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Sai On’s Autobiography as Lineage). Recognizing its autobiographical char- Didactic Rhetoric* acter, Iha Fyū 伊波普猷 (1876-1947) renamed the text Sai On no jijoden. Written in Japanese

 sōrōbun, the default written language of Ryu- Gregory Smits, Pennsylvania State kyuan officialdom, it was accessible to all offi- University cials and educated people throughout the king- dom. The majority of Ryukyuans at this time The eighteenth century was a time of relative were illiterate and did not understand any form prosperity for Ryukyu, a small island kingdom of Japanese. Therefore, Sai On wrote his autobi- existing literally and figuratively in a zone of ography for elites, broadly defined to include tension created by overlapping Chinese and people such as local officials of minor rank and Japanese influence.1 Sai On 蔡温 (1682-1761) village leaders. His autobiography was a public was the kingdom’s most influential politician and document, in which Sai On presented his life as a intellectual, and all indications are that he was model for emulation by these elites, and he care- the first Ryukyuan to write an explicitly autobio- fully selected—or created—the events he nar- graphical account. The original title of his auto- rated to stress several interconnected points. biography was Sai-uji Gushichan Ueekata Bun- Sai On wrote his autobiography after retiring jaku anbun 『蔡氏具志頭親方文若案文』(A from public life following a long, successful, but Draft by Gushichan Ueekata Bunjaku of the Sai sometimes turbulent career at the highest levels of government. 2 His account is brief and asymmetrical. A mere ten percent of the work * N.B. An English translation of Sai On’s auto- covers the period of Sai On’s life from age biography is available at: thirty-nine through his full retirement from pub- http://www.east-asian- lic affairs at age seventy-nine—the period of his history.net/ryukyu/saion/jijoden/index.htm. greatest impact on Ryukyuan society. Nearly The URL is case sensitive. thirty percent of the autobiography is devoted to an encounter with a mysterious recluse in Fujian 1 The status of the early-modern Ryukyu during his first trip to China at age twenty-eight. kingdom is a complex topic. Simply stated, The encounter was the second of two satori-like Ryukyu’s tributary ties to China made the kingdom valuable to Satsuma and the Bakufu as conduit for goods and information. Therefore, 2 Sai On’s career combined academics and although the Ryukyuan king was ostensibly a politics. As a young man his reputation as a vassal of the daimyō of Satsuma, the kingdom scholar enabled him to become a tutor to the enjoyed a large measure of autonomy owing to a crown prince. When the prince became king at a concern by both Satsuma and the Bakufu to young age, Sai On became his advisor. In this avoid potential complications with China. For a capacity, Sai On managed a series of projects detailed discussion, see Gregory Smits, Visions that included forestry surveys, hydraulic of Ryukyu: Identity and Ideology in Early- engineering endeavors, laying the groundwork Modern Thought and Politics (Honolulu: for major ceremonies of state, and revising an University of Hawai’i Press, 1999), pp. 15-49. official history of the kingdom. Activities such The government of Ryukyu included some as these set the stage for Sai On to become a Japanese-derived institutions and some Chinese- member of the Sanshikan (Council of Three), derived institutions. Taken as a whole, however, Ryukyu’s highest organ of state, at age forty- the organization of the Ryukyuan state was seven. After this time he pursued a Confucian- substantially different from that of China, the inspired reform agenda with the king’s backing, Bakufu, or any Japanese domain government. much of which was successful. After retirement, For details see Matsuda, Mitsugu, The he wrote a series of essays, the study of which Government of the Kingdom of Ryukyu, 1609- became de rigueur for subsequent generations of 1872 (, Japan: Yui Publishing Co., 2001). Ryukyuan elites.

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awakenings that figure prominently in the auto- nate or weak position who was able to change biography, neither of which can be corroborated her family’s situation owing to good sense, an by any outside source. It is entirely possible that iron will, and great effort. Yōshi’s good sense the most important portions of Sai On’s autobi- took the form of a tendency to anticipate adverse ography are fictional in whole or in part. circumstances and plan ahead to deal with them. Sai On’s autobiography seems less peculiar Early in their marriage, the couple had a daugh- when read in the context of his other writings. ter but was childless for ten years thereafter. Ac- Indeed, each of his extant essays supplements cording to Sai On’s account, Yōshi worried about and reinforces the others, much like chapters in a the continuation of Sai Taku’s lineage and urged monograph. In particular, the sōrōbun essay One him repeatedly to take a concubine in an attempt Man’s Views (Hitori monogatari) complements to produce a male heir. Her husband, however, the autobiography, discussing in detail Sai On’s was content with the status quo and planned to policies during the peak of his power, the very find an adopted son to marry their daughter. Yō- years conspicuously absent in his autobiography. shi eventually prevailed on Sai Taku to take in a Much of One Man’s Views resembles a work like concubine and made the necessary arrangements Arai Hakuseki’s (1657-1725) autobiography, herself, promising the woman’s parents that their Oritaku shiba no ki『 折たく柴の記』 (Told daughter’s offspring would suffer no loss of Round a Brushwood Fire). Like Hakuseki, Sai status within the Sai family. On explained the rationale for his policies, em- The unnamed concubine did indeed bear a son, phasized their success, and sometimes indulged and, unexpectedly, so did Yōshi approximately in saying “I told you so.” As we will see, how- two years later at age thirty-nine. Sai On was the ever, there were also significant differences be- younger son. It soon became apparent that Sai tween the autobiographical writings of these two Taku intended to make his younger son the men. household heir because he was the offspring of This essay analyzes Sai On’s autobiography as his primary wife. He gave the young Sai On aca- a piece of public, didactic rhetoric. Through a demic primers like the Three Character Classic, close reading I show that the autobiography while giving his older brother books intended for stressed precisely the points that most character- clerical training. Yōshi, however, intervened, in ized Sai On’s political agenda as expressed in his part because of the promise she had made to the policies and other writings. The autobiography concubine’s parents. But she also anticipated made these points in a manner which, for this possible tragedy, explaining that one never serious and sober Confucian, likely represented knows what may happen in life and that should his best attempt at dramatic writing. Indeed, Sai one of the sons die early, the other would be On’s autobiography may have been his only available to carry on the family lineage. There- work of fiction. After analyzing Sai On’s autobi- fore, she argued, they should both receive the ography, I briefly compare it with the autobiog- same classical education. Not only did she pre- raphies of Arai Hakuseki and Yamaga Sokō vail on that point, but, apparently after lengthy (1622-1685). arguments that became the talk of their commu- nity, she caused her husband to designate his older son as household heir. Making One’s Destiny Through Effort Commenting on this situation, Sai On wrote “It was unheard of in the world for a wife to pos- The autobiography starts with a lengthy ac- sess such a firm will, and it was remarkable that count of an ongoing disagreement between Sai [Sai Taku] agreed to do things her way and to see 3 On’s father, prominent scholar and diplomat Sai how events might turn out in the future.” It is Taku 蔡鐸, and his mother Yōshi (葉氏, possi- bly “of the Yō lineage”). Although formally re- spectful of his father, Sai On clearly favored the 3 Sakihama Shūmei 崎浜秀明, Sai On views and deeds of his mother, portraying her as zenshū 『蔡温全集』 (Honpō shoseki, 1984), an example of someone in an ostensibly subordi- p. 104. See pp. 103-4 for the full account.

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interesting that in his various essays Sai On oc- But his wife remained steadfast in her casionally presented strong-willed, courageous view, and urged him repeatedly. Owing to women as exemplars. In One Man’s Views, for his wife’s uncanny steadfastness of pur- example, he praised the wife of the lord of Ko- pose, my father finally agreed that to set meji for taking it upon herself to attack and de- his wife’s heart at ease he would take a feat a local brigand who sought to kill her appar- concubine.6 ently hapless husband.4 Such accounts resonate with many of the tales in Chinese collections Although Sai On did accept that some things biographies of exemplary women. In Sai On’s lie within the realm of unchangeable destiny, his writings, they serve as rhetorical devices to en- emphasis was on what to him was the large hance the broader point that even the relatively realm in which effort could overcome adverse weak—women in these cases—could change circumstances. Often, what might appear to be their circumstances for the better with righteous decreed or ordained by heaven was in fact alter- effort. Examples like Sai On’s mother forcing able by steadfast effort. her husband to bend to her will have an allegori- Another aspect of Sai On’s early life that he cal significance in the context of the relatively presented as an apparently innate shortcoming weak . If there is one point that was what today we might call a learning disabil- Sai On stressed above all others it was that Ryu- ity. Unlike his studious older half brother Sai En, kyuans can, should, and must take responsibility Sai On portrayed himself at age fifteen as “un- for their own destiny despite the structural dis- able to remember a single line he had read. I advantages of being subordinate to both China eventually was able to remember a little by read- and Japan.5 ing a half line at a time twenty or thirty times In his discussion of the disagreement between over. But I would forget even this meager at- his parents, Sai On was explicit in portraying his tainment after three or four days had passed.”7 father as an example of one who passively ac- At age sixteen, his lack of learning became such cepted what appeared to be his fate or destiny, an embarrassment that he redoubled his efforts when he should instead have been making an and enlisted the aid of several relatives as tutors. effort to change it for the better. Sai On, for ex- From this point on, he described steady and in- ample framed the issue of his father’s taking a creasingly rapid upward progress in formal concubine in these terms: learning:

Then because some ten years passed with- That year, I poured all my energy into out Yōshi becoming pregnant, Sai Taku reading, and I also received instruction in thought that they must surely resign them- the meaning of what I read, one or two selves to the will of heaven [tenmei 天命]. phrases at a time. From the ninth month of that year I became more at ease with study and the lessons in interpreting the Hereafter, Sai On zenshū appears as SOZ. meaning began covering a half page at a Despite the title, this volume does not contain all time. From the age of eighteen I could of Sai On’s extant essays, owing to discoveries freely remember and interpret four or after its publication. For an English translation of five pages, and from the age of nineteen I Sai On’s autobiography, see: http://www.east- could read through books I had never be- asian-history.net/ryukyu/Saion/. fore seen. From age twenty I had read 4 Smits, Visions, p. 83. through the greater part of the curriculum. 5 Smits, Visions, pp. 86-99. In One Man’s At twenty one, I received the yellow cap Views, Sai On describes nine gradations of [hachimaki 八巻] and became an in- countries, from wealthiest to poorest. He regarded Ryukyu as lowest on this scale, although at the same time he stressed that it 6 SOZ, p. 103. could become stable and prosperous nevertheless. 7 SOZ, p. 104.

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structor of reading. At twenty-five I be- other he regarded himself as a Ryukyuan version came instructor of interpretation.8 of Shakyamuni. I have discussed Sai On’s rela- tionship with Buddhism at length elsewhere, and Once again, effort and willpower transformed the point here is simply to explain the structural what appeared to be a serious, fated flaw into a function of the three “fated encounters” in the personal strength. autobiography.12 Furthermore, in the course of Although the explicit emphasis in the autobi- describing the details of each encounter, Sai On ography is on overcoming and changing what clearly stated that they furthered his knowledge might appear to be the decrees of destiny, there of the nature of Buddhism and its relationship was also a more subtle use of a notion of fate or with Confucianism. destiny that appears at several points. In each The details of most of the matters discussed such instance, Sai On characterized an unex- thus far cannot be verified by any outside source. pected and beneficial encounter using the Bud- Critical readers might take with a grain of salt, dhist term en 縁, a fated connection. The first for example, the vigor with which Yōshi urged encounter was Sai On’s meeting a recluse in Fu- her reluctant husband to take a concubine or the jian and becoming his student. He stated twice apparent passivity of Sai Taku, a veteran diplo- that this meeting was occasioned by destiny and mat and eventual head of 久米村, entirely unanticipated.9 Later during that same Ryukyu’s community of China specialists. It may stay in Fujian, Sai On unexpectedly discovered a strain credulity to think that someone previously temple near the Ryukyuan Affairs Office (Ryūkyū incapable of mastering formal book learning kariya, 琉球仮屋) that possessed a complete could so quickly rise to the level of instructor of collection of the major Sutras and books about interpretation. Furthermore, given the relatively conditions in India, all of which he was able to brief time Sai On was in China, it is hard to read.10 Finally, on the way to Beijing during his imagine that he mastered the major texts of Bud- second trip to China, Sai On encountered a Bud- dhism there, while also attending to his ordinary dhist priest from India who spoke Chinese. They duties at the Ryukyuan Affairs Office. It is were able to talk at length as they traveled probably best to regard these and similar ac- through the river and canal system on the same counts as at least partly fictionalized allegorical boat.11 tales presented as inspirational rhetoric by a man These three fated connections might have sug- in his seventies concerned about shaping his leg- gested to a reader that Sai On was destined for acy to maximum effect. greatness, a message at some odds with the ex- tensive discussion of the adversities of his youth. The more likely function of discussing the fated Twice Awakened connections from Sai On’s point of view would have been to establish firmly his credentials as Central to Sai On’s autobiography are two ac- an expert on Buddhism. Sai On’s political counts of experiences that awakened him to defi- agenda and the arguments he put forth in support ciencies in his knowledge and inspired him to of it relied heavily on discussions of Buddhism, which comprised the intellectual framework of 12 many of his most vigorous opponents, especially Regarding Sai On’s views on Buddhism the writer Heshikiya Chōbin 平敷屋朝敏 and Shakyamuni, see Gregory Smits, “The (1700-1734). On the one hand, Sai On sought to Intersection of Politics and Thought in Ryukyuan undermine the validity of Buddhism, yet on the Confucianism: Sai On’s Uses of Quan,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 56, no. 2 (December 1996): 433-477; and “Sai On no gakutō to shisō: 8 SOZ, p. 105. toku ni bukkyō/Shaka ron o chūshin to shite” 9 SOZ, p. 108. 「蔡温の学統と思想：特に仏教・釈迦論を 10 SOZ, p. 108. 中心として」, Okinawa bunka kenkyū 『沖縄 11 SOZ, p. 109. 文化研究』, no. 23 (March 1997): 1-38.

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overcome those deficiencies. To understand his high status, but you have none of the requisite first awakening, we need some knowledge of the substance: peculiar Ryukyuan community of Kumemura, today a part of Naha. All the households of Even though you have forgotten the Kumemura enjoyed elite status during the eight- Greater Learning and the Mean, because eenth century. They received government sti- you are the child of a man of ueekata 親 pends in return for taking Chinese surnames and 方 status, you wear splendid clothes. But mastering aspects of Chinese language and ritual in reality, you are no different from the son forms to serve the state as interpreters, trade offi- of a peasant. We have all made good pro- cials, and diplomats. By the late seventeenth cen- gress in reading and have received the tury, Kumemura had become a virtual, not an praise of our teachers. But what praise actual, Chinese Diaspora community. Although it have you received? Saying this, he clapped originated as land given to Fujianese immigrants his hands and laughed, and the others to Ryukyu early in the Ming dynasty, by Sai On’s joined him.13 time, most of Kumemura’s population consisted of Ryukyuans without any direct connection to This shocking encounter was the culmination China in their family lineages. They settled in of a period of personal torpor resulting from the Kumemura with state encouragement because of designation of Sai On’s half brother as household their ability to master Chinese culture, ideally to heir. One obvious rhetorical function of this part the point where they could function as quasi- of the autobiography is to devalue accidents of Chinese. Although he does not mention this point birth in favor of actual accomplishments and in the autobiography, both of Sai On’s parents ability. were first generation “immigrants” to Kumemura The distinction between outward appearances from elsewhere in Okinawa. The concentration and true substance is the underlying theme in of talent in Kumemura resulting from this situa- both of Sai On’s awakening experiences. Owing tion was one reason for that community’s domi- to the encounter with Kobashigawa, the shocked nance in Ryukyuan politics during the eighteenth Sai On brooded over his situation and then set century. The main point to bear in mind with his mind firmly on mastering book learning. We respect to Sai On’s first awakening was that have already seen his description of advancing Kumemura was a community in which ability, from a semi-literate ignoramus to a teacher of especially academic ability, mattered more than interpretation of the classics over an approxi- the status of one’s ancestors. mately eight year span. This rapid advancement When he was sixteen, Sai On gathered with set the stage for the second awakening, which other teenagers and young men outside the main Sai On portrayed as the pivotal event of his life gate of Kumemura to enjoy a spectacular and which comprises the lengthiest discussion in moonlit night. For reasons not stated, Sai On got his autobiography. into an argument with Kobashigawa Niya, the During his first trip to China at age twenty- son of a family that had recently purchased aris- eight, Sai On served as a minor functionary who tocratic status and moved to Kumemura. Ko- remained behind at the Ryukyuan Affairs Office bashigawa told Sai On that he should go home in Fujian while most of the other members of a immediately because he was not really of aristo- tribute mission traveled to Beijing. According to cratic status and thus did not belong in the group. his account, he began visiting the nearby Lin- Sai On, offspring of perhaps the most prominent gyun 凌雲 Temple and befriended the head family in Kumemura, was flabbergasted to be priest. One day the head priest mentioned to Sai told such a thing by someone of Kobashigawa’s On that a man from “Huguang” 湖広, a term background. Kobashigawa explained that he and indicating Hubei and Hunan Provinces, was vis- the others in the group were all making excellent iting the temple and could be found in its library. progress in scholarship and were thus true aristo- crats. You, he said to Sai On, merely wear the clothes of an aristocrat because of your family’s 13 SOZ, p. 105.

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The priest presented this information to Sai On of learning, what the autobiography calls “the in a manner calculated to pique his curiosity, dregs of words” (moji no kasu 文字之糟粕). portraying the visitor as an enigma and challeng- There was some difference between the two cri- ing Sai On to help figure him out. During the tiques. Kobashigawa likened the teenage Sai On first visit, the man gave no indication of any spe- to a farmer’s son, presumably someone lacking cial qualities, asking Sai On some simple ques- formal education and the sophistication associ- tions about Ryukyu. Sai On’s inclination was not ated with it. The recluse implicitly acknowledged to waste any more time talking with this visitor, Sai On’s accomplishments, but described them but the head priest urged Sai On to come back as the work of an artisan or craftsman (saiku 細 the next day, and he did so mainly out of defer- 工), beautiful and detailed, perhaps, but serving ence to the priest. no purpose other than aesthetic pleasure. He ac- During the next visit, the visitor asked Sai On cused Sai On of indulging in the dregs of words about whether his kingdom valued the Confucian merely for his personal amusement, saying that classics, and Sai On explained that he was well because he lacked knowledge of true learning, versed in the classics as were most of his col- Sai On was of no use to himself or his country. leagues. The day ended with the head priest say- Kobashigawa had been the catalyst for Sai On to ing to Sai On that the visitor resembled one of open the books, and the recluse became the cata- the sagely recluses of old (inja 隠者). Sai On lyst for Sai On to apply the knowledge contained was not impressed, however, characterizing the therein to practical problems as opposed to aes- temple visitor as resembling “the sort of teachers thetic pursuits. we bring in to assist at the Ryukyuan Affairs Of- 14 Also as in the encounter with Kobashigawa, fice.” Again, in deference to the head priest’s Sai On protested that the recluse’s accusation insistent request, Sai On agreed to return the next was unreasonable, pointing out he had “read day. During that visit, the man asked Sai On to through” all of the classics and even composed compose a poem about the scenery surrounding an impromptu poem the day before. To prove his the temple. Sai On dashed off a poem, which the point, the recluse opened a copy of the Analects, visitor praised lavishly, reading it several times which the autobiography points out served as an aloud before hanging it on the wall. Sai On elementary reading text for young students at the surely knew that his poem was no great work of temple. He pointed to the term jingshi 敬事, art, and he concluded that the visitor “must not 15 which has little self-evident meaning and might be very good at composition.” Again, the same be translated out of context as “respectful ser- cycle ensued whereby Sai On did not want any vice.” A conversation ensued in which Sai On further contact with the man, but the head priest repeatedly glossed the term with other, equally eventually persuaded Sai On to come back for vague expressions such as “loving people” and one last visit. “carrying out the correct path.”16 In response to The first three encounters were apparently part each gloss the recluse asked Sai On what specific of an elaborate setup calculated to magnify the steps a ruler or government official might take to psychological impact of the fourth visit. The man put that nice sentiment into practice. Unable to who had appeared so easily amused by Sai On’s answer any of these inquiries, Sai On awakened poem the day before turned to him and accused to the truth of the recluse’s accusation: his learn- him of having wasted his life and of learning ing to date was indeed of no practical use. nothing of value during his twenty-eight years of In the course of his critique, the recluse re- existence. Partially echoing Kobashigawa’s ear- ferred to the steps of the Greater Learning: lier accusation, the recluse characterized Sai On as possessing only the superficial, outward forms The Four Books and the Six Classics as well as other wise writings are all tools for [what the Greater Learning calls] 14 SOZ, p. 106. The entire discussion of the encounter and its effects spans pp. 105-108. 15 SOZ, p. 106. 16 SOZ, p. 107.

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making the will sincere [sei’i, 誠意] louder than words. Parroting what the classics and governing the realm [chikoku, 治 say about government is no substitute for things 国]. But you have forgotten the great like knowing the soil and wind conditions of one’s territories, conducting surveys of condi- utility [taiyō, 大用] of making the will tions in remote villages and forests, and using sincere and governing the realm. You such knowledge to instruct the subjects of a state “work” at things like reading and com- in more efficient production methods—all activi- position simply for amusement. In the ties that Sai On did prior to and after joining end, you have forgotten yourself and Ryukyu’s highest governing body, the Sanshikan your country, which is actually worse 17 三司官 (Council of Three). It was rare in East than being a craftsman. Asia, to find Confucian scholars and high gov- In One Man’s Views and in his philosophical ernment officials writing about such topics as, for example, the importance of mixing urine into essays, Sai On frequently made the point that 19 academic learning has no legitimate function batches of fertilizer. For Sai On, the proper other than aiding government. Of course it might also assist in personal development, but, as the Greater Learning points out, personal develop- On no gakutō.” Sai On himself consistently ment is the basis for governing one’s household spoke at the level of Confucianism, Daoism, and and then governing the state, with peace Buddhism, making no further distinctions. The throughout the realm as the final product. Else- broader intellectual environment of eighteenth where, Sai On wrote extensively about managing century Ryukyu tended toward the pragmatic use household finances, agricultural techniques, and of a variety of Chinese technologies, both in the other specific measures for enhancing the mate- sense of things like machinery for refining sugar rial basis of society. The corpus of his written or techniques for smallpox inoculations and in work and the “text” of his policy agenda and the form of geomancy and popular Daoism. activities in government all fit Sai On’s interpre- Clarification of the disputed fine points of tation of the Greater Learning as authorizing Confucian doctrine seems to have been of no use concrete, practical knowledge as the true goal of or interest to Ryukyuan elites. Kate Wildman learning. The unnamed recluse, with whom Sai Nakai’s characterization of Arai Hakuseki as “a On said he studied for five months, functioned, Confucian ‘actor’ rather than a Confucian for all intents and purposes, as his alter ego in ‘thinker’” would apply nicely to Sai On as well. the autobiography. See Shogunal Politics: Arai Hakuseki and the It may seem unexceptional that Confucian Premises of Tokugawa Rule (Cambridge, MA: scholars would make good government the goal Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1988), p. 79. of learning, and indeed they usually did so rhet- 19 orically.18 Sai On’s point was that actions speak The discussion of urine as fertilizer is found in Heiji kanai monogatari 『平時家内物 語』, a manual for framing households in 17 SOZ, p. 107. Gushichan Magiri: “As for the extensive use of 18 Regarding Confucianism in Ryukyu, fertilizer on areas of poor soil, there are specific neither Sai On, Tei Junsoku, nor any other agricultural guidelines. Fertilizer is particularly Ryukyuan Confucian made explicit distinctions effective when mixed with urine, but in this between different schools of Confucianism, such place, though several varieties of fertilizer are as Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism, the school of used, urine is not collected in very high Wang Yangming, Ancient Learning, and so forth. quantities. It is for this reason that the use of Sai On seems to have been well read in both fertilizer is often ill-informed and ineffective.” Chinese and Japanese Confucian literature, but SOZ, p. 12. Regarding Sai On’s forest surveys attempts to locate him in a particular partisan and the system of forest management he Confucian school have been problematic. For a developed, see Smits, Visions, pp. 103-110. For detailed discussion of this matter see Smits, “Sai an English translation of Heiji kanai monogatari,

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goal of learning was to promote results like in- “it was like waking from a dream.” This expres- creased sweet potato yields through better fertil- sion comprises part of the title of one of his phi- izer mixes or a coastal transportation network, losophical essays, Essential Views Upon Awaken- which enabled farmers more efficiently to bring ing 『醒夢要伝』 (Xingmeng yaolun). The their products to market. Sai On’s stress on util- essay features a detailed discussion of the work- ity and his specific critique of aesthetic-oriented ings of fate and destiny, the message of which is learning was also a critique of his opponents in that we can control most aspects of what appears Ryukyuan politics. to be our destiny, but doing so requires great ef- One set of opponents, albeit one whose voice fort applied over a long period of time, perhaps is muted in official records, consisted of some even over several generations (thus benefiting a members of Kumemura, best represented by Tei household’s fortunes more so than those of an Junsoku 程順則 (1663-1734). He was a diplo- individual).21 As he portrayed it, Sai On’s en- mat and scholar of Chinese culture, particularly counter awakened him to the possibility of alter- poetry and other aspects of aesthetic refinement. ing Ryukyu’s destiny, and the path to doing so Such knowledge probably served Tei Junsoku consisted of pragmatic knowledge that would well during his many official trips to China, but increase the wealth and stability of society. Aes- as we will see, Sai On portrayed him as utterly thetic pursuits were at best a distraction and at ineffective in the context of describing the Valua- worst a clear hindrance to that goal. tion Incident.20 Another set of opponents of Sai On’s policies were a group of playwrights, poets, and novelists influenced by Buddhism and clas- The Valuation Incident sical Japanese courtly aesthetics. Heshikiya Chōbin was the leading figure of this group, and The last major topic in the autobiography is a he and fourteen of his associates were executed detailed description of the so-called Valuation in 1734 after an unsuccessful attempt to under- Incident (Hangaa jiken 評価事件), which took mine Sai On via an appeal to Satsuma. place in 1719 in connection with the investiture Heshikiya’s aesthetics and his opposition to Sai ceremonies for the new king, Shō Kei 尚敬 (r. On’s attempts to transform Ryukyuan society 1713-1751). Ryukyuan kings sought formal in- into a somber, efficient machine continued to vestiture from the Chinese emperor, which en- appeal to some members of Ryukyu’s elite even hanced their prestige but was very expensive. after Heshikiya’s downfall. In short, Sai On’s Shō Kei’s investiture was delayed several years antagonism toward both Buddhist and Confucian to allow the royal government to scrape together aesthetics was closely connected with his politi- funds, and it resulted in additional ad hoc tax cal agenda and battles. Locating the authority for levies, one of which lasted until 1728.22 Typi- such an agenda in the figure of a mysterious, cally, several hundred Chinese would arrive in sagely recluse in Fujian was a rhetorical strategy Naha for the investiture ceremonies, where they designed to provide that agenda with a greater remained for several months. Most were mer- aura of legitimacy. chants whose goods the royal government pur- In characterizing his encounter with the recluse chased in a formal valuation process by which and the distinction between verbal dregs versus officials in Kumemura inspected the items and true learning that it engendered, Sai On said that

21 For a discussion of Essential Views Upon see http://www.east-asian- Awakening in the context of Sai On’s discussion history.net/ryukyu/saion/heiji_kanai/index.htm. of destiny, see Smits, Visions, pp. 91-94. 20 Regarding Tei Junsoku, see Smits, Visions, 22 Smits, Visions, p. 77. Regarding the pp. 62-70. Regarding muted evidence of a Valuation Incident, see pp. 77-78 and SOZ, pp. serious struggle between Sai On and at least 110-111. In most reference books, the incident is some subset of Kumemura’s China experts, see known by the Okinawan pronunciation of pp. 128-132. “value,” hangaa, not the Japanese hyōka.

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came to an agreement on prices for each type of jewelry and the large hairpins worn by the Ryu- goods. kyuan nobility from all households in the urban During Shō Kei’s investiture, the valuation areas around Naha. After melting them down process got off to a bad start when the Ryukyuan into coins, the Ryukyuan government was able to side announced that its government had 500 purchase and additional 100 kanme of goods. kanme of silver for the purchase of goods, and One obvious reason for Sai On essentially to the Chinese merchants claimed to have brought end his autobiography with this incident (the rest goods with a total value of 2000 kanme of silver. of his life, age thirty-nine through seventy-five, Naturally, they were dismayed at the prospect of flies by in less space than the description of the returning with so many unsold goods, even if valuation incident) was to highlight his courage they exaggerated by using the 2,000 kanme and indispensability, especially in contrast with figure. According to the autobiography, the Chi- the hapless Tei Junsoku. It also served to validate nese merchants claimed that even the poorest of many of the points discussed above. Despite kingdoms should be able to purchase 6,000 or Ryukyu’s poverty, for example, it could still par- 7,000 kanme of goods, and the investiture en- ticipate fully in the Chinese world order, its king voys backed the merchants in expressing discon- receiving robes, a crown, a seal, and other accou- tent. The situation grew tense and the Ryukyuan terments from the Chinese emperor. Turning the valuation officials, led by Tei Junsoku, asked Sai near disaster of the Valuation Incident into a suc- On to intervene. cess was an example of taking control of one’s Sai On stepped in to mediate between the top destiny. Furthermore, whatever the exact compo- levels of the Ryukyuan government and the Chi- nents of Sai On’s “true” learning may have been, nese merchants. He portrayed the essential prob- the Valuation Incident showed them clearly to lem as poor communication exacerbated by a have been superior to Tei Junsoku’s aesthetic- lack of courage on the part of the valuation offi- oriented Confucianism. In Sai On’s account of cials. The poor communication was the result of the Valuation Incident, one can almost hear the Ryukyuan difficulties with spoken Chinese. Sai recluse in Fujian berating Tei Junsoku for having On therefore pressed for all communication to be forgotten the true meaning of learning. conducted in writing. Apparently, however, he There are some outside sources to corroborate was not able to keep a lid on unauthorized verbal the Valuation Incident, although it is still impos- communication. Rumors spread, and the Chi- sible to verify many details. Certainly Sai On’s nese merchants eventually seized Sai On and description of it as largely a breakdown in com- held him hostage. According to his self- munications and courage seems overly simplistic. aggrandized account, Sai On betrayed no sign of Whatever may actually have happened, the inci- fear and was eventually able to convince the dent served as an excellent rhetorical capstone to merchants that the royal government indeed pos- the points made throughout the autobiography. sessed no more than 500 kanme. The merchants Sai On’s autobiography is a well-crafted text, agreed to begin the valuation process based on which, although not reliable as a factual account, this amount the next day. is an excellent allegorical summary of the In the meantime, Tei Junsoku and the other agenda to which he devoted his life. valuation officials had fled to a nearby temple in fear. Despite direct orders from the Sanshikan to come out and start the valuation process, they Conclusions refused to do so until Sai On promised to be pre- sent as well. Sai On assisted with the valuation As a Confucian scholar who was influential in process for five days and then let the normal of- government, Sai On’s autobiography might be ficials handle the remaining negotiations. In the comparable to Yamaga Sokō’s Haisho zanpitsu end, the chief investiture envoy, seeing the vast 『配所残筆』 (Writings in Exile) or Arai Ha- quantities of unsold goods, petitioned the Ryu- kuseki’s autobiography, works Sai On might kyuan government to figure out some way to have read. Matsudaira Sadanobu’s (1758-1829) raise more money. Sai On’s idea was to collect Uge no hitokoto 『宇下人言』 would also be

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an example of an autobiography of an influential, the journey to Akō. Especially interesting is a Confucian-oriented official, albeit one written letter Sokō included in the autobiography, ad- well after Sai On’s time. Autobiographical writ- dressed to his lord, Hōjō Yasufusa. In the letter, ings, typically taking the form of instructions to Sokō characterizes himself as merely having later generations of a household, were common attempted to clarify the way of the sages and as among Chinese literati. It is possible, therefore, having fallen victim to the slander of today’s that any number of Chinese or Japanese autobio- degenerate scholars. It is defiant in tone. Sokō graphical writings could have inspired Sai On’s explained that he wrote the letter to be his last autobiography, although it also possible that the statement had he been sentenced to death, but idea was largely his own. Even if autobiogra- that he withheld it when it became clear that he phies like those of Sokō or Hakuseki did influ- would be exiled instead. After this point, Sokō’s ence Sai On, his work differs from theirs in autobiography goes into detail on his interpreta- many respects. In conclusion, I will comment tion of history and his intellectual views. 24 briefly on Sai On’s autobiography in a compara- Saeki Shoichi points out that the tediousness of tive context. the first part of Sokō’s autobiography may have Yamaga Sokō’s relatively short autobiography been intentional, a device to accentuate the sig- changes tone about half way through the work. nificance of his exile. For Sokō, “The day of his The first half is a rather dry chronicle of Sokō’s exile had assumed for him the greatest moral encounters with teachers, scholars, and students, significance, and in building up his narrative to describing in detail his progress in mastering the that moment, he had realized amply the potential Chinese classics, classical Japanese literature and for self-dramatization in the genre.”25 poetic forms, and military literature. Interestingly, As we have seen, Sai On’s autobiography the very early material contains a passage remi- likewise, took moments of great moral signifi- niscent of Sai On’s claim of being initially un- cance and dramatized them. Indeed, such mo- able to learn. According to Sokō: “When I was ments comprise the bulk of the entire work. Fur- six I was ordered by my parents to devote myself thermore, with the exception of the Valuation to learning. I was inept, though, and it was only Incident, in Sai On’s case we cannot be certain when I was eight that I could more or less read that anything he described even took place. This the Nine Chinese Classics, the Seven Books on lack of verifiability is also a present in the early Military Strategy, and the Books on Poetry.”23 part of Arai Hakuseki’s biography. As Robert L. The tone of the work becomes more vivid and Backus points out, Hakuseki presented his intense, however, as Sokō’s 1666 exile to Akō youthful self as the ideal mixture of scholar and approaches. The apparent reason for this exile warrior, but “How closely he really approached was that his book Seikyō yōroku 『聖教要録』 this difficult synthesis is anybody’s guess.”26 (Essential record of the sages’ teachings) of- The autobiographies of both Sokō and Ha- fended one or more Bakufu officials. The rele- kuseki, although written in part to justify their vant section begins with a letter from his lord views and deeds, inevitably expressed their au- demanding Sokō’s presence. It describes in detail thors’ disappointment at failing to meet many of Sokō’s last-minute preparations for what he their goals. Sokō wrote his autobiography during thought might be a death sentence and describes what proved to be the final year of a nine-year

23 Quoted in Saeki Shoichi, “The 24 See especially, Tahara and Morimoto, Autobiography in Japan,” Teruko Craig, trans., Yamaga Sokō, pp. 328-338. Journal of Japanese Studies 11, no. 2 (Summer 25 Saeki, “Autobiography,” p. 364. 1985): 363. For the original passage, see Tahara 26 Robert L. Backus, Review of Joyce Tsuguo 田原嗣郎 and Morimoto Junnichirō 守 Ackroyd, Told Round a Brushwood Fire: The 本順一郎, eds., Yamaga Sokō 『山鹿素行』, Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki, Harvard Nihon shisō taikei 32 (Iwanami Shoten, 1970), p. Journal of Asiatic Studies 41, no. 1 (Jun., 1981): 318. 241.

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exile, though he did not know of the impending Even the mysterious hermit goes un- pardon while he was writing. Hakuseki was un- named, despite Sai On’s claiming to have der virtual house arrest at the time he wrote, the asked his name on the day the recluse left administration of Tokugawa Yoshimune (r. 1716- Fujian. Whereas Hakuseki and Sokō 1745) having reversed or abolished nearly all of wrote their life stories in substantial part the policies Hakuseki advocated as an advisor to to assuage the pain of failure, Sai On the two previous shōguns, Ienobu and Ietsugu. wrote an allegorical tale of his early life to By contrast, Sai On’s autobiography is a self- capitalize on his successes. assured success story, ending with the sentence “Thus I finish my account with sincere gratitude and in comfortable retirement.”27 Sai On had his enemies, and to some extent they staged a politi- cal comeback in the decades after his death. Nevertheless, he seemed well aware of his stat- ure and influence in the history of Ryukyu, and his autobiography reflects that confidence. Ha- kuseki, by contrast was so determined “to vindi- cate every detail and aspect of his administrative policies that he unwittingly destroys the struc- tural balance of the book” according to Saeki.28 Sai On’s autobiography ends on a note of contentment, and is not addressed to any- one in particular, not even his posterity. In ending One Man’s Views, however, Sai On explicitly said that he hoped his essay would be of assistance to Okinawa’s urban aristocracy as well as minor officials on every island in the Ryukyu kingdom in their pursuit of the way of government.29 Clearly Sai On wrote his autobiography as an attempt to inspire Ryukyuans to great- ness at a personal level. One Man’s Views complements the autobiography as a cata- logue of specific policies Sai On advocated and as a broader explanation of Ryukyu’s relationship with Satsuma, one that placed responsibility for Ryukyu’s destiny in the hands of Ryukyuans. Unlike the autobiographies of Hakuseki and Sokō, there is no dropping of the names of fa- mous scholars or highly-placed politicians in Sai On’s work. The effect, of course, is to spotlight himself even more intensely.

27 SOZ, p. 112. 28 Saeki, “Autobiography,” p. 362. 29 SOZ, p. 89.

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