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National Symbols in Politics the Polish Case Zdzislaw Mach

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National Symbols in Politics the Polish Case Zdzislaw Mach National Symbols in Politics The Polish Case Zdzislaw Mach Mach, Zdzislaw 1992: National Symbols in Politics. The Polish Case. -Ethnologia Europea 22: 89-107. The article discusses functions of the Polish national emblem in the context of political and religious symbolism in Poland. The examination of th e Polish em­ blem - the white eagle - in its historica l development provides a back ground to und rsta nding variou. asp cts of the national and political ideology. Through the ana lysis of diffe.renL strucLural forms of Lhe emblem, composed of various sym­ bolic eleme nts in changing combuiations, an interpretation is made of the politi ­ cal process in Poland. A specific feature of this process was th e fact tbaL both sides of the political conflict between the regime and the democratic opposition used the same national symbols, but in different structural contexts, thus giving them different, sometimes contradictory meanings. Zdzislaw Mach , Jagi ellonian University, Institute of Sociology, 52 Grodzka Street, 31-044, Cracow, Poland. The article aims to demonstrate the function­ most central Polish national symbol, tracing ing of Polish national symbols in the conditions interpretations given to it in history and in the of the communist and postcommunist state, to present day by different groups. Through the describe their resonances in Polish society, and reconstruction of the various meanings associ­ to indicate certain symbolic processes typical of ated to the symbol I hope to achieve better states dominated by ideology . For the sake of understanding of the way members of the Pol­ brevity, I shall concentrate on an analysis of ish nation and the Polish society construct only one symbol, namely the national emblem, their identity as Poles and as citizens, in th e which is undoubtedly the most important, and context of national culture and politics. symbolically the richest. National symbols are eminently public (ac­ Modern nations, like all human groups, are cording to the distinction made by Firth be­ equipped with symbolic systems which repre­ tween public and private symbols; see Firth sent their permanence and identity, qualities 1973); they refer to values cultivated and recognized as being the most sacred, and that shared by the nation , and also represent that distinguish them from other nations, referring nation . They are universal , at least in the to tradition and to visions of national charac­ sense that members of th e nation understand teristics. National symbols express in a concen­ their meaning, and among them there exists trated form the central ideas and values of the an agreement that the given symbol repre­ nation. sents the nation as a whole. This does not , Interpretation and understanding of a na­ however, mean that all members of the nation tional symbolic system, of various usages and interpret the symbols in the same way, nor interpretations of the symbols by different peo­ that they identify themselves with the mean­ ple in different contexts and situations is then ing the symbols convey in their "official" in­ a way to understand identity of people and terpretation. According to the interpretation groups of which the nation and the nation­ given to national symbols by the dominant state are composed. In this article I am at­ group or groups within the nation, they are tempting to analyze changes of meaning of the supposed to stand for values and ideas central 'i Ethnologia Eurnpaea 22:2 89 for that nation. However, not only there are of a nation when national symbols integrate members of the nation who may not share the the nation in opposition to foreign oppressors values identified as central by the dominant or to another nation. In such a situation sym­ group, but also there often exists a conflict of bols contribute to polarization of the social sys­ interpretation of a given symbol, due to its tem, and those who are on the same side read ambiguity and multiplicity of meanings (see the symbols in the same way, at least as long Kapferer 1988; Bocock 1974, Mach 1993). as the conflict lasts. On the other hand one Also, since most people today live in nation­ must admit that even then symbols are often states, national symbols became state symbols abused or misinterpreted, and thus misunder­ as well, and as such stand for states and their standings and conflicts may arise . However , societies in international contexts . This identi­ when the major political conflict which unifies fication of national symbols with state symbols the nation is over, various divisions within the causes problems for those members of a nation­ society soon emerge, and the process of decom­ state who belong to a national minority, as position of meanings starts. The relations be­ their loyalty to the state, signified by state tween the signifying and the signified are no symbols which are also national symbols of longer stable and certain, nor generally ac­ other people, may contradict with their loyalty cepted. Social life is then a continuous process to their nation, different from that which dom­ of mutual identifications of various groups, in inate the given nation-state (see McDonald which symbols play a major role. Symbols are 1989; Mach 1993). Often political opposition continuously identified, interpreted, reinter­ groups within a nation-state contestate state preted and combined with others. Everything symbols , which for them stand for values becomes pluralistic, relative and negotiable . which they oppose . As those symbols are also Even the most central national symbols, de­ national symbols, sacred to many people quite clared as sacred to all during the time of con­ apart from their political significance, such an flict, say a war for national liberation, once the opposition may also lead to conflicts. Thus sym­ war is over begin to mean different things to bols not only express the integrity and solidar­ different people in different contexts. This may ity of the group, but also divide people into cause certain nostalgia among conservatively supporters and opponents, friends and ene­ minded people for those good, heroic days when mies, emphasize differences between them and sacred things were sacred to everybody, except define the boundaries of the political and ide­ the enemies , when the world was simple and ological domain of the group . Symbols of the the picture clear. nation-state do not belong to a particular na­ In contemporary societies there usually ex­ tional group only. Different groups within the ists a classical set of national symbols (emblem, same political system often use the same sym­ flag and national anthem) which are officially bols but combine them in different relations recognized and protected by law. These sym­ and use them in different contexts. With the bols have an ordering significance, distinguish­ emergence of political opposition the process of ing one nation-state from another, and at the decomposition of significations begin. This is same time conveying the message that the na­ an important aspect of social change. Espe­ tion and the state are identical, and denoting cially in contemporary nation-states of Europe the unity of the members of each nation and and America most , indeed all, symbols are sub­ their loyalty to the state . ject to questions and contestation . Nothing is Polish national symbols, though similar in sacred any more, nothing taken for granted. many respects to the majority of analogous National symbols no longer have obvious symbolic representations of contemporary Eu­ meaning, and there even is a certain fashion ropean nations, are distinguished by one es­ among the educated circles, notably among the sential feature, namely that they remained youth, to deconstruct and reconstruct the fundamentally unchanged from their very be­ world of national and political symbolism. As I ginning. It is, as Firth emphasizes, a feature of shall try to show, there are moments in history national symbols that "a change in type of gov- 90 ernment may be symbolized by abandonment monuments. In a sense it did not matter what of the old flag and creation of a different one" was the name of the street, if the street itself or (Firth 1973: 34 7). As a rule, a change of politi­ the town was of no symbolic value. For what cal system or of political leadership has they cared they could as well live anywhere brought with it a change of national symbols. else in the world (Mach 1993). Not only have nearly all communist countries After a radical change of a political system, adopted new symbols, but the same happened new political elites usually claim some contin­ in France after the revolution, in Italy, and in uation of what they regard as good, just and Germany after World War II. From the mo­ progressive elements of the past of the nation, ment that democratic systems were introduced and refer to them in the construction of the in the majority of European countries, the old new symbolic structure of the state (Lane symbols that had come from the ancestral 1981; Binns 1979, 1980; Mach 1993). Old sym­ signs of the monarchs were discarded. At pre­ bols are often revived in new contexts and sent, Eastern European countries leaving "the meanings. The idea behind such symbolic ma­ Soviet Block" and getting rid of communism in nipulation is to identify the new state with the their internal politics and economy, very care­ nation or, at least, with those segments and fully remove the symbols of state socialism: social forces of the nation whose support is they destroy monuments, change names of sufficiently important to the new ruling elite, streets or even of the countries themselves, and who are expected to give legitimation to and eliminate "socialist" elements from official the new elite (Moore 1977; Cohen 1969, 1974).
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