Catholic tradition, recalling the role of the Subsequent years brought decomposition of Church in the struggle with the communists the meaning of national symbols in Polish poli­ and in the creation and defending of Polish tics . The end of the political conflict between national identity in the recent as well as more the anti-communist opposition united under distant past . The Church openly supports the symbolic name of Solidarity and the com­ those political parties which made Catholicism munist dominated regime brought to an end part of their political programme. also the polarization of the society and its ideol­ There are also national minorities in Poland , ogy expressed through national symbols . like Germans, Ukrainians, Byelorussians , who Other dimensions of the social structure came wish to be loyal citizens of the Polish state, but to the fore, various divisions , tensions and con­ do not and can not accept Polish national iden­ flicts, hitherto hidden, became visible . Gradu­ tity as part of their own self-identification . ally, the political scene changed. Ethnic, re­ They fear that the future Poland will be a gional, occupational and other groups emerged nationalistic , and religiously fundamentalist as social forces, and began struggle for their state, where there will be no place for any particular interests. Some ethnic groups, nota­ minorities. bly non-Catholic, like already mentioned Luth­ National and religious symbols are very erans, Muslims, Orthodox Ukrainians and widely used in these conflicts and discussions . others did not identify themselves with the Politicians often display them as a background unification of national and religious symbol­ or framework of their public speeches and im­ ism, like for example in the aforementioned portant meetings . I have already mentioned case of discussion in the parliament about the Wal~sa and his badge with Virgin Mary. Min­ shape of the Polish eagle. For the Polish Luth­ isters - members of the Christian-National erans the fact that Lech Wal~sa, now Presi­ Union, one of the most influential nationalistic dent of the Republic Poland, always wears parties, appear on TV with a cross and the badge with the Black Madonna - the Queen of Polish white eagle in the background . The Poland painted against the background of Pol­ white eagle and portraits of marshal Jozef ish national colours, is a symbolic expression of Pilsudski, a nationalistic leader of pre-World identification by the Head of State of Catholi­ War II Poland, together with white and red cism with national identity . The Lutherans , for flags compose the symbolic background of rad­ whom the position of Virgin Mary in the dog­ ical right wing nationalistic party Confeder­ matic and symbolic structure of religion is a ation of Independent Poland. National flags major source of argument with the Catholics, are used by workers on strike, even if, contrary thus feel alienated from the Polish nation. All to the strikes of the 1980s which were mainly religious minorities, and liberal intellectuals, political protests with very general aims and including Catholics, oppose identification of demands with which most Poles would identify Polish national identity with Roman Catholi­ themselves , the strikes of the early 90s are cism . Some political discussion current in Po­ struggles of workers of particular branches of land, like for example the issue of abortion or industry for their privileges, wage increase, teaching ofreligion at school, have been in fact and specific interests, alien to the rest of the transformed into discussion of the identity of population, and to other workers. Often in such the Polish state: whether it should be dom­ strikes it is obvious that the fulfillment of the inated by Catholics who are in the majority, demands would be possible only at the expense whether the religious identity of the Polish na­ of workers from other factories. National sym­ tion should be mentioned in the Constitution, bols are used, however, to recall the tradition whether the Polish state should be ideologi­ of the strikes in the 80s, to present the protests cally neutral or should it follow the general as having more meaning then just purely eco­ ideological and moral line of the Church. The nomic. Workers who wear white and red Roman Catholic Church plays a significant badges or decorate their factory with Polish

103 national flags wish to convey the message that state symbols, Poles either had or wanted to their protest is organized in the name of the have their independent nation - state, for whole nation. Such a strategy exploits the ide­ which the symbols stood. If there were conflicts ology of national unity, still very much alive in in which the symbols took part, as in the case Poland. Unity of the nation was part of the of the conflict between the communists and the ideology of the anti-communist opposition and opposition, it was easy to know who was who, it the Roman Catholic Church at the time of was clear that either particular versions of the struggle with the communists. It contributed symbols or their combinations signified easily to the polarization of the society. Those who recognizable ideologies. Now things became argued against the principle of unity, for exam­ more difficult. From the single Solidarity ple by pointing at the fact that not everybody movement there emerged parties which fight in the Polish society belonged to the Polish with each other, but which all seem to have nation or to the Roman Catholic religion, right to the same symbols, and certainly use would risk accusation of acting against the them in their actions. Also, the fact of the ex­ most vital interests of the nation. In a curious istence of minorities within the Polish society way also the communists propagated their own became more appreciated by Poles who for the version of the principle of national unity. In past fifty years have been used to the ideology their interpretation this principle meant unity of the single, united nation. If this complication of Poles under the single leadership of the of the role of national symbols in the social life Communist Party. At present, even if there is in Poland goes further, we may soon come no single, fundamental conflict dividing the so­ across cases known from Polish centres ciety, Poles are still attached to the idea of abroad, especially from Chicago where about unity. Even in the parliament speakers never eight hundred thousand people of Polish origin present their cases as interests of people who live. There national symbols are often used in belong to a particular group, region, profession commercial contexts, where they indicate Pol­ etc. Members of the parliament always speak ish traditional character of the commodity. as if in the name of the whole nation, never Such cases as for example white eagle horse dare to argue for an interest group. It is as if radish in jars decorated with the Polish na­ the good of the nation was the only value worth tional emblem are shocking to the Poles from fighting for, and the one which justified all the old country, who are not used to profane actions. functions of their sacred symbols. As the consequence of the aforementioned Let us then briefly consider the theoretical changes, more and more people are confused significance of the ethnography described about the meaning of national symbols. These above. symbols, once legally and traditionally pro­ In the process of classifying and ordering tected, now are used by almost everybody, and social reality, bringing order into the world of in contexts which are understood by many as things, people and phenomena in the human doubtful. There is a danger that the symbols environment, of prime importance is the in­ would loose their sacred value, since they are troduction of a boundary between the opposing often used in a way that is close to abuse, categories of "ours" and "theirs". The division especially by groups which put forward ex­ of the environment into these two categories treme demands for privileges for themselves, constitutes the structural basis for the group's like some workers, or some extreme though world view. This opposition is expressed sym­ small parties. There is still much emotional bolically; with the aid of symbols a model is attachment among Poles to the national sym­ constructed of the familiar and the foreign bols, and one does not hear of cases of deliber­ worlds and the boundary separating these two ate abuse of them, like for example burning of opposite categories. The division of the world the flag. But Poles become confused about into "ours" and "theirs" in turn constitutes the what the national symbols really mean. In the basis for the creation of a sense of identity past it was obvious: national symbols were also within a social group. In each interaction with

104 others, people base their actions on this funda­ its traditions, articulate its normative system. mental distinction, introduce a classification, Based on faith in supernatural forces or be­ the criteria of which vary according to the ings, symbols construct a model of awareness partner in the interaction and to the situation. in which they describe the basic structural and The definition of one's own identity is a process moral features of the group and define its rela­ of awareness, in which the other, parallel and tion to all other groups , beings and phenomena simultaneous component is the definition of (see Cohen 1974; Geertz 1973: 93; Mach 1993). the partner in the social relationship. This is In the situation of conflict symbols also fulfil one of the reasons why self-identification de­ a divisory function. If within a society a certain pends to a large extent on the context, and why category of people come to be classified as "for­ the interpretation of the situation causes cer­ eign", the symbolic actions articulate and con­ tain of the aspects of the mental model of the firm that foreignness. The group plays out rit­ world to be brought into relief (see Ardener ual in order to express its own identity and at 1992; Barth 1969; Issacs 1975; Elias 1965; the same time the fact that it is distinct from Mach 1993). others. For such rituals of "distinctness", those In the political situation which was described symbols are chosen which most forcibly em­ above and in which Polish society found itself phasize the cultural and ideological differences under the communist domination, the na­ of both groups. In the case of the Polish sit­ tional-political plane comes to the fore. Ethnic, uation, national and religious symbols dom­ religious or economic tensions and conflicts inated. On the basis of these symbols, a cul­ were set aside in the face of the fact, univer­ tural homogeneity of the society was built, sally sensed, that the fundamental dividing which in the past created the conditions for the line in Polish society and the principal conflict appearance of the nation. They also later, un­ arose amongst groups distinguished according der the communist domination, formed the ba­ to criteria of national status, the representa­ sis of Polish identity and, at the same time, of tion of national interests and political atti­ an expression of conflict with outsiders. The tudes. In public life a tendency appeared to national-political opposition ritual in Poland build the identity of one's own group and those has nothing in common with Gluckman's "rit­ of the others on the basis of these very consid­ ual of rebellion". Its fundion is not the vali­ erations. dation and reinforcement of the existing sys­ Cultural identity is the sense of community tem. The situation described by Gluckman experienced and expressed in the language of arises when despite dissatisfaction and ten­ symbols. The basis here is a certain degree of sions, there exists nevertheless a primary cultural homogeneity within the group . In a agreement on the basic principles of the social situation of contact with the others, particu­ order, a fundamental acceptance of it (Gluck­ larly when this contact assumes the nature of man 1956). In Poland this condition was not threat, the group's fundamental "interest" lies fulfilled. The representatives of the authorities in preserving and cultivating cultural identity, were aware of the lack of social acceptance for and making sure that other groups respect it. the principles of the political structure, and as Symbols fulfil a special role in this process. a result did not allow the rituals of conflict to Through symbols, a mental classification is be played out . Such a ritual, being a true social conducted; symbols concentrate thoughts and action, leading to an awareness and experience emotions and set them in order; a model of of something which previously had perhaps not identity is built of them and expressed through been fully thought out or articulated , and them. Symbols create a reality that is in ac­ which furthermore is eminently capable of cordance with the group's model of the world, generating other actions, might lead to the and thanks to this regulate ways of thinking outbreak of revolution beyond the conventions and forms the image of the world by creating of symbolic activity . Instead , national-political the facts of experience. Symbols integrate the rituals were played out, the subject of which group; confirm and create the permanence of was the ruling elite and which were intended

8 Etlmologia Eurnpaea 22:2 105 to create an ideological image, to construct a gious-political ritual testified to the traditions symbolic model of a postulated reality. This and to the cultural and political permanence of ideology had its source in .belief in the existence the nation and its culture, and manifested tra­ of an objective historical law determining so­ ditional ideals and values connected with the cial development. This law, independently of nation and in opposition to the rulers and their human knowledge or will, decides the essential ideology, hence the importance of a historical direction to be taken by the evolution of man­ understanding of the development of national kind, and from its existence there arises the symbols and of transformations in their mean~ objective right for political power to be wielded ing. The history of the nation is subject to a by the communist party- "the vanguard of the sort of mystification and it is in this form that leading social-forces". Social support for this it affects the consciousness of modern Poles. power might be obtained by the creation of a Whether and to what extent this mystification situation in which large groups of people adapt of history agrees with the real facts is not im­ their vision of the world to this ideology. In the portant. The only thing that is important is the practice of governing Polish society it became way the members of the nation perceive its clear that the society constructed its identity tradition. National symbols bear with them the and its vision of the world on the basis of ideas national ideology, memory of the greatness about the nation, its independent development and sovereignty of the nation, an image of its and its place amongst other people. Thus there historical mission and its place amor.gst other appeared the problem of adapting national as­ nations. Thus it may be said that national sym­ pirations to communist ideology and of identi­ bols are the fundamental element in the build­ fying that ideology with nationalism. This aim ing of the nation's identity. The appearance of was to be served by political rituals organized these symbols in political ritual, during a dem­ by the ruling elite. National symbols played a onstration, a march, a strike or a church mass central role in those rituals and their task was said for the fatherland, render all of these ideas firstly to create a situation in which the nation current and accessible to direct experience and was identified with the existing state and the imbue them with emotions. Ideas of the sover­ system of power, and secondly to express that eignty and greatness of the nation, its inde­ identification. The result of this process was pendence, historical mission and rightful place intended to be the legitimization of power. in the world are difficult to conceive of and Thanks to the particular properties they verbalize in rational discourse. A symbol, on have in combining different meanings, the the other hand, is a direct and condensed ex­ same symbols also served the opponents of pression of something which is difficult or im­ communism, in creating a model of national possible to express, and makes it possible for us identity in opposition to the "others" in other to consider and experience that thing. If we words the ruling elite. To this end, national and further take into account the fact that national religious symbols were combined, for the latter symbols appear in association with symbols of expressed ideas that were incompatible with threat and suffering, then the emotional sat­ communist ideology. Religious faith was here uration both of national symbols and of the united with nationalist ideology and became ritual in which they play a central part be­ the basis for the definition of Polish identity. comes understandable. These rituals are truly National symbols appeared in versions and able to inspire and direct social emotions and to contexts that highlighted the differences be­ rouse human groups to action. tween the "familiar" - those who demand the The present process of decomposition of sovereignty of the nation, and the "foreign" - meaning _ofthe national symbols is perhaps a the usurpers. In this way opposition symbolic logical consequence of the end of the political activity created a sense of unity of the nation conflict which used to polarize the society. The and at the same time sets up symbolic bounda­ symbols acquire new meanings and loose some ries between the nation and the "foreign" au­ of their sacred quality. They begin to signify thorities. National symbols and national-reli- the nation and the nation-state, in some con-

106 text also a nationalistic state, and are used in Cohen A. 1969: Political anthropology: the analysis the discussions about the desired character of of the symbolism of power relations , in: Man Vol. 4: 215-235. the state and the society: to what extent they Cohen A. 1974: Two Dimensional Man. London : should be dominated by a nationalistic or reli­ Routl edge and Kegan Paul. gious ideology and to what extent the state Cooper J. C. 1978: An Illustrated Encyclopa edia of should become a pluralistic organization - Traditional Symbols. London: Thames and Hud­ son. home for various minorities which may wish to Dlugosz J. 1982: Roczniki czyli kroniki slawnego use their own symbols, national and religious Kr6lestwa Polskiego, vol. II. Warszawa: PWN. ones included. But for the time being the feel­ Elias N. and J. Scotson 1965: The Established and ing of uncertainty of meaning, and confusion the Outsiders. London: Frank Cass. about the proper or not proper use of symbols Firth R. 1973 : Symbols. Public and Private . London: George Allen and Unwin. prevails. Flis A. 1988 : Crisis and Political Ritual in Post-War Poland, in : Problems of Communism. 3-4: 43- 54. Geertz C. 1973: Religion as a culture system, in: C. Bibliography Geertz: Th e Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Ardener E. 1992: Tozsamosc i utozsamienie in- Z Basic Books: 87-125. Mach and A. K. Paluch (eds.), Sytuacja :nni~js: Gluckman M. 1956: Custom and Conflict in Africa . zosciowa i tozsamosc. Krakow : UJ. Oxford : Blackwell. Barth F. 1969: Introduction, in: F. Barth (ed.): Ethnic Grzegorzewski J. 1920: Godlo nasze, in : Tygodnik Groups and Boundaries . Bergen-Oslo: Universi­ Ilustrowany. 7 lutego no 6 (3, 143): 116. tets Forlaget; London: George Allen and Unwin: Issacs H. 1975: Idols of the Tribe. New York: Harper 9- 38. and Row. Berger P. and T. Luckman , 1967: The Social Con­ Kapfer er B. 1988: Legends of People. Myths of State. str uction of Reality. London : Allen Lane, the Pen­ Washington and London: Smithsonian Institution guin Press. Press . Besancon A. 1977: Les origin es intellectuelles du Le­ Lane Ch. 1981: The Rites of Rulers. Ritual in Indus­ ninisme. Paris: Calman-Levy. trial Society - the Soviet Case. Cambridge: Cam­ Binns Ch. 1979: The changing face of power: revolu­ bridge University Press. tion and accommodation in the development of the Mach Z. 1993: Symbols, Conflict and Identity. Essays Soviet ceremonial system. Part II, in Man Vol. 14, in Political Anthropology. State University of New No. 4: 585-606. York Press. - forthcoming. Binns Ch. 1980: The changing face of power: revolu­ McDonald M. 1989: We are not French . London and tion and accommodation in the development of the New York: Routledge. Soviet ceremonial system. Part II ., in: Man Vol. 15, Moore S. F.: Political meetings and the simulation of No. 1: 170-187. unanimity: Kilimanjaro 1973 , in : S. F. Moore and Bocock R. 1974: Ritual in Indu strial Society: A B. Myerhoff (eds.) : Secular Ritual . Assen-Amster­ sociological analysis of ritualism in modern dam: Van Gorcum: 151-172. England. London: George Allen and Unwin. Russocki S., S. K. Kuczynski and J. Willaume 1963: Cirlot J. F. 1971: A Dictionary of Symbols. New Godlo, barwy i hymn Rzeczypospolit ej. Wars zawa: York: Philosophical Library. Wiedza Powszechna.

8* 107 b