International Journal of Education, Vol. 8 No. 1 December 2014

LANGUAGE ENDANGERMENT IN

Michael C. Ewing The University of Melbourne [email protected]

ABSTRACT In Indonesia, language endangerment is primarily related to language shift. Data show that the most important symptoms of language shift and of the vitality of a language are number and quality of the domains in which it is used and transmitted. The second crucial symptom of language endangerment is the loss of transmission from one generation to the next. This is what is now being seen in many communities across Indonesia where children are no longer acquiring their parents’ language. There are two general endangerment scenarios that have occurred in Indonesia. The first is the immigration scenario in which members of another speech community from outside the area move in and due to economic and political advantage essentially ‘take over’ a local speech community, imposing their own language. The second is the emigration scenario in which members of a local speech community temporarily migrate outside of the community for education or work, and on returning bring the dominant language from outside into the community. Finally, we can now find in many parts of Indonesia that social changes including economic, educational and political contexts, promote a shift from local to dominant language. Keywords: language endangerment, language shift, immigration and emigration scenarios, dominant language.

1. Language Endangerment world - Mandarin, Spanish, English, Hindi, There are roughly 6,000 languages in Portuguese, Bengali, Russian, and Arabic – the world today. About 400 of those languages which make up just a little more than 0.1% of are found in Europe and the Middle East, all languages – are the languages spoken by 1000 indigenous languages are found in the 40% of the world’s people. Conversely, the Americas, there are some 2000 languages vast majority of languages of the world are in Africa, and as many as 3,500 or half the spoken by very small groups of people who worlds languages are found in the Asia- are often marginalised in the larger society. Pacific region (Lewis, Simons and Fenning This inverse relationship is illustrate by the 2014). Of course some of the languages diagram in Figure 1 form Romaine (2007: are much “larger”, that is they have many 118). more speakers, than others. Around 350 Over the past two decades there has languages (about 5% of the total) have more been growing concern that the number of than a million speakers, and together these living, functional languages in the world account for 90% of the world’s population. has begun to decrease dramatically (Crystal There is an inverse relationship between 2000, Fishman 2001). Languages become the number of speakers a language has and endangered when they are used in fewer the number of languages of that size. That and fewer situations, for example because a is, only 75 languages account for 80% of dominant language like English, Mandarin, the world population. If we narrow it down Spanish or Indonesian is used more often further, the largest eight languages of the and in a broader range of contexts. This is

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often combined with a process of reduced a certain society has about their environment transmission of the language form one and technological responses to living in that generation to the next until younger people environment is lost when the language used can no longer speak the language of their to identify, catalogue and discuss it is lost ancestors. It is estimated that anywhere (Maffi 2001, Zent 2001). Languages “are between 25-50% of languages are endangered vital parts of complex local ecologies that or are on the brink of being lost. Only about must be supported if global biodiversity, as 5-10% of the worlds languages are current well as human cultures and even humanity in truly safe, while the remaining languages, general, are to be sustained” (Romain 2007: about half, are weakening, that is they are 130). Loss of language can also lead to a loss beginning to show signs of being endangered. of one’s identify and sense of place, which Indeed, it is possible that 150 years there may in the case of marginalised societies can also be only about 300 languages still spoken in lead to social ills like substance abuse and the world (Krauss 1992). suicide (King, Smith and Gracey 2009). In this While we know that different way linguistic diversity and the maintenance languages have always been developing and of indigenous languages is a matter of social dying out over generations, what is different justice and loss of indigenous languages can about the current situation is an exponential also be seen as an issue of human rights. This increase in the number of languages dying includes the protection of linguistic rights compared with the past. This rate for exceeds in education, but also a recognition that the the rate with which new languages develop privilege often granted to large languages and thus the total number of languages is flows directly from the economic and political quickly shrinking. privilege and power of the speakers of those With the loss of indigenous languages there languages. The result is that language policies is concomitant loss of cultural diversity. This are always overtly political and ideological includes the loss of indigenous knowledge – and often have negative consequences that is, much of the reservoir of knowledge that for speakers of minority languages (May

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2002). This can be caused on the one hand movement in 1928, was made the official by a failure to implement positive policies language with independence in 1945 and – that already exist and on the other extreme, especially under policies of Suharto’s New the active suppression of linguistic rights Order government – gained widespread use by governments (Skutnabb-Kangas 2000). throughout the archipelago. In 1970 about Finally, The idea that linguistic diversity 40% of the population could understand or multilingualism is incompatible with Indonesian, while by 1990 that had increased progress and modernity and international to 67% and is now much higher (Hajak relations ignores the fact of highly functional 2005). The spread of Indonesian has been multilingualism has been the norm in many supported by government education policies, parts of the world and for much of history as its wide spread use in all forms of media, and far as we can see. Like bio-diversity, cultural the economic aspirations of the population diversity (including linguistic diversity) has which associate Indonesian with modern and positive consequences, providing for more more prosperous lifestyles. While the role adaptive and thus stronger societies. “The of indigenous languages is recognized in monolingualism of much of the First World the Indonesian constitution, in recent years [and we could add, increasingly in much of smaller languages have been experiencing the developing world] is as provincial as it is increasing levels of (Hajak 2005). One historically anomalous” (Turin 2005: 4). thing that makes the situation in Indonesian different form many other parts of the 2. What is the situation in Indonesia? world where language sift is occurring, is Indonesia is very rich in language that here there is a not a dominant group diversity. According , 706 of the of native speakers who are putting pressure worlds 7,105 living languages are located in on minority language speakers, as is the Indonesia (Lewis, Simons and Fenning 2014). case for example, in China with Mandarin This amounts to about 10% of the world or in the United States and Australia with languages being spoken in a country that English (as described by O’Shannessy 2011). includes only 3.5% of the world population. Instead, Indonesian until now is still mainly Indonesia is second only to a second language for most speakers. It is not in terms of the amount of language diversity a dominant ethnic group that is promoting found here (Tucker 2001). This diversity is its own language over that of others, rather not evenly distributed across the country. In the political and economic pressures around the west, on the islands Sumatra and Java, a nationalism are driving a shift among relatively small number of languages with Indonesians from being second speakers to very large speaker populations are found. As becoming first (and often only) speakers of you move eastward across the archipelago, this language. the number of languages increases while the In Indonesia, language endangerment population of each languages decreases, so thus is primary related to language shift. that hundreds of languages are found Himmelmann (2010) in his discussion of and Papua, often with speaker populations of languages in Sulawesi, suggests that the only several thousand people or fewer. most important symptoms of language shift But in this linguistically very diverse and of the vitality of a language, are number nation, the people of Indonesia have been and quality of the domains in which it is united by the national language, Indonesian – used and transmission. He defines language a standardized form of Malay (Anwar 1990, endangerment as a rapid reduction in both Sneddon 2003). Indonesian was officially the quality and the number of domains it named the language of the nationalist is used in. This is considered important,

14 Michael C. Ewing, Language Endangerment in Indonesia because different registers and vocabulary just in the islands of Central Maluku. These will be used in different domains, so as include where the regional domains shrink, so do the completeness capital of Ambon city is located, the Lease and robustness of the language. The second islands (Haruku, , Nusalaut), crucial symptom of language endangerment is Island, and . As many as 50% the loss of transmission from one generation of these languages of Central Maluku are to the next. This is what is now being seen endangered (Florey 2005), and threat to the in many communities across Indonesia languages here is rapidly increasing due to a where children are no longer acquiring their complex combination of issues. parents’ language, and instead are acquiring Maluku is a multi-religious part Indonesian (or others of Malay) as their first of Indonesia, where the population has language. Himmelmann (2010) also points long been divided about equally between out crucially that this in itself is not the cause Christians and Muslims (at least until the of language shift – that is, children do not recent increase in transmigration to the area). just stop acquiring their parents’ language – It has long been noted that there is a historic rather there are always a number of complex, link between religious identity and language interrelated causes which facilitate reduction use in Central Maluku (see Florey 2006; in domains and transmission, which in turn Musgrave and Ewing 2006). Villages that mean the loss of language. Himmelmann converted to Christianity during the Dutch (2010) describes two general endangerment colonial period, beginning from the late 16th scenarios that have occurred in Sulawesi century, had closer contact with the colonial and which also have occurred in many authorities, which in turn provided greater other parts of Indonesia. The first is the access to education and employment and also immigration scenario in which members of encouraged the use of Malay as another speech community from outside a . Because of the prestige and the area move in and due to economic and opportunities related to use of Ambonese political advantage essentially ‘take over’ Malay at the time, and the association of a local speech community, imposing their High Malay with Christianity, this led to own language. The second is the emigration more rapid loss of indigenous languages in scenario in which members of a local speech Christian villages. While Muslim Ambonese community temporarily migrate outside of also spoke Ambonese Malay in interactions the community for education or work, and with Christians (cf. Kennedy 1955:56), on returning bring the dominant language indigenous languages spoken in Muslim from outside into the community. Another villages retained their importance in most important scenario that we can now find domains. As we will see below, this pattern in many parts of Indonesia is one where of greater language maintenance in Muslim the changing social situation, including villages is breaking down in recent times economic, educational and political contexts, and now the indigenous languages of promotes a shift from local to dominant Muslim communities are also increasingly language. In the following section we will endangered (see Florey 2005; Musgrave look at two situations like this. and Ewing 2006). Very different scenarios of language maintenance and language loss 3. Two Examples from Indonesia: Maluku can be seen in four different parts of Central and Java Maluku as outlined below (Florey and Ewing 3.1 Language shift in Central Maluku. 2010). The region of the Maluku has high linguistic Allang–Wakasihu. Allang and Wakasihu diversity, with forty-two languages spoken are dialects of the same language and are located

15 International Journal of Education, Vol. 8 No. 1 December 2014 on the west end of the north peninsula of Ambon of the villages described above. The results island (Ewing 2010). This ethnolinguistic of the first, receptive knowledge, portion of group also encompasses the Muslim village the test are shown for a representative village of Larike and the Christian village of Liliboi. in each for the four language areas in Figure Allang, a Christian village where I conducted 2. As mentioned above, it has been widely research in the early 2000s, has a population reported in the literature that languages of over 4,000, but at that time there were only spoken in Christian villages in Maluku are approximately 70 Allang speakers remaining, becoming obsolescent more rapidly than or less than 2% of the population. The language languages spoken in villages which had is now silent in Liliboi. In the two Muslim converted to Islam. Figure 2 shows how villages of Wakasihu and Larike language shift this pattern is changing today. We can see to Ambonese Malay is starting to occur, but the that language shift is advanced in both the language is still strong there. Christian village of Allang and Muslim village Tulehu, Tengah-tengah, Tial, Waai. Language vitality is strongest in the three of Rutah. These villages both demonstrate Muslim villages of Tulehu, Tengah-tengah, what Dorian (1981) has called ‘tip’, or the and Tial (which Musgrave terms Souw abrupt failure of transmission from one Amana Teru, see Musgrave and Ewing 2006). generation to the next, at which point shift to Research indicates that some 10,000 of the a dominant language (in this case Ambonese 18,790 people in these three villages (53%) Malay) becomes much stronger. In Allang are fluent speakers of Souw Amana Teru, and and Rutah, tip took place between Generation there may be a further 6,000 passive bilinguals. 1 (50+) and Generation 2 (30–50). Now we There are only a few elderly rememberers of can see that twenty-five years later, Muslim the language in the Christian village of Waai, Tulehu is following the same path. Here tip where language use is limited to the domain of is taking place between Generation 4a (high ritual practices. school) and Generation 4b (primary school). Rutah, Amahei, Haruru, Makariki, While the Alune language is still strong Soahuku. This language of southern Seram in Christian Lohiasapalewa, we can see a Island is strongest in the Muslim village of gradual downward trend that suggests it too Rutah, although, like Allang, perhaps only 2% is accelerating towards tip in the youngest of the population of 2,286 people are fluent generation. speakers. The language is moribund in the four Looking more closely at two of Christian villages, with a total of no more than these villages, Allang and Tulehu (see ten speakers. Musgrave and Ewing 2006), we see that Alune. Alune speakers live in twenty- they do represent the historical trend, where six villages in western Seram island, all are linguistic vitality extends much deeper into Christian, with a total population of around Muslim Tulehu than it does in Christian 15,000. The language is stronger in the interior of the island, while language shift has been Allang. Although it needs to remember that occurring for several years in costal villages, Allang also remained a vital language well making the language endangered there. In into the twentieth century, unlike the many the mountain village of Lohiasapalewa, Christian villages that lost their indigenous population 208, for example, all residents, languages early in the colonial period. from the oldest to the youngest, are fluent However, the results for Tulehu suggest that speakers of Alune. under the age of 30, the proportion of fully As part of a language documentation fluent speakers in the community drops off program in Central Maluku, a research team rather rapidly. This implies that in a short including myself and three other colleagues time, perhaps two generations, language loss conducted a language vitality test in a number in Tulehu will have reached the point that

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Fig 2. Language vitality in four villages of Central Maluku (Florey 2009). has already been reached in Allang. Tulehu transportation and communication and the has long experienced contact with outsiders Dutch government’s liberalized policies due to its status as a port, yet the appearance towards indigenous education all led to greater of language loss among younger residents is exposure to Malay and presumably triggered relatively recent. Historically, Tulehu was the shift that is still continuing. Today the not physically isolated, but this community, increased ease of transportation to Allang and other Muslim communities, maintained ensures there is a much greater movement of an inward orientation as a result of their people, of all different backgrounds, in and particular relationship with the Dutch colonial out of the village. In comparison to Tulehu, authorities. The community’s orientation is Allang was physically isolated for much of now more outward looking, as a result of a its history, and this was undoubtedly a factor different relationship with external authority, in the rather late onset of language shift in the now the Republic of Indonesia, and of the community. However, the higher degree of increases in educational opportunities which engagement with outside influences, which have come with that change. was a characteristic of Christian communities Allang has long had an outward in Central Maluku provided an environment orientation through religious affiliation and in which language shift was likely to occur. through the trading of horticultural products. The historical fact that Allang These factors might suggest that Allang maintained its language into the twentieth could have shifted to Malay much earlier. But century and the current situation in Tulehu these connections would have only provided where language shift is clearly increasing contact with the outside for a limited number suggest that the extent of language of men in privileged economic and political maintenance is not a direct result of religion positions. In the twentieth century, improved per se. Additionally, it seems that neither

17 International Journal of Education, Vol. 8 No. 1 December 2014 an outward orientation, nor the movement several generations the pattern has been that of Malay speaking people through an area children learn low Javanese as their first is sufficient on its own to have caused the language. By the time they are school-age shift to Malay among speakers of indigenous they will start learning high Javanese and languages on the Hitu peninsula. Rather it then learn Indonesian in school. They acquire is the combination of these factors that has Javanese and its speech levels from family, contributed to the loss of these languages. while they learn Indonesian from school. Such a combination seems to have begun But in the last decade or so this pattern has affecting Allang in the early twentieth been disturbed, with more and more young century, and a similar combination is now people feeling more comfortable speaking producing similar results in Tulehu. Indonesian than Javanese. As Javanese 3.2 Language shift among Javanese loses domains of usage, especially in areas speakers. The other language I will report of education, government and economic on is Javanese. The situation with Javanese livelihood, it also loses prestige. was chosen because, as a very large and Kurniasih (2006) undertook a relatively strong language, it provides a detailed study of the reasons for language contrast to the previous discussion of the shift in the area of Yogyakarta. She looked situation in Central Maluku, which has many at the situation in terms of economic and languages with small speaker populations. educational background of parents, roughly As we will see below, a large number of dividing them between working class and speakers is not necessarily a guarantee middle class (although the criteria were more that a language will always remain strong nuanced than just this). When she looked at and vital. With some 85 million speakers patterns of language use by school-aged boys (Lewis, Simons and Fenning 2014), Javanese and girls in lower class and middle class is by far the largest regional language in families, she found that there were sticking Indonesia. It is also the largest language in differences. Among lower class boys, the the Austronesian in terms majority only speak Javanese at home, of first language speakers (and the eleventh including both low and high speech styles. largest language in the world, Adelaar 2010). Some working class girls also speak only Among it is only Javanese at home, but the majority of them, surpassed by Malay/Indonesian in size when while speaking both low and high Javanese, we consider second language speakers as also regularly use Indonesian. When looking well. Nonetheless, for the past two decades at middle class families, the pattern shifts. or so, there has been growing concern that it The majority of girls speak only Indonesian may also be facing a form of endangerment, at home, and the remaining girls speak both despite its large number of speakers and Indonesian and Javanese. Among middle the dominant social-political position of the class boys, on the other hand, the vast Javanese in Indonesian society. Even in the majority speak both Javanese and Indonesian early 1990s speakers were anecdotally noting at home, with just a small percentage who that children in Javanese families, where both speaks only Indonesian at home. None of the parents were Javanese speakers, were often middle class children speak only Javanese speaking Indonesian as their first language at home. From this we see that girls have (e.g. as reported for the Cirebon variety in a preference for speaking Indonesian and Ewing 2005). middle class girls have an especially high Young Javanese are shifting to preference this direction, while working Indonesian and there is also a shift in the class boys show a very strong preference role of high Javanese and low Javanese. For for just speaking Javanese at home. The

18 Michael C. Ewing, Language Endangerment in Indonesia pattern of language use at school is of course Past studies of Javanese have suggest different because of the dominant role of that traditionally men are more likely than Indonesian in education, but similar patterns women to have command of high Javanese, still hold. All working class children speak while those of higher classes would generally both Javanese and Indonesian at school and be expected to have better command of most of them, both boys and girls, use both high Javanese than those form lower class low and high Javanese in this context. The backgrounds. Kurniasih (2006) demonstrates major difference is that a higher proportion the trend that boys do still make more use of boys use high Javanese this environment of high Javanese than girls, thus following relative to girls. In this context the lower the traditional pattern, but interestingly class children tend to use Indonesian with today people in higher socio-economic the teachers in the class, but often switch to background are now less likely to speak high Javanese when speaking to other students, Javanese than those of lower socio-economic and they regularly use Javanese both among background, thus reversing the traditional themselves and to teachers when outside of pattern. One reason Kurniasih (2006) gives the classroom. Among middle class children, for this is change in family structures. Lower the majority of girls speak only Indonesian at class families still have a more traditional school while the majority of boys speak both extended structure where children have low Javanese and Indonesian at schools. Only access to many adults (parents, aunts, uncles, a small proportion of both boys and girls also grandparents) – as well as other children use high Javanese. In all cases, the middle of all ages – from whom they can acquire class children tend to speak Indonesian both Javanese. In contrast, middle class Javanese inside and outside the classroom. tend to live in small nuclear families. Another Similar patterns immerged when important factor related to the choice of Kurniasih (2006) looked at the language language is mobility, with middle class used by parents with their children. The vast families much more likely to have travelled majority of lower class fathers used only extensively, including spending time in Javanese with their children, while the vast Jakarta. Middle class families also tend to majority of working class mothers used both be future oriented – looking outside their Javanese and Indonesian. No lower class local context for building their lives. In this parents used only Indonesian. Among the situation Javanese does not seem so important middle class, the vast majority of mothers to them. Kurniasih also suggests that there is used only Indonesian with their children, “an underlying difference, perhaps in values, while the majority of the fathers used both whereby males attach more significance to in- Javanese and Indonesian. No middle class group solidarity through the use of Javanese, parents used only Javanese. Interviews rather than striving for social and educational also confirmed language attitudes that were advancement through the use of Indonesian” consistent with the survey data. It is mothers (2006: 23). Other researchers have also who tend to reinforce the use of Indonesian, found that women are often the forefront of and middle class mothers in particular seem language change and language shift in various to discourage the use of Javanese. Mothers’ cultures around the world. Reasons that have attitudes and practices seem to have a been suggested for this include the desire of particularly strong effect on their daughters. mothers for their children to get ahead and Conversely, the language attitudes of fathers, the importance of symbolic capital, such as who tend to prefer Javanese and value the use ability to use a prestige language, for woman, of high Javanese, have a stronger impact on who might not have access to economic or sons. other kinds of capital that are more accessible

19 International Journal of Education, Vol. 8 No. 1 December 2014 to men. While Cameron (2003) points out that it is crucial to look for ways to turn around there are many varied relationships between certain trends. For example, there seems to be gender and language shift found around the a feeling today that learning a local language world, and not all of them have women at the in addition to Indonesian and English will forefront of change, nonetheless the Javanese somehow be a burden, yet many communities case does match with many similar cases across Indonesian and around the world have around the world. These findings are also been multilingual for generations. Why has consistent with Smith-Hefner’s (2009) work the fallacy that monolingualism is somehow with young people in Yogyakarta, where she better arisen and how can we counter it? found young woman to have a preference Additionally we need to find creative ways to for Indonesian. Among the factors that she provide positive and attractive role models for identified for this was the fact that young the use of local languages that will appeal to women had a particular interest in emotional young people. There is a growing association and interpersonal expressiveness, and that of local languages with backwardness and they found contemporary forms of Indonesian old-fashioned ways of life. Discovering much more amenable to these needs. new ways to re-envisaged and re-energise the concept of local identity within the 4. Conclusion contemporary world and discovering new The brief outlines of different language roles for local languages that re-invigorate shift scenarios given above are representative these identities will go a long way towards of situations across Indonesian. For example, helping to maintain the richness of linguistic while there are not yet any results of major diversity in Indonesia as well as around the studies about the use of Sundanese today, world. impressionistic reports suggest that it may be in a situation very similar to Javanese. More References detailed research may reveal whether there Adelaar, A. (2010). Language documentation are similar class and gender differences in in the west Austronesian world and terms of shift to Indonesian as well as the loss Vanuatu: an overview. In Margaret of speech levels. One of the most common Florey (ed), Endangered languages of responses that one hears across Indonesia Austronesia, 12-44. Oxford: Oxford when any given speech community faces University Press. the prospect of language shift is that more Anwar, K. (1990). Indonesian: the education is necessary. However, experience development and use of a national has shown that top-down, authority driven language. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada attempts to maintain language almost never University Press. work, at least not on their own. What the Cameron, D. (2003). Gender issues in research reported here has shown is that it language change. Annual Review of is very much language attitudes, especially Applied Linguistics 23: 187-201. of parents, but also of children and the Crystal, D. (2000). Language Death. boarder community, that determine whether Cambridge: Cambridge University transmission of the language to the next Press. generation occurs, and not simply whether Dorian, N. (1981). Language Death: The the language is taught as an additional subject Life Cycle of a Scottish Gaelic Dialect. in schools for a few hours a week. What Philadelphia: The University of is actually needed is a combination of top- Pennsylvania Press. down and bottom-up initiatives (compare Ewing, M. C. (2005). Grammar and Florey and Ewing 2010). Within society, inference in conversation: identifying

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