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Working Papers
No. 6, November 2017 WORKING PAPERS MILITARY FACTORS IN THE MENA REGION: CHALLENGING TRENDS Sven Biscop and Julien Sassel This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation programme under grant agreement No 693244 Middle East and North Africa Regional Architecture: Mapping Geopolitical Shifts, Regional Order and Domestic Transformations WORKING PAPERS No. 6, November 2017 MILITARY FACTORS IN THE MENA REGION: CHALLENGING TRENDS Sven Biscop and Julien Sassel1 ABSTRACT Although the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has witnessed a long series of conflicts since the end of the Second World War, it is now in the unprecedented situation where nearly all MENA states are involved to a certain extent in ongoing conflict (e.g. in the Iraq–Syria area; Libya; Yemen). MENA states are involved to different degrees in these conflicts, ranging from direct involvement on the ground or in the air, to the arming and training of armed non-state actors. This report assesses the evolution of the armed forces, procurement and the defence industry in the countries of the MENA region, starting with the major regional powers, whose leverage extends across the region. Second, it looks at the middle regional powers, those who have some capacity for power projection but mostly at the sub-regional level. This is followed by analysis of the remaining states, those with little or no capacity for power projection. Finally, the report looks at those states on whose territory war is currently being waged, where governments and non-state actors are vying for control of the national territory. -
Omar-Ashour-English.Pdf
CENTER ON DEMOCRACY, DEVELOPMENT, AND THE RULE OF LAW STANFORD UNIVERSITY BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER - STANFORD PROJECT ON ARAB TRANSITIONS PAPER SERIES Number 3, November 2012 FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT OMAR ASHOUR PROGRAM ON ARAB REFORM AND DEMOCRACY, CDDRL FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY gence within the police force of a cadre of reform- ist officers is also encouraging and may help shift Successful democratic transitions hinge on the the balance of power within the Ministry of Interi- establishment of effective civilian control of the or. These officers have established reformist orga- armed forces and internal security institutions. The nizations, such as the General Coalition of Police transformation of these institutions from instru- Officers and Officers But Honorable, and begun to ments of brutal repression and regime protection push for SSR themselves. The prospects for imple- to professional, regulated, national services – secu- menting these civil society and internal initiatives, rity sector reform (SSR) – is at the very center of however, remain uncertain; they focus on admira- this effort. In Egypt, as in other transitioning Arab ble ends but are less clear on the means of imple- states and prior cases of democratization, SSR is mentation. They also have to reckon with strong an acutely political process affected by an array of elements within the Ministry of Interior – “al-Ad- different actors and dynamics. In a contested and ly’s men” (in reference to Mubarak’s longstanding unstable post-revolutionary political sphere, the minister) – who remain firmly opposed to reform. -
Effectiveness of Royal Malaysian Navy's Sea Training Program for Work Performance Onboard Ship Lt Kdr Ramli Bin Samsudin TL
Effectiveness of Royal Malaysian Navy’s Sea Training Program For Work Performance Onboard Ship Lt Kdr Ramli Bin Samsudin TLDM Submitted to the Graduate School of Business Faculty of Business and Accountancy University of Malaya, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Management Oktober 2009 i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT First and foremost, I would like first to thank Allah the merciful for His continuous and endless blessing for me to complete this research paper. My gratitude also goes out to my family for their encouragement and patience on my endlessly absence from home for the duration of the course. I would like to thank Dr. Chan Wai Meng who supported me in this study. I have learned a lot about researching and writing from my conversations with her over my academic work. I would like to thank her for her support and encouragement in this research. I appreciate her time and thoughtful suggestions. In addition, I would like to thank the Malaysian Army, Royal Malaysian Navy and Malaysian Armed Forces for giving us the opportunity to further our studies to a higher level. Lastly, I would like to thank all UCMMC 2008/2009 course participants for their support and comradeship for the duration of the course. Finally, I greatly appreciate the participants from KD SULTAN IDRIS 1 who participated in my research project and the management that allowed me to collect data at their site. I could not have succeeded without the care and support from all. RAMLI BIN SAMSUDIN UNIVERSITY OF MALAYA SESSION 2008/2009 iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages ABSTRACT ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT iv TABLE OF CONTENTS v LIST OF TABLES viii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ix CHAPTER 1 : INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background of the study 1 1.2 Overview of KD SULTAN IDRIS 1 ( KDSI 1) 2 1.3 Organizational Structu re 3 1.4 Overview of Basic Junior Officer Course 4 1.5 Overview of Sea Training Phase 5 1.6 Objectives of Sea Training Program 6 1.7 Sea Training Program Core Subjects 6 1.7.1. -
Tunisia-Events in Bizerta-Fact Finding Mission Report-1961-Eng
Report of the Committee of Enquiry into Events in Bizerta, Tunisia Between the 18th and 24th July, 1961 INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION OF JURISTS GENEVA 1961 The International Commission of Jurists is a non-governmental organization which has Consultative Status, Category “B”, with the United Nations Eco nomic and Social Council. The Commission seeks to foster understanding of and respect for the Rule of Law. The Members of the Commission are: JOSEPH T. THORSON President of the Exchequer Court of Canada (Honorary President) VIVIAN BOSE Former Judge of the Supreme Court of India (President) PER T. FEDERSPIEL President of the Council of Europe; Member of (Vice-President) the Danish Parliament; Barrister-at-Law, Copen hagen JOS£ T. NABUCO Member of the Bar of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (Vice-President) SIR ADETOKUNBO A. ADEMOLA Chief Justice of Nigeria ARTURO A. ALAFRIZ President of the Federation of Bar Associations of the Philippines GIUSEPPE BETTIOL Member of the Italian Parliament; Professor of Law at the University of Padua DUDLEY B. BONSAL Immediate Past President of the Association of the Bar of the City of New York, USA PHILIPPE N. BOULOS Former Governor of Beirut; former Minister of Justice of Lebanon J. J. CARBAJAL VICTORICA Attorney-at-Law; Professor of Public Law at the University of Montevideo, Uruguay; former Minister U CHAN HTOON Judge of the Supreme Court of the Union of Burma A. J. M. VAN DAL Attorney-at-Law at the Supreme Court of the Netherlands SIR OWEN DIXON Chief Justice of Australia ISAAC FORSTER First President of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Senegal OSVALDO ILLANES BENITEZ Judge of the ‘Supreme Court of Chile JEAN KREHER Advocate at the Court of Appeal, Paris, France AXEL HENRIK MUNKTELL Member of the Swedish Parliament; Professor of Law at the University of Uppsala PAUL-MAURICE ORBAN Professor of Law at the University of Ghent; former Minister; former Senator STEFAN OSUSKY Former Minister of Czechoslovakia to Great Britain and France; former Member of the Czechoslovak Government LORD SHAWCROSS Former Attorney-General of England BENJAMIN R. -
The Role of Armed Forces in the Arab Uprisings
The Role of Armed Forces in the Arab Uprisings 9 Derek Lutterbeck I. Introduction1 As popular uprisings, demanding greater political freedoms and in several countries even regime change, swept across much of the Arab world, a crucial role has been played by the armed forces of these countries in confronting the pro-reform movements. Practically all Arab countries can be described as military-based regimes, where the armed forces have been at the core of the political system, even though the status and role of the military has varied significantly from one country to the next. Moreover, powerful military forces, as well as a robust security apparatus more generally, have been seen by many, as one, if not the main, obstacle to political reform and democratization in the region.2 However, military forces have responded quite differently across the region to pro-democracy movements, ranging from openness to protest movements, to internal fracturing, to firm support for the regime in power. These different responses, in turn, have been crucial in determining the outcome of the popular uprisings, and whether authoritarian leaders were eventually overthrown. The aim of this paper is to discuss the role the armed forces have played in six Middle Eastern countries, which have 1 A more extensive study on this topic has been published as Lutterbeck, Derek, 2011: Arab Uprisings and Armed forces: between openness and resistance. DCAF SSR Paper 2. 2 See, e.g., Cook, Steven A., 2007: Ruling But Not Governing. The Military and Political Development in Egypt, Algeria and Turkey (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2007); Bellin, Eva, 2004: “The Robustness of Authoritarianism in the Middle East. -
Country Overview: Tunisia
Defence & Security COUNTRY OVERVIEW: TUNISIA 2020 Government Defence Integrity Index 1 2020 Government Defence Integrity Index - Country Overview: Tunisia OVERVIEW: TUNISIA As a nascent democracy, Tunisia has enacted a number of legislative reforms in pursuit of good governance and greater institutional integrity since its 2011 Jasmine Revolution. The Tunisian defence sector has benefitted from these wider governmental reforms by way of robust access to information and whistleblower protection legislation, the creation of a National Anti-Corruption Authority (INLUCC), and the establishment of two defence oversight committees within the democratically elected legislature. The Ministry of Defence has publicly committed to promoting integrity within the armed forces and regularly participates in anti-corruption trainings and workshops. However, it is not always clear that these commitments have led to concrete action on reform. Following a string of terrorist attacks on Tunisian soil, the country entered a state of emergency in 2015, which has been continually renewed by the President over the past four years. Counter-terrorism remains a key priority for the government, resulting in the use of national security exemptions that obscure access to information and limit transparency. This culture of secrecy within the defence sector has persisted from the country’s authoritarian era, which now seems incongruous with the political transition and the push from Tunisian civil society for greater accountability across all public institutions. Middle -
Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance
SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. The Centre develops and promotes norms and standards, conducts tailored policy research, identifies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector governance, and provides in‐country advisory support and practical assistance programmes. SSR Papers is a flagship DCAF publication series intended to contribute innovative thinking on important themes and approaches relating to security sector reform (SSR) in the broader context of security sector governance (SSG). Papers provide original and provocative analysis on topics that are directly linked to the challenges of a governance‐driven security sector reform agenda. SSR Papers are intended for researchers, policy‐makers and practitioners involved in this field. ISBN 978‐92‐9222‐180‐5 © 2011 The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces EDITORS Alan Bryden & Heiner Hänggi PRODUCTION Yury Korobovsky COPY EDITOR Cherry Ekins COVER IMAGE © Suhaib Salem/Reuters The views expressed are those of the author(s) alone and do not in any way reflect the views of the institutions referred to or -
SFM Research Handbook
SFM Research Handbook Apr 15, 2020 Introduction 1 Research Handbook for Security Force Monitor1 2 Research methodology 3 3 Tutorials 7 4 Countries 9 5 What data does the Monitor collect? 19 6 Data integrity measures 21 7 Units 25 8 Persons 59 9 Persons Extra 73 10 Incidents 81 11 Sources 97 12 Frequently Asked Questions about WhoWasInCommand 111 13 Unit Records on WhoWasInCommand 117 14 Person records on WhoWasInCommand 127 15 Incident Records on WhoWasInCommand 135 i ii CHAPTER 1 Research Handbook for Security Force Monitor 1.1 About Security Force Monitor The Security Force Monitor works to make police, military and other security forces around the world more transparent and accountable. Human rights researchers, journalists, advocates, litigators and others engaged in making security forces accountable face a common problem – a lack of clear, detailed information on those forces. Often, answering even simple questions can be difficult: • Who is in charge of the specialized anti-riot police unit? • What army unit has jurisdiction over what areas? • Where did this commander previously serve? • When was a particular police unit based in a specific city? There is a vast amount of public information on security forces around the world, but it is unstructured and scattered among a wide variety of sources, making it prohibitively costly for those engaged in public interest work to understand the security forces of a particular country. The Security Force Monitor aims to solve this problem and aid those working to make police, military and other security forces accountable. The Monitor analyzes and compiles public information to provide data on: the command hierarchy, location, areas of operation, commanders and the other linkages between units – all tracked through time. -
A Journal of the Center for Complex Operations Vol. 4, No. 3
VOL. 4, NO. 3 2013 A JOURNA L O F THE CEN TER F OR C O MPL EX O PER ATIONS About PRISM is published by the Center for Complex Operations. PRISM is a security studies journal chartered to inform members of U.S. Federal agencies, allies, Vol. 4, no. 3 2013 and other partners on complex and integrated national security operations; reconstruction and state-building; relevant policy and strategy; lessons learned; Editor and developments in training and education to transform America’s security Michael Miklaucic and development Associate Editors Mark D. Ducasse Stefano Santamato Communications Constructive comments and contributions are important to us. Direct Editorial Assistant communications to: Megan Cody Editor, PRISM Copy Editors 260 Fifth Avenue (Building 64, Room 3605) Dale Erikson Fort Lesley J. McNair Sara Thannhauser Washington, DC 20319 Nathan White Telephone: (202) 685-3442 Advisory Board FAX: Dr. Gordon Adams (202) 685-3581 Dr. Pauline H. Baker Email: [email protected] Ambassador Rick Barton Professor Alain Bauer Dr. Joseph J. Collins (ex officio) Ambassador James F. Dobbins Contributions Ambassador John E. Herbst (ex officio) PRISM welcomes submission of scholarly, independent research from security policymakers and shapers, security analysts, academic specialists, and civilians Dr. David Kilcullen from the United States and abroad. Submit articles for consideration to the Ambassador Jacques Paul Klein address above or by email to [email protected] with “Attention Submissions Dr. Roger B. Myerson Editor” in the subject line. Dr. Moisés Naím This is the authoritative, official U.S. Department of Defense edition of PRISM. MG William L. Nash, USA (Ret.) Any copyrighted portions of this journal may not be reproduced or extracted Ambassador Thomas R. -
From Yemen War to Joint Army? WP Egyptian-Saudi Differences Over Arab Military Cooperation
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments From Yemen War to Joint Army? WP Egyptian-Saudi Differences over Arab Military Cooperation Jessica Noll and Stephan Roll S On 25 March 2015 a Saudi-led coalition of Arab states launched air strikes on Yemen to halt the advance of the Houthi movement. A few days later the summit of the Arab League decided to set up a joint Arab army. Nevertheless, the two most important Arab countries support opposing concepts for military cooperation: Egypt proposes institu- tionalised long-term military cooperation to increase its political weight in the region, while Saudi Arabia prefers ad hoc coalitions precisely in order to avoid long-term dependency on other countries, not least Egypt. However, the two events suggest that states in the region are stepping up military cooperation. Germany and the European Union should treat this development with scepticism. Experience shows that such col- laborations tend to exacerbate rather than resolve regional conflicts. At their summit meeting at the Egyptian of the Saudi military operation against the resort of Sharm al-Sheikh on 28 and 29 Houthi movement in Yemen, there is no March 2015, the members of the Arab direct connection between the two events. League agreed to set up joint armed forces. Consequently the Arab League resolution According to the final declaration of the makes no mention of the Yemen conflict. summit, the force should be capable of In fact, the joint army project is an Egyptian rapid intervention to guarantee the national initiative that President Abdel Fatah al-Sisi sovereignty of member states and protect first floated in February 2015 in connection them against territorial threats. -
1206 Radar Program, 134 14K Triad, 80 Linkage to China and North
Index 1206 Radar Program, 134 Agreement on Border 14K Triad, 80 Security (1967), linkage to China and North Malaysia and Indonesia, Korea, 82 129 1st Special Forces Group Agreement on Information (Airborne), 76 Exchange and Establishment of A Communication Abdul Khayer Alonto, 86 Procedures (2002), Abdurajak Abubakar 122–24, 133 Janjalani, 73, 75 AK-47, 28, 30, 111 Abkhazia, 32 durability and reliability, 31 Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), 7, introduction into tribally 41, 73–78 violent societies, 35 dwindling support, 75 Al Harakat Al Islamiya, 73 raid on Sipadan, 145 Al Khobar gang, 80 Aceh, 42 Al Qaeda, 6, 30 Afghanistan, 40 arms from Afghanistan abandoned stockpiles of conflict, 41 guns, 23 black arms transfers from, African Market Complex, 33 35–37 Albania, 31–32 Agreement on Border Ambalat dispute, 130 Crossing, Philippines American Market Complex, and Indonesia, 128 27–30 08 Sulu_AM Index.indd 201 1/18/11 1:23:52 PM 202 Index “ammo dumps”, 39 grey, 20 Andaman sub-regional secondary sources, 23 market complex, 42 source, 23–24 Anglo-Malayan Defense transporter, 25–27 Arrangement (AMDA), types, 19–20 123 white, 20 Angola, 35 ASEAN Centre for Ant traders, 26, 79 Combating anti-communist groups, U.S. Transnational Crime supported, 28 (ACTC), 126 anti-smuggling agreements, ASEAN Plan of Action bilateral, 60 (PoA) to Combat Anti-Smuggling Treaty Transnational Crime, (1967), 128–29 120, 122, 125–26 apartheid, fall of, South ASEAN Way, 119 Africa, 36 Association of Southeast Armed Forces of the Asian Nations (ASEAN) Philippines (AFP), 7 export -
GUNS and BUTTER in the EGYPTIAN ARMY by Hillel Frisch*
GUNS AND BUTTER IN THE EGYPTIAN ARMY By Hillel Frisch* This article analyzes the Egyptian army, its mission, development and modernization during the past several decades, and its relationship to the political and general civilian spheres. The article contends that Egypt's armed forces have elements of both modern and post-modern armies, and answers the riddle of how Egypt's army has neither sacrificed quantity or quality of its weapons systems, nor slashed military salaries severely, despite a seemingly shrinking budget. The Egyptian army seems to possess Sa'id, director of Egypt's prestigious al-Ahram the characteristics of a modern army (in the Center for Political and Strategic Studies 1950s' sense, when nationalism and patriotism praises the benefits of U.S. civilian aid unquestionably prevailed in military compared to its military aid, though more establishments) in a post-modern age. While money is earmarked for the latter category.(5) the post-modern army is often seen as being Newspapers devote many articles to praising professionally small, the Egyptian army the army's "civilian" and development- remains rather large. While the post-modern oriented services, as if to defend its army is typified by increasing civilian- contribution to the nation on this more military integration, the Egyptian army has important front.(6) constructed at least 17 military cities to isolate This tension between supporting a the military from the civilian population.(1) large military while coming to grips with the Bernard Boene claims that Western acute, almost insurmountable, social problems militaries in the post-modern age must cope facing Egypt, is a central factor in analyzing with its cadre having professional wives who the mission and political status of the want to integrate into civilian society.(2) But Egyptian armed forces.