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The Alawite Dilemma in Homs Survival, Solidarity and the Making of a Community

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The Alawite Dilemma in Homs Survival, Solidarity and the Making of a Community STUDY The Alawite Dilemma in Homs Survival, Solidarity and the Making of a Community AZIZ NAKKASH March 2013 n There are many ways of understanding Alawite identity in Syria. Geography and regionalism are critical to an individual’s experience of being Alawite. n The notion of an »Alawite community« identified as such by its own members has increased with the crisis which started in March 2011, and the growth of this self- identification has been the result of or in reaction to the conflict. n Using its security apparatus, the regime has implicated the Alawites of Homs in the conflict through aggressive militarization of the community. n The Alawite community from the Homs area does not perceive itself as being well- connected to the regime, but rather fears for its survival. AZIZ NAKKASH | THE ALAWITE DILEMMA IN HOMS Contents 1. Introduction ...........................................................1 2. Army, Paramilitary Forces, and the Alawite Community in Homs ...............3 2.1 Ambitions and Economic Motivations ......................................3 2.2 Vulnerability and Defending the Regime for the Sake of Survival ..................3 2.3 The Alawite Dilemma ..................................................6 2.4 Regime Militias .......................................................8 2.5 From Popular Committees to Paramilitaries ..................................9 2.6 Shabiha Organization ..................................................9 2.7 Shabiha Talk ........................................................10 2.8 The Militarization of the Community ......................................11 3. Civilians and the Militarization of the Alawite Community ...................11 3.1 Alawite Families and Constraints .........................................11 3.2 The Alawite Trap .....................................................13 3.3 A Divided City? ......................................................14 3.4 Salvation from the Coast? ..............................................15 3.5 Kidnapping and its Effect on Inter- and Intra-communal Relations ................15 4. Conclusion . .16 Abs1:1 AZIZ NAKKASH | THE ALAWITE DILEMMA IN HOMS 1. Introduction wite, Christian, or Shiite – a peaceful pluralistic society generally prevailed. It was not uncommon to find minor- Syria’s Alawites are often portrayed as a monolithic reli- ity-owned businesses, such as Sunni shops in Alawite gious community which has unconditionally and unwa- neighbourhoods. In some of the newer areas developed veringly supported the Syrian regime through the crisis in the mid-1990s, the population was mixed, a trend which has shaken the country since March 2011. How- which has progressively reversed since March 2011. ever, very little attention has been paid to the commu- nity’s diversity and to reasons for its support of the re- This study differentiates between the Alawites from the gime that might extend beyond the simplistic equation: »hinterland« (dakhel), i. e. the Homs-Hama region, and »The ruling family is Alawite, and therefore Syria’s Ala- those from the Mediterranean coastal region (sahel) 2 wites support the regime.« While emphasizing the Ala- and it argues that Alawite solidarity does not represent wite community’s diversity in the context of the current a monolithic community. Another key objective of this situation, this research analyzes the fears for survival and study is to demonstrate the difference between the the socio-economic conditions which underpin the cur- lived experiences of Alawites of the hinterland / dakhel rent expressions of Alawite solidarity with the regime. and those of the coastal region / sahel. This distinction has historical antecedents, but appears to have become This study focuses on the Alawite community of Homs, further exacerbated by the current situation of turmoil. a city located in the economic and strategic centre of Alawites from the Homs region consider themselves par- the country with its numerous factories, oil refineries, ticularly vulnerable compared with their counterparts fertilizer plants, power plants, gas storage facilities, in the coastal region, where Alawites remain a major- etc. This region is militarily important, as it is the seat ity. The Alawites from Homs also feel excluded from the of the country’s most important military institutions. power structure which, in their eyes, is monopolized by Alawites from Homs and its environs are employed in Alawites from the coastal areas. However, due to the great numbers by these state-run industries and military nature of the current turmoil in Syria, these differences institutions, and the region has suffered economically operate to reinforce or create sentiments of a common due to the current crisis, especially since late 2011 and group affiliation, re-establishing social cohesion from early 2012. The Alawites of Homs and the surrounding within the Alawite community as a whole. region are a minority,1 and their presence in the city is relatively recent, stretching back only 20 – 30 years. Most This study will also demonstrate that support for the re- Alawites came to the city from the surrounding towns gime by the Alawites from Homs is multi-faceted. The or villages and it is in fact not possible to discuss the Alawites not only work for state-run economic and mili- Alawites of Homs without referring to the villages of tary institutions where they earn incomes which they origin with which individual Alawites maintain strong depend on for their livelihoods, but they fundamentally links, whether through the presence of relatives, houses fear for their lives as the present uprising is increasingly or land that they continue to cultivate. From within their seen as an anti-Alawite movement rather than a »popu- neighbourhoods, Alawite residents of the city tend to lar revolution«. Consequently, the Alawites are not able cluster amongst those who originate from the same vil- to conceive of a viable alternative for their survival other lages. It would not be an exaggeration to state that the than acceptance and support for the present regime. For Alawites have moved their villages to the city. In fact, many Alawites, support for President Bashar al-Assad some consider the city’s expansion a result of the ex- and his regime is not simply a matter of endorsement, tension of surrounding villages into the city, rather than but has evolved into a basic fear for the lives of fam- the more traditional movement of outward growth ily members or neighbours whose employment in the from within the city to the country. Before March 2011, army, the secret service or paramilitary groups – the while the different neighbourhoods of Homs tended to notorious Shabiha. This support can be regarded as a be dominated by one community – whether Sunni, Ala- manner in which Alawites seek protection and a key to their basic survival. 1. Minority is here referenced as a population whose economic and cul- tural impact on a particular geographical area is limited. In contrast, the 2. The boundary between the coast (sahel) and the hinterland (dakhel) majority is not only demographically dominant but also controls the day- broadly follows the coastal mountain range of Syria (Silsilat al-Jibal al- to-day economy and other aspects of the broader culture. Saheliyya), also known as the Alawite Mountains (Jibal al-‘Alawiyin). 1 AZIZ NAKKASH | THE ALAWITE DILEMMA IN HOMS Figure 1: Alawite Communities in Levant Coast This research will also demonstrate how the regime the fact that the Alawites of Homs remain civilians, has used the secret service to garner the allegiance of most have family members or neighbours who work for Homs’ Alawites who broadly perceive the Mukhabarat the army, the secret service or the paramilitary and this as an institution which is controlled and dominated has contributed to the greater »militarization« of the by coastal Alawites. Finally, it will show that despite community. In this context, the rise of the Shabiha in 2 AZIZ NAKKASH | THE ALAWITE DILEMMA IN HOMS Homs can be associated rather with the community’s A case in point is Salem4. In 1985, Salem, while in his militarization rather than with a concerted strategy to twenties, enlisted in Homs’ famous military academy suppress the uprising. There are other factors which (kulliya harbiya) located in al-Wa’er, where all high- have also strengthened the community’s sense of cohe- ranking officers start their careers. While his family sion, most notably shared religious values at a time of originates from a village to the east of Homs, Salem heightened sectarian tensions, as well as the influence was born in Nuzha and now lives in Wadi al-Dahab, two of the media, both state-run television and social media mainly Alawite neighbourhoods in the southern part of networks. the city. Salem maintains strong links with relatives in the village where he also continues to own land. Salem, This study is based on observations and interviews con- who is now in his fifties, is a Colonel (‘aqid) in the army. ducted with members of the Alawite community in He enrolled at the military academy hoping to eventu- the Homs area during the summer of 2012. The inter- ally become a high ranking officer. Salem explains that viewees range from army officers to paramilitaries and to achieve this goal, he »should work hard and follow civilians, including students, academics, businessmen the rules«. Salem also explains that joining the army and individuals from diverse backgrounds. While some would guarantee a stable income
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