)53Lt- I'\.' -- the ENGLISH and FOREIGN LANGUAGES UNIVERSITY HYDERABAD 500605, INDIA
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DZONGKHA SEGMENTS AND TONES: A PHONETIC AND PHONOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION KINLEY DORJEE . I Supervisor PROFESSOR K.G. VIJA Y AKRISHNAN Department of Linguistics and Contemporary English Hyderabad Co-supervisor Dr. T. Temsunungsang The English and Foreign Languages University Shillong Campus A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics SCHOOL OF LANGUAGE SCIENCES >. )53lt- I'\.' -- THE ENGLISH AND FOREIGN LANGUAGES UNIVERSITY HYDERABAD 500605, INDIA JULY 2011 To my mother ABSTRACT In this thesis, we make, for the first time, an acoustic investigation of supposedly unique phonemic contrasts: a four-way stop phonation contrast (voiceless, voiceless aspirated, voiced and devoiced), a three-way fricative contrast (voiceless, voiced and devoiced) and a two-way sonorant contrast (voiced and voiceless) in Dzongkha, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Western Bhutan. Paying special attention to the 'Devoiced' (as recorded in the literature) obstruent and the 'Voiceless' sonorants, we examine the durational and spectral characteristics, including the vowel quality (following the initial consonant types), in comparison with four other languages, viz .. Hindi. Korean (for obstruents), Mizo and Tenyidie (for sonorants). While the 'devoiced' phonation type in Dzongkha is not attested in any language in the region, we show that the devoiced type is very different from the 'breathy' phonation type, found in Hindi. However, when compared to the three-way voiceless stop phonation types (Tense, Lax and Aspirated) in Korean, we find striking similarities in the way the two stops CDevoiced' and 'Lax') employ their acoustic correlates. We extend our analysis of stops to fricatives, and analyse the three fricatives in Dzongkha as: Tense, Lax and Voiced. In sonorants (voiced-voiceless distinctions), we show that while the voiceless nasals in Dzongkha pattern with voiceless nasals in Mizo, as pre- aspirated types, the voiceless laterals pattern with voiceless laterals in Tenyidie, as post-aspirated. We also show that the voiced-voiceless distinction in sonorants can be made with two acoustic cues, viz., the sonorant duration and the different phonetic composites of the voiceless sonorants. Having established the segmental contrasts. we finally make an acoustic study of the tones in Dzongkha. We show Dzongkha to be an incipient. lexically bitonal language, supported by the lexical tone specification on the syllables with voiced sonorant onsets. In obstruents, the 'Tense' group occurs in the High Register while the 'Lax' group occurs in the Low Register. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I remain obliged to a number of people in the course of completing this thesis. First and foremost, I thank Prof. K.G. Vijayakrishnan, my guide and mentor. for his constant encouragement. advice and support. Vijayakrishan's intellect and wisdom is seen in whatever is exceptional in this thesis. His exceptional intellect and wisdom prodded me through the hardest parts of framing the thesis topic and research questions, and finally the analyses. Apart from being an exceptional guide. Vijayakrishnan's passion for linguistics is outstanding. I am indebted to him for showing me so many directions and yet leaving me to choose the way I want to go. And above all, I will always admire and appreciate him for not only being an exceptional teacher and guide but also for being a very reasonable human being. I will never be able to thank my co-supervisor, mentor and friend, Dr. Temsunungsang (Temsu) enough for his help and support right from my day one in Hyderabad till the day I submitted my thesis. He has been there in whatever help I needed during my stay in Hyderabad, both academics and personal (I shall forever remain grateful to you for that). Temsu has tirelessly and meticulously read all the chapters of my thesis (more as a friend than a co- supervisor) over and over. His invaluable comments and feedback contributed enormously in building this thesis (Thanks, Temsu). I am also indebted to a number of professors at the EFL University for preparing me for my thesis through various coursework modules: Prof. Hemalatha Nagarajan (in Phonology), Prof. Komali Prakash (in Articulatory Phonetics), Prof. Meena Debashish (in Acoustic Phonetics) and Prof. Rahul Balusu (in Research Methodology and Praat software). Prof. Rahul Balusu has also been extremely generous not only in solving my technical impediments with my data, but also for allowing me to use his recording system for the entire period of my data collection in Bhutan (Thanks you, Rahul). Thanks are also due to linguistics research scholars who have always been around sharing their wisdom and knowledge over coffee and snacks. special thanks to Mukul. Srinivas, Srivatsa, Rajiv. and Masrook. ii Over the years, the encouragement and good times I have had with my friends had a very vigorous effect on my general wellbeing, and therefore added vigour to my research. Special thanks are due to Dhammapal (for always being concerned more about my health and wellbeing than his own), Suchi (for always being there to listen to, and make delicious tea for me), Mrinal and Geetashri (for always being true friends, and lightening up my disposition) and Shardool (who would veer any conversation into something humorous and have me laugh, making my days enjoyable ones). Thanks, friends. My days in Hyderabad would have been difficult if I did not have my country fellows around, always inviting me over their places for delicious home-food; thanks to Tandin, Rinchen, Bharat and Sonam for giving me good company and feeding me with home-food (making a good break from the hostel mess' messy food!). My gratitude to Chimi, Doctor, Bijay, Kunga and all others at Survey of India for the memorable weekends I have had with you all. I will always remain grateful to all the BSA (Hyderabad) members for the wonderful parties we have had at Celebrity Club and other places. In the course of collecting data from Bhutan, numerous people were involved; thanks to Chechey, Deki, Sangay Om, Tenzin Pem, Tshering Lham, Kinley Tshering, Tshering Penjor, Chencho, Chimi Tsewang (also for arranging informants from Shari Higher Secondary School, Paro; I also thank you for making calls from Bhutan every now and then to make sure I was doing fine), Kunzang, Tandin, (Sister) Cheche and Kinley Situp for willingly sparing your precious time for the recordings. And finally, a very special thanks to my brother Kinley Tshering, who did not mind sponsoring huge amount of money for my train and air tickets during vacations, of course, with the condition that I worked hard towards my PhD project. Thank you, bro! While obviously, several individuals, entities and institutions are also responsible for all that is good in this thesis. I hold sole responsibility for all the shortcomings in this thesis iii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS F Formant FO Fundamental Frequency HI-H2 Difference between the amplitude of the First Harmonic and the Second Harmonic F Female Hon Honorific IMP Imperative (mood) M Male N Noun INTR Intransitive (verb) TR Transitive (verb) VOT Voice Onset Time V Verb VLT Voiceless Tense VLL Voiceless Lax VLAS Voiceless Aspirated VD Voiced iv LIST OF TABLES 1.1 Languages spoken in Bhutan 7 2.1 Consonant phonemes (Mazaudon 1985) 16 2.2 Consonant phonemes (Mazaudon & Michailovsky 1988) 17 2.3 Consonant phonemes (Van Driem 1992) 18 2.4 Consonant phonemes (Watters 2002) 19 2.5 Dzongkha consonant phonemes 23 2.6 Formant (F1, F2 and F3) frequencies for Dzongkha vowels 34 2.7 Classification of Dzongkha vowels 36 2.8 Dzongkha vowel length contrast in open monosyllabic words 37 2.9 Dzongkha vowel length contrast in closed monosyllabic words 37 2.10 Dzongkha vowel nasalization contrast 38 2.11 length contrast in nasalized vowels 38 2.12 Dzongkha diphthongs 39 2.13 Dzongkha vowel phonemes 40 3.1 English voiced stop phonation 49 3.2 Hindi breathy stop phonation 50 3.3 Creaky nasal phonation in Kwakw'a1a 51 3.4 Glottal stop contrast in Lawa 51 3.5 Glottal stop contrast in Ao 51 3.6 Tense stop contrast in Korean 52 3.7 Stop inventories of some modem Tibeto-Burman languages 56 3.8 Average VOT values of stop phonation types 60 3.9 A verage stop burst energy of Dzongkha stops 63 3.10 Mean closure duration of stops 66 v 3.11 Manipulated FO of Dzongkha stops 78 3.12 Interaction of acoustic correlates for Dzongkha stops 93 3. I 3 Dzongkha fricative duration 101 3.14 Comparison of acoustic cues in Dzongkha and Korean 108 4.1 Phonemic contrast of sonorants in Dzongkha, Mizo and Tenyidie 117 4.2 Typology of nasals and laterals in Tibeto-Burrnan languages 122 4.3 Nasal duration in Dzongkha 129 4.4 Nasal duration in Mizo 133 4.5 Mean duration of laterals in Dzongkha 138 4.6 Duration of laterals in Mizo 141 5.1 Significance of phonetic pitch contour 183 5.2 Vowel length of 'quarrel', 'east', 'paddy' and 'summer' 188 5.3 Pitch height significance in the high register 191 5.4 Pitch height significance in the low register 193 vi LIST OF FIGURES 1.1 Map of Bhutan 4 1.2 Linguistic map of Tibeto-Burman languages 5 1.3 Political map of Bhutan and her neighbouring states 5 1.4 Classification of Dzongkha in Tibeto-Burman 9 1.5 Dzongkha orthography system II 2.1 Vowel phonemes (Mazaudon 1985) 31 2.2 Vowel phonemes (Mazaudon & Michailovsky 1988) 31 2.3 Vowel phonemes (Van Driem 1992) 31 2.4 Vowel phonemes (Watters 2002) 32 2.5 FI - F2 Plot of Dzongkha vowels 35 3.1 Continuum of phonation types 47 3.2 Degree of vocal fold vibration in phonation types 48 3.3