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Tone in Bodish Languages: Typological and Sociolinguistic Contributions

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Tone in Bodish Languages: Typological and Sociolinguistic Contributions Tone in Bodish languages: Typological and sociolinguistic contributions Kristine A. Hildebrandt 1. Introduction: The challenge of Bodish prosodic systems The prosodic systems of Bodish Tibeto-Burman (TB) languages of Nepal present many challenges to our understanding of the phonological profiles of Sino-Tibetan (ST) languages, and to languages of South and Southeast Asia in general.1 This paper aims to highlight some interesting supraseg- mental properties in several Bodish languages, and the ways that tone and the Tone Bearing Unit (TBU) in these languages contribute to their loca- tion in a typologically distinct sub-area between greater South and South- east Asia. The proposed location of Bodish languages in a “buffer zone” (cf. Stilo 2005 for Northwest Iran as a typological buffer zone between Arabic-type and Indic-type areas) is not new here; rather, this account gives additional, phonological, evidence for such a proposal. At the same time, a deeper understanding of Bodish prosodic properties is complicated by sociolinguistic variables affecting the realization of tone, including gender, bilingual contact, and formal education. Therefore, an- other aim of this paper is to synthesize the ways in which these sociolin- guistic variables have enriched previous studies, and how an optimal ac- count of a language’s phonology is one that recognizes how synchronic sub-systems and mechanisms of diachronic change align with different components of the speaker community. The organization of this paper reflects the diversity of the goals. In Sec- tion 2 I provide an overview of the tonal properties of a number of Bodish TB languages of Nepal and how these properties necessarily complicate an idea of mainly syllabic tone systems in ST languages. This point is elabo- rated on in Section 3, where I show in two surveys that the type and do- main of tone systems of the Bodish (and other TB) languages, located a- long the Himalayan range of Nepal, India and Bhutan, provide additional evidence for typological enclave effects (cf. Bickel and Nichols 2003). In Section 4 I turn to the complex variation inherent in these systems, where- 68 Kristine A. Hildebrandt by the parameters to tone in Bodish languages have different realizations according to different socio-cultural factors. 2. Tone and the phonological word in Bodish languages As noted by Matisoff (1999) the topic of Sino-Tibetan tonology is too vast to be adequately summarized in a single account. It is important to belabor the point here, however, that once the focus is shifted away from the proto- typical “omnisyllabic” nature of Sinitic languages, the tone profiles begin to take on intriguingly different and complex dimensions. 2.1. Tone in Sinitic and in Tibeto-Burman languages Despite the wide variety of tone profiles within the family, a popular as- sumption in literature is that the TBU in ST languages is the syllable. Moi- ra Yip’s 2002 survey of Asian (including ST) tone systems focuses almost exclusively on monosyllabic languages like Mandarin and Cantonese, with brief mention of other monosyllabic TB languages like Bai and Jingpho. While there is some discussion of Lhasa Tibetan tone with its additional phonation correlates, and also mention of word-tone in languages of Papua New Guinea, the received perception is of an overall syllabic TBU profile of ST and TB languages. It is in fact true that a monosyllabic tone profile fits for many ST lan- guages of Southeast Asia. Morphemes (lexical and grammatical) are largely monosyllabic, and many phonological processes make exclusive reference to individual syllables (cf. Matisoff 1973b; 1995; 1999). Lahu (Lolo-Burmese) is a textbook case of this, with potentially long combina- tions of mono-syllabic morphemes bearing individual, underlying tone properties: “The Lahu tones do not exhibit any strictly automatic, phonol- ogically conditioned sandhi-behavior.” (Matisoff 1973a: 27). This is illus- trated in (1) (data from Matisoff 1973a: 454). (1) Lahu (Sino-Tibetan, Lolo-Burmese) š e thâ gà qo 2 die PTCL when arrive TOP ‘If [the time to] die arrives…’ Tone in Bodish languages 69 In fact, in Lahu there is only a single case of tone alternation between adjacent syllable-morphemes: tone lowering on certain property concept root morphemes when followed by an adverbializer particle (e.g. /ši- / G [ší. ] ‘yellow-ly’) (1973a: 30). Thus, the strictly syllabic TBU obscures any notion of word as prosodically distinct from the syllable. But, as Yip (2002: 172–173) duly notes, words (in a grammatical sense) in Southeast Asian languages can be polysyllabic, frequently formed via compounding. In Sinitic languages in particular, morpheme concatenations may undergo various tonal changes. But even in tone sandhi environments, the general idea is that a word-level pattern is the result of changes to at least one syllable with an otherwise underlying, contrastive tone. Beyond the profile characteristic of Southeast Asian languages, we may also find TB languages (largely) west of the Himalayan plateau to be either a-tonal (e.g. Himalayish languages and some Tibetan ‘dialects’), or ‘mar- ginally/incipiently tonal’, where tone is a combination of two or more pho- netic properties like vowel F0 and consonant or vowel laryngeal settings (i.e. phonation types) (cf. Stephen Watters 1999 and 2002 for studies of several Tibetan-type languages). Kyirong Tibetan is an example of this second type. It has six phonemic tones and resembles Sinitic type systems by virtue of polytonicity. How- ever, this system is complex in that vowel F0 is only one of a number of relevant correlates, summarized in Table 1.3 Table 1. Kyirong Tibetan tones (Huber 2000: 22–24) Registers Correlates Cases High Level Modal; voiceless asp. tō ‘list’; t ‘food’ High Falling Modal/Creaky; voiceless asp. tø ‘religion’; ù ‘stir’ Mid Level Modal; ± voiced to ‘two’; do ‘lower valley’ Mid Falling Modal/Creaky; ± voiced ø ‘heat’; dzø ‘magazine’ Low Level Breathy; ± voiced to ‘stone’ Low Falling Breathy; ± voiced t ‘evil spirit’ There are additional correlates of vowel phonation found across the three registers: Vowel phonation (modal, breathy and occasionally creaky for contour tones), and onset (obstruent) phonation for consonants. While it is shown in Section 2.2 that Bodish languages may be typed as marginally tonal due to multiple phonation types, the domain of the TBU also makes them of special typological interest in this account. 70 Kristine A. Hildebrandt 2.2. Bodish tone and the phonological word Figure 1 shows the genetic sub-grouping of the Tibeto-Burman sub-family: Sino-Tibetan Tibeto-Burman Sinitic Tani Brahmaputran Himalayish Bodish Qiangic Kuki-Chin Karenic Lolo-Burmese Figure 1. Sub-Grouping of Sino-Tibetan and Tibeto-Burman The Bodish sub-grouping includes Tamangic languages and the Tibetan ‘dialects’. Tamangic languages include Tamang, Gurung, Thakali, Manan- ge, Nar-Phu, Chantyal, Kaike and Seke/Tangbe, displayed in Map 1.4 Thakali Kaike Chantyal Nar-Phu Kyirong Tib. Seke Gurung Tamang Sherpa Manange Kathmandu Map 1. Geographic Location of Selected Bodish Languages These languages complicate an otherwise perceived binary typological opposition within the family (i.e. tonal or a-tonal/marginally tonal, with a syllabic TBU). For a number of Bodish (and also Kuki-Chin) languages of the Nepal Himalaya (specifically, those languages surrounded by the Bra- hmaputra river, which runs through the Kailash range, through southwest Tibet to the Ganges in India), the TBU expands in complex and interesting ways. I now provide a brief description of three Bodish (Tamangic) lan- Tone in Bodish languages 71 guages and how their representative tone profiles expand the notion of the TBU, revealing the relevance of the phonological word in ST languages. 2.2.1. Tamang An early and in-depth account of Bodish tone par excellence is found in Mazaudon (1973), with a phonological and phonetic description of (Ri- siangku) Tamang tone. The phonetic realization of the four tones is the ‘phonological word’, with the same patterns of pitch correlates on mono- syllabic words also found on polysyllabic words, regardless of morpho- logical composition or lexical class. Tamang has four tones that are differ- ent in pitch height (high and low) and in pitch contour (level and falling). In addition, there is a voice quality difference for the two heights: The high tones have modal vowels and the low tones have breathy vowels (Mazau- don 1973: 82), illustrated in Table 2. Table 2. Tamang tones (Adapted from Mazaudon 1973: 94–98) Tone Correlates Case /1/ High Falling, Modal t3i ‘exclamation of dislike’ /2/ High Level, Modal t3i ‘grass’ /3/ Low Level, Breathy t3i4 ‘grip’ /4/ Low-Rising, Breathy t3i4 ‘think, remember’ In Mazaudon’s phonetic account of the tones in different syllable structures and phrase types, she shows that Tamang is a word-tone language; the pitch properties of the tones carry across the stem, including bound ‘gram- matical morphemes’ (i.e. suffixes).5 Because suffixes are inherently a-tonal and pick up the pitch properties of a preceding syllable, it is possible that two morphologically distinct, but segmentally identical suffixes, when occurring with roots that are also both segmentally and tonally homo- phonic, are (without appropriate context), indistinguishable to Tamang speakers, shown in example (2) (1973: 70).6 (2) /2ta=ri/ axe=INDEF ‘an axe’ vs. /2ta=ri/ horse=LOC ‘on the horse’ 2.2.2. Gurung This summary of Kaski Gurung (Ghachok, Nepal) is synthesized from sev- eral accounts: Glover (1970), Glover et al. (1977), Glover and Landon 72 Kristine A. Hildebrandt (1980), Hale (1973), Mazaudon (1978), Sprigg (1997). The system is es- sentially the same as with Tamang, where tone is based on vowel phona- tion type (i.e. “register” in accounts of Gurung), and vowel F0 (i.e. “ac- cent”). The correlates are linked; breathy vowels associate with low F0, and modal vowels associate with high F0.
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