DOCSLIB.ORG

The Political Analysis of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Akp Tradition: Why Did Turkish Model Fail in Egypt?

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Political Analysis of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Akp Tradition: Why Did Turkish Model Fail in Egypt? THE POLITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD AND THE AKP TRADITION: WHY DID TURKISH MODEL FAIL IN EGYPT? A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY DÜZGÜN ARSLANTAŞ IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS SEPTEMBER 2013 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof.Dr. Meliha B. ALTUNIŞIK Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Prof. Dr. Hüseyin BAĞCI Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Prof. Dr. Süha BÖLÜKBAŞIOĞLU Supervisor Examining Committee Members Assist. Prof. Dr. Işık KUŞÇU (METU, IR) Prof. Dr. Süha BÖLÜKBAŞIOĞLU (METU, IR) Prof. Dr. Recep BOZTEMUR (METU, HIST) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Düzgün ARSLANTAŞ Signature : iii ABSTRACT THE POLITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD AND THE AKP TRADITION: WHY DID TURKISH MODEL FAIL IN EGYPT? Arslantaş, Düzgün M.Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor : Prof. Dr. Süha Bölükbaşıoğlu September 2013, 154 pages This thesis aims to analyze the transformation of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and the AKP tradition in Turkey with a reference to the model debate. Actually, toppling of the Mubarak regime following an uprising that started on 25th of January 2011, has changed the political map of Egypt. The Muslim Brotherhood-backed Freedom and Justice Party’s (FJP) victory in post-revolutionary period in legislative elections and Mohammed Morsi’s taking of office in presidential elections revealed that Islamists were to be the strongest actor in the new political landscape. Nonetheless, AKP government’s positive stance towards the Muslim Brotherhood and Turkish foreign policy activism in the Middle East during the Arab Spring has opened a debate concerning a Turkish model in Egypt. What further strengthened this trend were the views of the leaders of the iv Muslim Brotherhood which refer Turkey as a model. However, the polarization of the Egyptian society on domestic issues led to the military intervention of 3 July 2013 and hence, ended the model debate. Considering the historical account of both the Muslim Brotherhood and the AKP, this thesis reaches to the conclusion that the Turkish model failed in Egypt that is attributed to five main reasons; namely (1) different meanings and functions of the west and westernization in these two countries, (2) the existence of strong political rivalry for the Muslim Brotherhood, (3) the lack of political experience of the FJP in power, (4) the army’s strong role in Egyptian politics and (5) different economic structures of both countries. Keywords: The Arab Spring, The Political Islam, The Muslim Brotherhood, The Justice and Development Party, The Egyptian Revolution. v ÖZ MÜSLÜMAN KARDEŞLER VE AKP GELENEĞİNİN SİYASİ ANALİZİ: TÜRKİYE MODELİ MISIR’DA NEDEN BAŞARISIZLIĞA UĞRADI? Arslantaş, Düzgün Yüksek Lisans, Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü Tez Yöneticisi : Prof. Dr. Süha Bölükbaşıoğlu Eylül 2013, 154 sayfa Bu tez, Mısır’daki Müslüman Kardeşler ve Türkiye’deki AKP geleneğinin dönüşümünü, model tartışmasına referansla, ele almayı amaçlamaktadır. Mübarek rejiminin 25 Ocak 2011 tarihinde başlayan halk ayaklanması neticesinde devrilmesiyle, Mısır’daki siyasi harita değişikliğe uğramıştır. Müslüman Kardeşler destekli Özgürlük ve Adalet Partisi’nin (ÖAP) yasama seçimlerini kazanması ve Muhammed Mursi’nin cumhurbaşkanlığı seçimlerini kazanması yeni siyasi zeminde İslamcıların en güçlü aktör olacağı algısı yaratmıştır. Bu sırada, AKP’nin Müslüman Kardeşler’e yönelik olumlu tutumu ve Türkiye’nin Arap Baharı sırasında Ortadoğu’daki dış politika aktivizmi, Mısır’da Türkiye modeline ilişkin tartışma başlatmıştır. Müslüman Kardeşler liderlerinin Türkiye’yi model ülke olarak aldıklarına yönelik beyanları, bu fikri daha da güçlendirmiştir. Fakat, Mısır vi toplumunun iç gelişmelerle kutuplaşması, 3 Temmuz 2013’de askeri darbeyle sonuçlanmış ve bu durum model tartışmasına son vermiştir. Bu tez, Müslüman Kardeşler ve AKP’nin tarihsel arkaplanını inceleyerek, Türkiye modelinin Mısır’da 5 ana nedenle başarısız olduğu sonucuna varmaktadır: (1) batı ve batılılaşmanın farklı anlamlar ve işlevler taşıması, (2) Müslüman Kardeşlerin siyasi rakiplerinin olması, (3) ÖAP’nin iktidar deneyimi olmaması, (4) Mısır siyasetinde askerin güçlü rolü ve (5)iki ülkenin ekonomik yapılarının farklı olması. Anahtar Kelimeler: Arap Baharı, Siyasi İslam, Müslüman Kardeşler, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, Mısır Devrimi vii To love, labor, peace, and my family viii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express his deepest gratitude to his supervisor Prof. Dr. Süha BÖLÜKBAŞIOĞLU for his guidance, advice, criticism, encouragements and insight throughout the research. I also would like to thank to the other Examining Committee members Prof. Dr. Recep BOZTEMUR and Assist. Prof. Dr. Işık KUŞÇU for their valuable suggestions and comments. I also like to thank to my close friends and relatives Ayhan AYDIN, Şükran F. COŞKUN, Sayıt M. ERDOĞAN, Servet Orçun ERPİŞ, Gonca KÖKSAL, Ali BAYOĞLU, Semih Ozan SEVGİLİ, Engin DEMİRDİZEN, Özkan İŞ, Resul ARSLANTAŞ and Düzgün ALTINTAŞ for their unique support during the writing of the thesis. Finally, without the support and review of my smart twin brother, Şenol ARSLANTAŞ, I could not complete this work. Members of my family Hüseyin, Fadime, Fidan, Bahar, Sevgi provided comfortable working atmophere from the beginning to the end of the research. Endless thanks to them. ix TABLE OF CONTENTS PLAGIARISM.................................................................................................iii ABSTRACT………………………………………………………….............iv ÖZ……………………………………………………………………..……..vi DEDICATION…………………………………………………...…………viii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS………………………………………..………….xi TABLE OF CONTENTS….…………………………………….….………...x CHAPTER 1.INTRODUCTION…………………………………………….…….….1 2. MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD (1928-2002)……………….…………11 2.1 Muslim Brotherhood in Its Early Years…………....…….…...11 2.1.1 The Goals of the Muslim Brotherhood…………….…...11 2.1.2 The Ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood………….…..14 2.1.3 Structure and Financing of the Muslim Brotherhood…..15 2.1.4 Politics of the Muslim Brotherhood………………….....17 2.2 Free Officer’s Coup and the Muslim Brotherhood……….…..19 2.3 Radicalization of the Muslim Brotherhood under Qutb and Revival of Islamism……………….…..……………………....22 2.4 Sadat and the Muslim Brotherhood……..…………………….24 2.5 Mubarak and the Muslim Brotherhood during 1980s……..….28 2.6 The Metamorphosis of the Muslim Brotherhood during 1990s and 2000s………...……………………….….....31 2.7 The Arab Spring and the Egyptian Revolution…………….….37 2.8 Current Developments and Islamist Groups…..…………..….42 3. ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1923-2001).......48 3.1 Ottoman Empire the Role of Religion……...……….…...…...48 3.2 Turkish Revolution: Secularization of the Politics…….....…..50 x 3.3 Islamist Political Parties between 1960 and 1980: the MNP and the MSP………………………..…....………….56 3.3.1 National Order Party (MNP)…………………………….56 3.3.2 National Salvation Party (MSP)…………………………58 3.4 1980 Military Coup and Islamist Movements……...…………...62 3.5 Islamist Political Parties after 1980……………………………67 3.5.1 Welfare Party (RP)…………………………………….…67 3.5.2 Virtue Party (FP)………………………………………....78 4. THE AKP AND THE FJP……………………………………….……83 4.1 Justice and Development Party (AKP)…………………….…….83 4.1.1 Party Program and Party Politics………………….……..83 4.1.2 Conservative Democracy……..………...…….…………85 4.1.3 Party Cadres ………………….……………………..…..88 4.1.4 AKP’s Road to a Power: 2002 Parliamentary Elections and 2004 Local Elections…….………………………….89 4.1.5 Turkey-EU Relations during the AKP Government…….92 4.1.6 2007 Parliamentary Elections: Polarization of the Society97 4.1.7 2009 Local Elections: A Warning to the AKP…..……..102 4.1.8 2011 Parliamentary Elections: Concentration of Power for the AKP…..……………………………...…….…...104 4.1.9 AKP’s Economic Policies. Miracle of Illusion? ………107 4.2 Freedom and Justice Party (FJP)…………………...…………..114 4.2.1 Party Program and Party Politics………...……………..115 4.2.2 Intersection of the Islamists: The Rivalry of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafis……………………………..119 4.3 Turkey’s Foreign Policy towards the Middle East until the Beginning of the Arab Spring………………………………....122 4.4 Turkey-Egypt Relations in the Midst of Model Debate…….....126 5.CONCLUSION….…………………………..…………………..…….....132 xi REFERENCES…….………………………………………..………...…....136 APPENDICES A. Tez Fotokopisi İzin Formu……………………………………...154 xii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The Muslim Brotherhood (MB) is the most organized Islamic group with its wide range of social network in Egypt and other Arab countries in the region. Its long years of strategy to stay away from violence not only affected mainstream Islamic movements throughout the world but also attracted great sympathy among Islamists. The credibility gained during the years under authoritarian rulers became the utmost reason for the emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood as the largest political organization after the toppling of Mubarak regime in 2011 during the protests
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Zealous Democrats: Islamism and Democracy in Egypt, Indonesia and Turkey
    Lowy Institute Paper 25 zealous democrats ISLAMISM AND DEMOCRACY IN EGYPT, INDONESIA AND TURKEY Anthony Bubalo • Greg Fealy Whit Mason First published for Lowy Institute for International Policy 2008 Anthony Bubalo is program director for West Asia at the Lowy Institute for International Policy. Prior to joining the Institute he worked as an Australian diplomat for 13 PO Box 102 Double Bay New South Wales 1360 Australia years and was a senior Middle East analyst at the Offi ce of www.longmedia.com.au National Assessments. Together with Greg Fealy he is the [email protected] co-author of Lowy Institute Paper 05 Joining the caravan? Tel. (+61 2) 9362 8441 The Middle East, Islamism and Indonesia. Lowy Institute for International Policy © 2008 ABN 40 102 792 174 Dr Greg Fealy is senior lecturer and fellow in Indonesian politics at the College of Asia and the Pacifi c, The All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part Australian National University, Canberra. He has been a of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means (including but not limited to electronic, visiting professor at Johns Hopkins University’s School mechanical, photocopying, or recording), without the prior written permission of the of Advanced International Studies, Washington DC, and copyright owner. was also an Indonesia analyst at the Offi ce of National Assessments. He has published extensively on Indonesian Islamic issues, including co-editing Expressing Islam: Cover design by Longueville Media Typeset by Longueville Media in Esprit Book 10/13 Religious life and politics in Indonesia (ISEAS, 2008) and Voices of Islam in Southeast Asia (ISEAS, 2005).
    [Show full text]
  • Who's Who in Politics in Turkey
    WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY Sarıdemir Mah. Ragıp Gümüşpala Cad. No: 10 34134 Eminönü/İstanbul Tel: (0212) 522 02 02 - Faks: (0212) 513 54 00 www.tarihvakfi.org.tr - [email protected] © Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 2019 WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY PROJECT Project Coordinators İsmet Akça, Barış Alp Özden Editors İsmet Akça, Barış Alp Özden Authors Süreyya Algül, Aslı Aydemir, Gökhan Demir, Ali Yalçın Göymen, Erhan Keleşoğlu, Canan Özbey, Baran Alp Uncu Translation Bilge Güler Proofreading in English Mark David Wyers Book Design Aşkın Yücel Seçkin Cover Design Aşkın Yücel Seçkin Printing Yıkılmazlar Basın Yayın Prom. ve Kağıt San. Tic. Ltd. Şti. Evren Mahallesi, Gülbahar Cd. 62/C, 34212 Bağcılar/İstanbull Tel: (0212) 630 64 73 Registered Publisher: 12102 Registered Printer: 11965 First Edition: İstanbul, 2019 ISBN Who’s Who in Politics in Turkey Project has been carried out with the coordination by the History Foundation and the contribution of Heinrich Böll Foundation Turkey Representation. WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY —EDITORS İSMET AKÇA - BARIŞ ALP ÖZDEN AUTHORS SÜREYYA ALGÜL - ASLI AYDEMİR - GÖKHAN DEMİR ALİ YALÇIN GÖYMEN - ERHAN KELEŞOĞLU CANAN ÖZBEY - BARAN ALP UNCU TARİH VAKFI YAYINLARI Table of Contents i Foreword 1 Abdi İpekçi 3 Abdülkadir Aksu 6 Abdullah Çatlı 8 Abdullah Gül 11 Abdullah Öcalan 14 Abdüllatif Şener 16 Adnan Menderes 19 Ahmet Altan 21 Ahmet Davutoğlu 24 Ahmet Necdet Sezer 26 Ahmet Şık 28 Ahmet Taner Kışlalı 30 Ahmet Türk 32 Akın Birdal 34 Alaattin Çakıcı 36 Ali Babacan 38 Alparslan Türkeş 41 Arzu Çerkezoğlu
    [Show full text]
  • TRANSFORMATION of POLITICAL ISLAM in TURKEY Islamist Welfare Party’S Pro-EU Turn
    PARTY POLITICS VOL 9. No.4 pp. 463–483 Copyright © 2003 SAGE Publications London Thousand Oaks New Delhi www.sagepublications.com TRANSFORMATION OF POLITICAL ISLAM IN TURKEY Islamist Welfare Party’s Pro-EU Turn Saban Taniyici ABSTRACT The recent changes in the Islamist party’s ideology and policies in Turkey are analysed in this article. The Islamist Welfare Party (WP) was ousted from power in June 1997 and was outlawed by the Consti- tutional Court (CC) in March 1998. After the ban, the WP elite founded the Virtue Party and changed policies on a number of issues. They emphasized democracy and basic human rights and freedoms in the face of this external shock. The WP’s hostile policy toward the European Union (EU) was changed. This process of change is discussed and it is argued that the EU norms presented a political opportunity structure for the party elites to influence the change of direction of the party. When the VP was banned by the CC in June 2001, the VP elites split and founded two parties which differ on a number of issues but have positive policies toward the EU. KEY WORDS European Union party change political Islam political oppor- tunity structure Turkey Introduction The Islamist Welfare Party (WP) in Turkey recently changed its decades-old policy of hostility toward the European Union (EU) and began strongly to support Turkey’s accession to the Union, thereby raising doubts about the inevitability of a civilizational conflict between Islam and the West. 1 This change was part of the party’s broader image transformation which took place after its leader, Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan,2 was forced by the Turkish political establishment to resign from a coalition government in June 1997.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of the Turkish Religious Right
    International Journal of Business and SocialScience Vol. 4 No. 4; April 2013 Regime Opposition as a Source of Party Policy Change: The Case of the Turkish Religious Right Hakan Köni Assistant Professor of Political Science, Assistant-Chair Political Science and Public Administration, Çankırı Karatekin University Turkey Abstract The article is devoted to the examination of the role of the Turkish state elites on the change in the political line of the Turkish religious right. To do this, the article respectively analyzes the course of radicalization in the religious right, the secularist backlash it encountered, and the ensuing process of moderation to which it has been introduced. Based on an in-depth empirical analysis, it is observed that the Turkish religious right has gone through a notable process of moderation in response to successive reactions displayed by the secularist state elites. Assuming a cooperative and conciliatory attitude from the beginning, the movement has gradually abandoned its religious fundamentalist discourse and demonstrated a remarkable resolution to incorporate contemporary political norms and understandings into the core of its political agenda. Keywords: 28 February, State Elites, Secularism, Political Islam, Justice and Development Party 1. Introduction The causes of change in the political orientation of the Turkish religious right have been studied very popularly. The secularist reaction of the state elites, globalization, Europeanization and growing civil society activism are often pointed as the leading causes of the change.1This article scrutinizes the impact of the state elites among others with a detailed empirical analysis. The aspects of analysis conducted for this purpose include the examination of the radicalization of the Turkish religious right, the ensuing response by the state elites and its reception by the religious right.
    [Show full text]
  • The Critic of Liberal Approach Towards Jdp
    THE CRITIC OF LIBERAL APPROACH TOWARDS JDP A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY ÖZGÜR OLGUN ERDEN IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY DECEMBER 2018 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences ________________________ Prof. Dr. Tülin Gençöz Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ________________________ Prof. Dr. Sibel Kalaycıoğlu Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ________________________ Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mustafa Şen Supervisor Examining Committee Members Assoc. Prof. Dr. Cenk Saraçoğlu (Ankara Uni., GZT) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mustafa Şen (METU, SOC) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Erdoğan Yıldırım (METU, ADM) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mustafa Kemal Bayırbağ (METU, ADM.) Assist. Prof. Dr. Kurtuluş Cengiz (Ankara Uni., SOS.) ii I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name: Özgür Olgun Erden Signature : iii ABSTRACT THE CRITIC OF LIBERAL APPROACH TOWARDS JDP Erden, Özgür Olgun Ph.D., Department of Sociology Supervisor: Assoc.Prof. Dr. Mustafa Şen December 2018, 314 pages This study examines the analyses and arguments of three major intellectual groups, which is termed as liberal, conservative-Islamist, and leftist-liberal and/or liberal- leftist, concerning the JDP and Islamism.
    [Show full text]
  • Biographies of Political Leaders of the Turkish Republic
    Biographies of Political Leaders of the Turkish Republic RECEP TAYYIP ERDOĞAN Israeli President, has given him heroic status among the general Middle Eastern public. Recently, at the Council of Prime Minister of the Turkish Republic since 2003 Europe Parliamentary Assembly, Erdoğan responded, with strong and clearly critical remarks to the questions of European Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who is originally from Rize, a Black Sea parliamentarians about sensitive issues in Turkey, for example coastal city, was born on 26 February 1954 in Istanbul. In relations with Armenia, freedom of the press, and the ten 1965 he completed his primary education at the Kasımpaşa percent vote barrier. While Erdoğan’s rebukes tend to surprise Piyale Elementary School and, in 1973, graduated from the the international public, Turkish people are accustomed to his Istanbul Religious Vocational High School (İmam Hatip Lisesi). style. Moreover, many people believe that this belligerent style He also received a diploma from Eyüp High School since, at is the key to his success and popularity. the time, it was not possible for the graduates of religious vocational high schools to attend university. He eventually studied Business Administration at the Marmara University, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences (which was then known as Aksaray School of Economics and Commercial Complete version of the Biography of Recep Tayyip Sciences) and received his degree in 1981. Erdogan at: In his youth, Erdoğan played amateur football from 1969 www.cidob.org/es/documentacion/biografias_lideres_ to 1982 in local football clubs. This was also a socially and politicos/europa/turquia/recep_tayyip_erdogan politically active period in his life.
    [Show full text]
  • HH Sheikh Nasser Al-Mohammad Al-Sabah Publication Series
    HH Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series Globalisation as an Agent of Party Ideological Change: The Case of the Turkish Religious Right Hakan Köni Number 11: May 2014 About the Author Dr Hakan Köni is Assistant Professor of Politics in the Department of Political Science and Public Administratrion at Çankırı Karatekin University, Çankırı in Turkey. He was Visitng Research Fellow in the School of Government and International Affairs at Durham University in 2011/12. Disclaimer The views expressed in the HH Sheikh Nasser al- Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the School or of Durham University. These wide ranging Research Working Papers are products of the scholarship under the auspices of the al-Sabah Programme and are disseminated in this early form to encourage debate on the important academic and policy issues of our time. Copyright belongs to the Author(s). Bibliographical references to the HH Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah Publication Series should be as follows: Author(s), Paper Title (Durham, UK: al-Sabah Number, date). 2 | Page Globalisation as an Agent of Party Ideological Change: The Case of the Turkish Religious Right Hakan Köni Abstract This paper investigates the impact of globalisation on the transformations in the ideological orientation of the Turkish religious right. Studies on such changes often trace the causes of party change to three different variables, these being: leadership change, dominant party coalition change, and change in the party environment. As an example of change in party environment is arguably globalisation – which could be identified in short as economic and political liberalisation, democratisation, multilateralism, and intensification of individualism – bringing pressure to bear for party change.
    [Show full text]
  • Muslim Democratic Parties: Economic Liberalization and Islamist Moderation in the Middle East
    Muslim Democratic Parties: Economic Liberalization and Islamist Moderation in the Middle East Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Abdulkadir Yildirim, M.A. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Sarah M. Brooks, Co-Chair Amaney A. Jamal, Co-Chair Marcus J. Kurtz Irfan Nooruddin Copyright by Abdulkadir Yildirim 2010 Abstract Islamist political parties – once marked by their uniformity across countries in their oppositional and non-democratic platforms, and the goal of Islamizing state and society – face challenges leading to the emergence of a qualitatively-different and more moderate kind of political party: the Muslim democratic party (MDP). My dissertation answers two interrelated questions on the rise of MDPs: What explains the emergence of Muslim Democratic Parties recently, and why have these parties been successful in some cases, but not others? I theorize that the way in which a country liberalizes its economy shapes the social foundations of Islamic party politics. MDPs emerge and find societal support when Islamic peripheral businesses find a chance to compete economically – a feature of competitive liberalization –, and peripheral masses experience an improved income. In contrast, when economic liberalization’s reach remains limited because of its uncompetitive character and the perpetuation of pre-liberalization economic structure, societal support for MDPs fails to materialize, leaving Islamist parties’ societal support intact. I call this process crony liberalization. I test my theory in a three-country, structured comparison of Egypt, Morocco and Turkey. These countries were selected in order to maximize the variance I observe on my key causal variables while holding other factors constant following the most similar systems design.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Notes Introduction 1. There is, of course, no consensus on the precise meaning of democracy, much less dem- ocratic values. 2. Also sometimes known as the Constitution of Medina. The original document has not survived, but a number of different versions can be found in early Muslim sources. 3. The word caliph is derived from the Arabic khalifa, which means both “successor” and “deputy.” 4. In Arabic, Shari’a literally means the “path leading to the watering place.” 5. The word “Shia” is derived from the Arabic Shiat Ali, meaning “party of Ali.” While “Sunni” means those who follow the Sunnah, the exemplary words and practices of the Prophet Muhammad. The names are misleading, as Ali is revered by the Sunni—albeit not to the same extent as by the Shia—and the Shia also attach great importance to the Sunnah. 6. Starting with Ali through to Muhammad al-Mahdi, who received the imamate in 874 at the age of five. Muhammad was taken into hiding to protect him from his Sunni enemies. However, in around 940 he is regarded as having left the world materially but to have retained a spiritual presence through which he guides Shia divines in their interpretations of law and doctrine. Twelvers believe that he will eventually return to the world as the Mahdi, or “Messiah,” and usher in a brief golden age before the end of time. There have also been divisions within the Shia community. In the eighth century, during a dispute over the rightful heir to the sixth imam, Jafar al-Sadiq, the Twelvers backed the candidacy of a younger son, Musa al-Kazim.
    [Show full text]
  • Profile of the Turkish Felicity Party: an Anti-Western, Anti-Israeli Islamic Party Whose Activists Took Part in the Latest Flotilla Together with the IHH
    Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center June 17, 2010 Profile of the Turkish Felicity Party: an anti-Western, anti-Israeli Islamic party whose activists took part in the latest flotilla together with the IHH. At least two of them died during the IDF takeover of the ship Mavi Marmara. Felicity Party secretary-general Numan Kurtulmuş (second from the left) with IHH leader Bulent Yildirim (left) (Felicity Party website, April 20, 2010). On April 20, the Felicity Party announced its support of the planned flotilla to the Gaza Strip. 164-10 2 Overview 1. Among the Turkish Islamic activists who came on board the Mavi Marmara were members of the Turkish Felicity Party (Saadet Partisi), which announced its support of the flotilla on April 20. 2. The Felicity Party is an Islamic party with an anti-Western and anti-Israeli agenda, which supports Hamas. Two of the party activists were killed while taking part in fighting against the IDF alongside the hard-core operatives of IHH (an organization that played a central role in planning and organizing the violent confrontation with the IDF). 3. See Appendix for a profile of the Turkish Felicity Party. 3 Appendix The Turkish Felicity Party—profile Names: Turkish: Saadet Partisi ﺣﺰب اﻟﺴﻌﺎدة :Arabic Symbol: Website: http://www.saadet.org.tr/english/biography-of-Kurtulmus/706 Background 1. There are now several Islamic parties operating in Turkey, even though they avoid defining themselves as such out of fear of legal action. The major Islamic parties are the ruling party—the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Felicity Party (FP).
    [Show full text]
  • Political Islam in Turkey
    Political Islam in Turkey CEPS Working Document No. 265/April 2007 Senem Aydin and Ruşen Çakır Abstract Turkey differs from the Arab states studied in the CEPS–FRIDE Political Islam project in not only in having a European Union membership prospect, but also in the fact that a broadly Islamist-oriented party has been in office since 2002. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) still enjoys the primary support of pro-Islamic constituencies in Turkish society and its orientation towards the EU has not changed since its assumption of power. An overwhelming majority in the party still sees the EU as the primary anchor of Turkish democracy and modernisation despite the inferred limitations of cooperation on issues relating to the reform of Turkish secularism. Yet the growing mistrust towards the EU as a result of perceived discrimination and EU double standards is beginning to cloud positive views within the party. Decreasing levels of support for EU membership in Turkish society and the fact that explicitly Euro-sceptic positions are now coming from both the left and the right of the political spectrum suggest that the sustainability of the pro-European discourse within the party could be difficult to maintain in the longer run. The present working paper is based on contributions made to a conference on “Political Islam and the European Union” organised by CEPS and La Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior (FRIDE) and hosted by the Fundación Tres Culturas in Sevilla on 24-25 November 2006. At this conference, Arab and Turkish scholars presented papers on the ‘Muslim democrat’ political parties of the Arab Mediterranean states and Turkey.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Media- a New Virtual Civil Society in Egypt? Abdulaziz Sharbatly
    Social Media- a new Virtual Civil Society in Egypt? Abdulaziz Sharbatly This is a digitised version of a dissertation submitted to the University of Bedfordshire. It is available to view only. This item is subject to copyright. • Social Media - a new virtual civil society in Egypt? UNIVERSITY OF BEDFORDSHIRE 1 Social Media: a new virtual civil society in Egypt? by Abdulaziz Sharbatly A thesis submitted to the University of Bedfordshire in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Research Institute for Media, Arts & Performance Journalism & Communications Department 2 AbstractAbstractAbstract This project seeks to trace the power of social media in serving as a virtual civil society in the Arab world, focusing on Egypt as a case study. This study aims to explore the role of social media in mobilising Egyptian activists across generations, and particularly in reaching out to people under the age of 35 who constitute around 50 per cent of the population. Studies preceding the 2011 uprising reported that young Egyptians were politically apathetic and were perceived as incapable of bringing about genuine political changes. Drawing on a range of methods and data collected from focus groups of young people under the age of 35, interviews with activists (across generations and gender), and via a descriptive web feature analysis, it is argued that online action has not been translated into offline activism. The role of trust in forming online networks is demonstrated, and how strong ties can play a pivotal role in spreading messages via social media sites. Activists relied on social media as a medium of visibility; for those who were not active in the political sphere, social media have been instrumental in raising their awareness about diverse political movements and educating them about the political process, after decades of political apathy under Mubarak’s regime.
    [Show full text]