Representations of Unity in Soviet State Symbols
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? FIRST and SECOND NATIONAL CONGRESSES of the CHINESE SOVIET REPUBLIC, 1931 and 1934 by Derek John Waller, B*Sc.(Econ.), M.A.(In
? FIRST AND SECOND NATIONAL CONGRESSES OF THE CHINESE SOVIET REPUBLIC, 1931 AND 1934 By Derek John Waller, B*Sc.(Econ.), M.A.(Indiana) Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the University of London, September 1968* ProQuest Number: 10731658 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10731658 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 2 ABSTRACT The early 1930fs, or "Kiangsi soviet" period in the history of the Chinese Communist Party (COP), is one of the most obscure in the entire development of the communist movement* The major significance of the two National Congresses of 1931 and 1934 is that using them as a focal-point for analysis provides new information on the inter-related themes of political processes and power-relations during this period* In 1930, the COP leader Li Li-san attempted to convene the First Congress. The attempt proved abortive when Li fell from power in November 1930* The "Returned Student groupn, as the new Party leadership, continued to press for a Congress in order to assert their authority over that of Mao Tse-tung in the soviet areas. -
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5 Comment & Analysis CE JISS 2008 Czech Presidential Elections: A Commentary Petr Just Again after fi ve years, the attention of the Czech public and politicians was focused on the Presidential elections, one of the most important milestones of 2008 in terms of Czech political developments. The outcome of the last elections in 2003 was a little surprising as the candidate of the Civic Democratic Party (ODS), Václav Klaus, represented the opposition party without the necessary majority in both houses of Parliament. Instead, the ruling coalition of the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD), the Christian-Democratic Union – Czecho- slovak Peoples Party (KDU-ČSL), and the Union of Freedom – Democratic Union (US-DEU), accompanied by some independent and small party Senators was able – just mathematically – to elect its own candidate. However, a split in the major coalition party ČSSD, and support given to Klaus by the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM), brought the Honorary Chairman of the ODS, Václav Klaus, to the Presidential offi ce. In February 2007, on the day of the forth anniversary of his fi rst elec- tion, Klaus announced that he would seek reelection in 2008. His party, the ODS, later formally approved his nomination and fi led his candidacy later in 2007. Klaus succeeded in his reelection attempt, but the way to defending the Presidency was long and complicated. In 2003 members of both houses of Parliament, who – according to the Constitution of the Czech Republic – elect the President at the Joint Session, had to meet three times before they elected the President, and each attempt took three rounds. -
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Institute of National Remembrance https://ipn.gov.pl/en/news/4377,The-Polish-Soviet-War-of-1920.html 2021-10-04, 09:59 03.08.2020 The Polish-Soviet War of 1920 Reasons The main reason for the outbreak of the Polish-Soviet war the threat to Poland’s independence by Soviet Russia, as well as the attempt to implement the idea of a permanent revolution, and the export of the communist revolution Europe-wide. The Bolsheviks began carrying out this plan immediately after seizing power in Russia in October of 1917. They undertook the first attempts in Finland already in 1918, where civil war had broken out, as well as in the Baltic nations. In 1919 an attempt was made at provoking an uprising in Berlin, in March of the same year a government coalition was formed in Hungary with the participation communists, and in June of 1919 an attempt was made at a coup in Vienna. With the aim of transferring the revolution to other European countries, in March 1919, the Bolsheviks founded Comintern – the Third International, which was formally an independent organisation, but in practise functioned according to the guidelines of the Political Office of the communist party. One of its “branches” was the Communist Polish Workers Party (later: the Communist Party of Poland), which originated even earlier – in December 1918. From the perspective of Poland’s independence, a highly significant issue in relations with the eastern neighbour, was determining the course of the eastern border. During this time Central Europe was occupied along the belt from the Baltic Sea to the Sea of Azov, by the German army, which only began retreating after entering into a ceasefire in Compiegne on 11 November 1918. -
Far from Stability: the Post-Election Landscape in Bulgaria Dariusz Kałan
No. 50 (503), 15 May 2013 © PISM Editors: Marcin Zaborowski (Editor-in-Chief) . Katarzyna Staniewska (Managing Editor) Jarosław Ćwiek-Karpowicz . Artur Gradziuk . Piotr Kościński Roderick Parkes . Marcin Terlikowski . Beata Wojna Far from Stability: The Post-Election Landscape in Bulgaria Dariusz Kałan Early parliamentary elections not only will not help restore political stability in Bulgaria but also could further deepen the chaos because of the high dispersion of votes and the expected difficulties with creating a coalition. For a country immersed in crisis, maintaining the post-election stalemate is particularly not beneficial because of the deteriorating economic situation and growing public pressure. Regardless of which party will return to power, one should not expect a significant improvement in Bulgaria’s image in the EU or a positive settlement of the most important issues, including the country’s rapid accession to the Schengen area. Although the winner of the early parliamentary elections of 12 May was the centre-right Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (GERB, 30% of votes), for all four parties that exceeded the 4% electoral threshold, the results can be seen as satisfactory. GERB, the ruling party in 2009–2013, won for the second time in a row during unfavourable economic and social situations. The similar support for the Bulgarian Socialist Party (27%), which received more than 600,000 additional votes than in 2009, is because of the mobilisation of its permanent electorate and generational changes in the party. Also, for the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (11%), which represents the Turkish minority, and the nationalist Attack party (7%), the results are a confirmation of their stable positions on the political scene. -
WHY COMPETITION in the POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA a Strategy for Reinvigorating Our Democracy
SEPTEMBER 2017 WHY COMPETITION IN THE POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA A strategy for reinvigorating our democracy Katherine M. Gehl and Michael E. Porter ABOUT THE AUTHORS Katherine M. Gehl, a business leader and former CEO with experience in government, began, in the last decade, to participate actively in politics—first in traditional partisan politics. As she deepened her understanding of how politics actually worked—and didn’t work—for the public interest, she realized that even the best candidates and elected officials were severely limited by a dysfunctional system, and that the political system was the single greatest challenge facing our country. She turned her focus to political system reform and innovation and has made this her mission. Michael E. Porter, an expert on competition and strategy in industries and nations, encountered politics in trying to advise governments and advocate sensible and proven reforms. As co-chair of the multiyear, non-partisan U.S. Competitiveness Project at Harvard Business School over the past five years, it became clear to him that the political system was actually the major constraint in America’s inability to restore economic prosperity and address many of the other problems our nation faces. Working with Katherine to understand the root causes of the failure of political competition, and what to do about it, has become an obsession. DISCLOSURE This work was funded by Harvard Business School, including the Institute for Strategy and Competitiveness and the Division of Research and Faculty Development. No external funding was received. Katherine and Michael are both involved in supporting the work they advocate in this report. -
Baltic Unity Within European Unity – Why Myth, Not Reality?
1 Baltic Unity within European Unity – why Myth, not Reality? In recent years a debate about development of the European Union (EU) has become hugely important. There are diverse views on the direction of federalism, which the President of the European Commission J. M. D. Barroso is passionately promoting: “Let’s not be afraid of the words: we will need to move towards a federation of nation states. This is what we need. This is our political horizon.”1 As a consequence of such ambitious plans, the question of national identity and independence has become crucial. However, less attention has been paid to the problem of regional cooperation and the effects of already existing European integration on it, which is exactly what this report aims at. In mass media one can often hear about an entity called ‘the Baltic States‘. This union of three states Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania has cooperated quite a lot in the two last decades of 20th century, however, now the importance of cooperation seems to be in decline. The Baltic unity in the European unity (i.e. EU) is a myth because of two reasons: passive effect of the integration in the EU, when the European unity indirectly and unintentionally influences the cooperation among the Baltic States, and active effect of the policies of the EU, when they have deliberate impact on the Baltic Unity. Baltic Unity before the EU In order to indicate why Baltic unity is impossible in the context of integrated Europe, it is necessary to recall the common aim of Baltic cooperation before the accession to the European Union. -
Opportunism Not Ideology: Fidesz's Campaign Against Sexual Minorities
Opportunism not Ideology: Fidesz’s Campaign Against Sexual Minorities Article by Kata Benedek July 23, 2021 A new law targeting LGBTQI+ people in Hungary is just the latest move in the ruling party’s history of stigmatising sexual minorities and rolling back their rights. While the European Union finally seems willing to send a signal that the Hungarian government’s agenda is in defiance of European values and fundamental rights, its leader Viktor Orbán seems determined to pursue this illiberal course. Kata Benedek looks back at the path which has brought Hungary to this point, and the prospects for a change of direction. “I am defending the rights of the homosexual guys.” This is how Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán answered a journalist’s question as he arrived at the European Council as part of a visit to Brussels in late June 2021. The remark came after an hours-long debate had taken place in the European Council about the new Hungarian law discriminating against the LGBTQI+ community. The controversial law – that was passed on 15 June on the grounds of child protection – conflates LGBTQI+ people with the sexual abuse of children. The new bill simultaneously introduces a US-style registry of paedophile sex offenders combined with a Russian-style ban on exposing minors to so-called LGBTQI+ propaganda in the context of sexual education and general representation in education and media. The law was widely criticised both domestically and abroad for undermining equality, fundamental rights, freedom of expression, rights to information, and for treating sexual minorities in a manner similar to criminals, by suggesting that both categories deserve the same social judgement and treatment. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Selected Biographies
Selected Biographies Abramovitch, A.E. (pseud. Albrecht) (1888–?) – Bolshevik, from 1911 in Switzerland, contact with Lenin, 1917 return to Russia, 1919 Comintern tasks in Berlin and Munich, 1920–21 in France (pseud. Salewski), 1921 headed Comintern news service, 1925–30 Comintern secretariat in Moscow. Alpári, Gyula (Julius) (1882–1944) – 1891 Hungarian Socialist Party, 1902 editor of its central organ Nepszava, 1910 expelled, 1919 Hungarian Communist Party, head of press commission and deputy people’s commissar for foreign affairs in the Hungarian Soviet Republic, from September 1919 often illegally in Germany, Switzerland and France, del- egate to the Third, Fourth, Fifth and Seventh Congresses of the Comintern, 1921–39 editor-in-chief of Inprekorr and its successor Rundschau, 1940 arrested by Gestapo in Paris, solitary confinement in Sachsenhausen, murdered. Balabanova, Angelica (1877–1965) – left Russia 1897, Italian Socialist Party, 1912–14 editor of Avanti, 1917 return to Russia (in Lenin’s ‘sealed train’), 1919 delegate to Comin- tern founding congress, first secretary of ECCI, left Soviet Russia 1922, 1923 Vienna, 1925 Paris, 1936–46 USA, 1947 return to Italy. Barth, Emil (1879–1941) – plumber, from 1914 SPD and union official, 1915 soldier, from 1916 head of plumbers’ section in Berlin’s engineering union, 1917 USPD, 1918 chair of Berlin revolutionary shop stewards, November 1918 on executive of workers’ and sol- diers’ councils, November/December 1918 member of people’s executive council, the provisional government led by Ebert, 1921 SPD, 1921–24 secretary then president of the Berlin central factory council, 1933 imprisoned. Bebel, August (1840–1913) – master carpenter in Leipzig, 1869 co-founder SDAP (prede- cessor of SPD), 1872 two years’ imprisonment, until 1913 president of SPD. -
Socialism and Communism: Ideas, Movements, States Fall 2018 Wednesday, 2:00-4:00 PM
HIST 72600-01 Socialism and Communism: Ideas, Movements, States Fall 2018 Wednesday, 2:00-4:00 PM Distinguished Professor Eric D. Weitz [email protected] office hours: Wednesday 4:00-5:30 and by appointment Course Description Socialism and Communism developed into the largest international movements of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. They offered profound critiques of capitalism and the promise of freedom to men and women no matter what their nationality or race. Yet as they achieved power, socialists moderated their emancipatory drive and communists constructed oppressive dictatorships. This course, global in scope, will examine all aspects of socialism and communism in the modern world. We will engage the intellectual history of socialism and communism, starting with the utopian socialists and continuing through Marx and Engels and on to later theorists, and the social history of the movements created largely by activist workers and radical intellectuals. As we move into the twentieth century, we will explore the problems of governance as socialists and communists achieved power – with both humane and deeply repressive consequences. Learning Objectives • Develop a critical understanding of the history of socialism and communism. • Become familiar with the extensive historiography on the topics. • Develop your ability to write in a variety of genres: research papers, brief critical commentaries, op-ed's. • Enhance your ability to frame and defend historical arguments. • Develop your knowledge of particular historical cases in the modern world. • Enhance your ability to read, speak, and write critically. Course requirements • Active participation in class (30%). • Write brief (ca. 200 words) commentaries and questions on the weekly readings. -
RED FLAG - Summary
THE NORTH FACE RED FLAG - Summary Describe the brief from the client: Never Stop Exploring is the line behind the brand The North Face. The North Face believes everyone can be an adventurer, and that we should never stop to explore the natural world around us. For the brand, China is a great challenge, as most modern Chinese have yet to adopt such a lifestyle. So how do we make these urban dwellers and Internet explorers take the first step? Describe how the promotion developed from concept to implementation: We had to give people a taste of how great it is to have explored a new place, and claim credit for being there first. In the world of outdoor adventure, an explorer would lay claim on a summit by planting a flag. And he would continue to do so on every other summit he has managed to conquer. We adopted this iconic action of planting flags as the idea for an integrated campaign. Describe the success of the promotion with both client and consumer including some quantifiable results: There were over two million unique visitors to the campaign website, and nearly 1.2 million people saw the live on-ground event in Beijing and Shanghai. Dealer store sales climbed 106% during these 18 days. Event coupon redemption was 150% above average. Over 651,000 red flags were planted during the campaign period. The champion planted over an amazing 4,000 red flags. It was a runaway success for The North Face. It didn’t take much to make people explore their world. -
Euromosaic III Touches Upon Vital Interests of Individuals and Their Living Conditions
Research Centre on Multilingualism at the KU Brussel E U R O M O S A I C III Presence of Regional and Minority Language Groups in the New Member States * * * * * C O N T E N T S Preface INTRODUCTION 1. Methodology 1.1 Data sources 5 1.2 Structure 5 1.3 Inclusion of languages 6 1.4 Working languages and translation 7 2. Regional or Minority Languages in the New Member States 2.1 Linguistic overview 8 2.2 Statistic and language use 9 2.3 Historical and geographical aspects 11 2.4 Statehood and beyond 12 INDIVIDUAL REPORTS Cyprus Country profile and languages 16 Bibliography 28 The Czech Republic Country profile 30 German 37 Polish 44 Romani 51 Slovak 59 Other languages 65 Bibliography 73 Estonia Country profile 79 Russian 88 Other languages 99 Bibliography 108 Hungary Country profile 111 Croatian 127 German 132 Romani 138 Romanian 143 Serbian 148 Slovak 152 Slovenian 156 Other languages 160 Bibliography 164 i Latvia Country profile 167 Belorussian 176 Polish 180 Russian 184 Ukrainian 189 Other languages 193 Bibliography 198 Lithuania Country profile 200 Polish 207 Russian 212 Other languages 217 Bibliography 225 Malta Country profile and linguistic situation 227 Poland Country profile 237 Belorussian 244 German 248 Kashubian 255 Lithuanian 261 Ruthenian/Lemkish 264 Ukrainian 268 Other languages 273 Bibliography 277 Slovakia Country profile 278 German 285 Hungarian 290 Romani 298 Other languages 305 Bibliography 313 Slovenia Country profile 316 Hungarian 323 Italian 328 Romani 334 Other languages 337 Bibliography 339 ii PREFACE i The European Union has been called the “modern Babel”, a statement that bears witness to the multitude of languages and cultures whose number has remarkably increased after the enlargement of the Union in May of 2004.