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Muslim Democratic Parties: Economic Liberalization and Islamist Moderation in the Middle East

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Muslim Democratic Parties: Economic Liberalization and Islamist Moderation in the Middle East Muslim Democratic Parties: Economic Liberalization and Islamist Moderation in the Middle East Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Abdulkadir Yildirim, M.A. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Sarah M. Brooks, Co-Chair Amaney A. Jamal, Co-Chair Marcus J. Kurtz Irfan Nooruddin Copyright by Abdulkadir Yildirim 2010 Abstract Islamist political parties – once marked by their uniformity across countries in their oppositional and non-democratic platforms, and the goal of Islamizing state and society – face challenges leading to the emergence of a qualitatively-different and more moderate kind of political party: the Muslim democratic party (MDP). My dissertation answers two interrelated questions on the rise of MDPs: What explains the emergence of Muslim Democratic Parties recently, and why have these parties been successful in some cases, but not others? I theorize that the way in which a country liberalizes its economy shapes the social foundations of Islamic party politics. MDPs emerge and find societal support when Islamic peripheral businesses find a chance to compete economically – a feature of competitive liberalization –, and peripheral masses experience an improved income. In contrast, when economic liberalization’s reach remains limited because of its uncompetitive character and the perpetuation of pre-liberalization economic structure, societal support for MDPs fails to materialize, leaving Islamist parties’ societal support intact. I call this process crony liberalization. I test my theory in a three-country, structured comparison of Egypt, Morocco and Turkey. These countries were selected in order to maximize the variance I observe on my key causal variables while holding other factors constant following the most similar systems design. In Egypt, I analyze the Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan al-Muslimin) and the Wasat Party as cases of Islamist and ii Muslim democratic parties, respectively. In Morocco, the Party for Justice and Development represents the Muslim democratic platform whereas Al-Adl wal-Ihsan functions as the Islamist opposition party. Finally, in Turkey the Justice and Development Party is the Muslim democratic case compared with the National Outlook Movement’s current political representative, the Felicity Party. iii For all the good people of Egypt, Morocco and Turkey. iv Acknowledgments This dissertation is the product of many years of study and research. However, it could not have been possible without the support and guidance of many individuals. During the six years I spent at the Ohio State University as a doctoral student, Sarah Brooks, Marcus Kurtz, Irfan Nooruddin, and Amaney Jamal have all been excellent mentors. Sarah, my advisor throughout my time at Ohio State, thoroughly engaged with my project during the many days she spent reviewing my work at different stages of the project. Her constructive criticism and guidance are a vital element in the completion of this dissertation. Sarah continually probed the causal mechanisms and the methodology, and, hence, was most helpful with her feedback. Most importantly, however, Sarah showed an unwavering support for me and the project throughout the entire process, thereby setting a great example on how to be an advisor. Marcus always challenged me with questions to probe further into my thinking in order to make deeper connections between various parts of the dissertation. He also underscored the importance of a comparative perspective in analyzing the politics of economic liberalization. Marcus’ push for a comparative approach led my dissertation to be a contribution to the broader political science literature instead of being only an area study. Irfan emphasized the “big picture” and was consistent in pointing out the potential implications of distinct elements of the theory. By v questioning my assumptions, he pushed me to be more clear, concise and explicit about my theory. Last but not least, Amaney Jamal of Princeton University was a great resource for improving the substantive elements of the project as well as ensuring that the framework was commensurate with the scope of the research. If this project is a contribution to social scientific research, it is due to the privilege I enjoyed in working with my committee members. All of them are inspirational examples of truly great scholars. Sarah, Amaney, Marcus, and Irfan deserve all credit and praise for overseeing the materialization of this dissertation. I am also indebted to many friends and colleagues who have contributed to the development of this project at different stages by reading, offering feedback and/or engaging in stimulating intellectual conversations. I am grateful to Azzedine Azzimani, Quintin Beazer, Eva Bellin, Nathan Brown, Soundarya Chidambaram, Dino Christenson, Vefa Erginbas, Andrea Haupt, Douglas Jones, Ramazan Kilinc, Ahmet Kuru, Jennifer Nowlin, Jennifer Regan, Yusuf Sarfati, Emily Secen and Sarah W. Sokhey. Many individuals in Egypt, Morocco and Turkey were helpful in my field research. In Egypt, I received help from Durmus Dogan, Osama Farid, Ebtisam Hussein, Cumali Onal and Amal Wahab in establishing contacts; I also enjoyed our conversations on Egyptian political and social life. In Morocco, several individuals facilitated my fieldwork and put me in contact with officials and businessmen. For this, I thank Azzedine Azzimani, Driss Bouanou and Orhan Coskun for their help. The fieldwork in Turkey was efficient and effective due to MUSIAD officials in various cities who were kind enough to schedule vi appointments with their member businessmen. I also thank the following individuals who made it possible for me to conduct interviews with politicians and businessmen: Kemal Baskaya, Ekrem Gurel and Serif Soydan. The financial support I received from various institutions made the fieldwork and writing of this dissertation feasible. I thank the Department of Political Science at the Ohio State University for its support during my doctoral study there. The Department also offered research grants for fieldwork. The Graduate School, the Mershon Center, and the Office of International Affairs at Ohio State supported the project with various grants for fieldwork. I also acknowledge the Foreign Language Enhancement Program (FLEP) Fellowship for providing me with a chance to improve my Arabic. The challenging years in grad school were made easier with the friendship and support of friends including Burcu Bayram, Quintin Beazer, Daniel Blake, Soundarya Chidambaram, Dino Christenson, Vefa Erginbas, Oguz Kurt, Yoon-ah Oh, Scott Powell, Yusuf Sarfati, Sarah W. Sokhey and Lorenzo Zambernardini. Finally, I am grateful to my family members. My parents, Rasim and Behiye Yildirim, shaped their lives so that my brother and I could have a good education. This dissertation is the best gift I can give them. My wife, Hatice, showed wholehearted support through the completion of this project, at times of ebb and flow. Without her support, I could not be successful. And, my daughter, Emine Beyza, put up with a father who seemingly had endless studying to do. She is the joy of our lives. vii Many other individuals in everyday life, including brief acquaintances, have showed their support for this project, and I thank them all for their support. Any mistakes are due to me. viii Vita 2002…………………………B.A. International Relations, Bilkent University 2002-2004…………………..Graduate Study in Political Science, University of Houston 2006…………………………M.A. Political Science, The Ohio State University 2007…………………………Intensive Summer Language Course, University of Chicago Publications “Muslim Democratic Parties in Turkey, Egypt and Morocco: An Economic Explanation.” Insight Turkey 11 (4): 65-76. November, 2009. Fields of Study Major Field: Political Science ix Table of Contents Abstract............................................................................................................................... ii Dedication.......................................................................................................................... iv Acknowledgments ...............................................................................................................v Vita..................................................................................................................................... ix List of Tables ..................................................................................................................... xi List of Figures................................................................................................................... xii Abbreviations................................................................................................................... xiii Introduction..........................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1: Social Theory of Muslim Democratic Parties..................................................21 Chapter 2: Modeling Economic Liberalization in a Comparative Perspective .................57 Chapter 3: Turkey – From Periphery to the Center .........................................................108 Chapter 4: Egypt – Stuck in the Periphery ......................................................................192 Chapter 5: Morocco – Pathways from the Periphery.......................................................277
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