Why Do Political Parties Split? Understanding Party Splits and Formation of Splinter Parties in Turkey
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Christians and Jews in Muslim Societies
Arabic and its Alternatives Christians and Jews in Muslim Societies Editorial Board Phillip Ackerman-Lieberman (Vanderbilt University, Nashville, USA) Bernard Heyberger (EHESS, Paris, France) VOLUME 5 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/cjms Arabic and its Alternatives Religious Minorities and Their Languages in the Emerging Nation States of the Middle East (1920–1950) Edited by Heleen Murre-van den Berg Karène Sanchez Summerer Tijmen C. Baarda LEIDEN | BOSTON Cover illustration: Assyrian School of Mosul, 1920s–1930s; courtesy Dr. Robin Beth Shamuel, Iraq. This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC 4.0 license, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited. Further information and the complete license text can be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ The terms of the CC license apply only to the original material. The use of material from other sources (indicated by a reference) such as diagrams, illustrations, photos and text samples may require further permission from the respective copyright holder. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Murre-van den Berg, H. L. (Hendrika Lena), 1964– illustrator. | Sanchez-Summerer, Karene, editor. | Baarda, Tijmen C., editor. Title: Arabic and its alternatives : religious minorities and their languages in the emerging nation states of the Middle East (1920–1950) / edited by Heleen Murre-van den Berg, Karène Sanchez, Tijmen C. Baarda. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2020. | Series: Christians and Jews in Muslim societies, 2212–5523 ; vol. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Rethinking Genocide: Violence and Victimhood in Eastern Anatolia, 1913-1915
Rethinking Genocide: Violence and Victimhood in Eastern Anatolia, 1913-1915 by Yektan Turkyilmaz Department of Cultural Anthropology Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Orin Starn, Supervisor ___________________________ Baker, Lee ___________________________ Ewing, Katherine P. ___________________________ Horowitz, Donald L. ___________________________ Kurzman, Charles Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Cultural Anthropology in the Graduate School of Duke University 2011 i v ABSTRACT Rethinking Genocide: Violence and Victimhood in Eastern Anatolia, 1913-1915 by Yektan Turkyilmaz Department of Cultural Anthropology Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Orin Starn, Supervisor ___________________________ Baker, Lee ___________________________ Ewing, Katherine P. ___________________________ Horowitz, Donald L. ___________________________ Kurzman, Charles An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Cultural Anthropology in the Graduate School of Duke University 2011 Copyright by Yektan Turkyilmaz 2011 Abstract This dissertation examines the conflict in Eastern Anatolia in the early 20th century and the memory politics around it. It shows how discourses of victimhood have been engines of grievance that power the politics of fear, hatred and competing, exclusionary -
Turkey Country Report – Update November 2017 [3Rd Edition]
21 November 2017 (COI up to 11th September 2017) Turkey Country Report – Update November 2017 [3rd edition] Explanatory Note Sources and databases consulted List of Acronyms CONTENTS 1. Main Developments since the attempted Coup d’état (July 2016) a. Overview of major legislative and political developments: i. Recent legislative developments incl. new amendments or decrees 1. State of Emergency 2. Emergency decrees a. Decree of 22 July 2016 (KHK/667) b. Decree of 25 July 2016 (KHK/668) c. Decree of 31 July 2016 (KHK/669) d. Decrees of 17 August 2016 (KHK/670 and 671) e. Decrees of 1 September 2016 (KHK/672, 673 and 674) f. Decrees of 29 October 2016 (KHK/675 and 676) g. Decrees of 22 November 2016 (KHK/677 and 678) h. Decrees of 6 January 2017 (KHK/679, 680 and 681) i. Decrees of 23 January 2017 (KHK/682, 683, 684 and 685) j. Decree of 7 February 2017 (KHK/686) k. Decree of 9 February 2017 (KHK/687) l. Decree of 29 March 2017 (KHK/688) m. Decrees of 29 April 2017 (KHK/689 and 690) n. Decree of 22 June 2017 (KHK/691) o. Decree of 14 July 2017 (KHK/692) p. Decrees of 25 August 2017 (KHK/693 and 694) 3. 2016: Observations by the Council of Europe Committee, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to freedom of opinion and expression and the Council of Europe’s Venice Commission 4. January – September 2017: Observations by the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly, the Council of Europe’s Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe, and the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to freedom of opinion and expression 5. -
Sabiha Gökçen's 80-Year-Old Secret‖: Kemalist Nation
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO ―Sabiha Gökçen‘s 80-Year-Old Secret‖: Kemalist Nation Formation and the Ottoman Armenians A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Communication by Fatma Ulgen Committee in charge: Professor Robert Horwitz, Chair Professor Ivan Evans Professor Gary Fields Professor Daniel Hallin Professor Hasan Kayalı Copyright Fatma Ulgen, 2010 All rights reserved. The dissertation of Fatma Ulgen is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ Chair University of California, San Diego 2010 iii DEDICATION For my mother and father, without whom there would be no life, no love, no light, and for Hrant Dink (15 September 1954 - 19 January 2007 iv EPIGRAPH ―In the summertime, we would go on the roof…Sit there and look at the stars…You could reach the stars there…Over here, you can‘t.‖ Haydanus Peterson, a survivor of the Armenian Genocide, reminiscing about the old country [Moush, Turkey] in Fresno, California 72 years later. Courtesy of the Zoryan Institute Oral History Archive v TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page…………………………………………………………….... -
Vol. 4, No. 1, 2019 Vol
VOL. 4, NO. 1, 2019 VOL. 4, NO. 1, 2019 4, NO. VOL. INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ARMENIAN GENOCIDE STUDIES VOLUME 4, NO. 1, 2019 International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies Published by Armenian Genocide Museum & Institute Editor in Chief: Dr. Harutyun Marutyan, Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute Foundation, Armenia [email protected] Associate Editor: Dr. Edita Gzoyan, Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute Foundation, Armenia [email protected] Editorial Board Dr., Prof. Rouben Paul Adalian, Armenian National Institute, Washington, D.C., USA [email protected] Dr., Prof. Peter Balakian, Colgate University, New York, USA [email protected] Dr. Matthias Bjørnlund, Kristeligt Dagblads Forlag, Denmark [email protected] Dr., Associate prof. Lerna Ekmekçioglu, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), USA [email protected] Dr. Donna-Lee Frieze, Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia [email protected] Dr., Prof. Sévane Garibian, University of Geneva, Switzerland [email protected] Dr. Elke Hartmann, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, Germany [email protected] Dr., Prof. Raymond Kevorkian, Foreign member of National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia, France [email protected] Dr. Prof., Hans-Lukas Kieser, University of Zurich, Switzerland [email protected] Dr. Suren Manukyan, Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute Foundation, Armenia [email protected] Dr. Armen Marsoobian, Southern Connecticut State University, New Haven, CT, USA [email protected] Dr., Prof. Rubina Peroomian, University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), USA [email protected] Dr., Prof. Vahram Shemmassian, California State University, Northridge, USA [email protected] Dr. Vahé Tachjian, Pázmány Péter Catholic Universtiy, Houshamadyan Project, Germany [email protected] Dr., Prof. -
ECFG-Turkey-2021R.Pdf
About this Guide This guide is designed to prepare you to deploy to culturally complex environments and achieve mission objectives. The fundamental information contained within will help you understand the cultural dimension of your assigned location and gain skills necessary for success (Photo: A US Senior Airman at a fruit stand in Adana). ECFG The guide consists of 2 parts: Part 1 is the “Culture General” section, which provides the foundational Turkey knowledge you need to operate effectively in any global environment. Part 2 is the “Culture Specific” section, which describes unique cultural features of Turkish society. It applies culture-general concepts to help increase your knowledge of your assigned deployment location. This section is designed to complement other pre-deployment training (Photo: Former President Obama meets with Turkish President Erdoğan). For further information, visit the Air Force Culture and Language Center (AFCLC) website at www.airuniversity.af.edu/AFCLC/ or contact the AFCLC Region Team at [email protected]. Disclaimer: All text is the property of the AFCLC and may not be modified by a change in title, content, or labeling. It may be reproduced in its current format with the express permission of the AFCLC. All photography is provided as a courtesy of the US government, Wikimedia, and other sources. GENERAL CULTURE PART 1 – CULTURE GENERAL What is Culture? Fundamental to all aspects of human existence, culture shapes the way humans view life and functions as a tool we use to adapt to our social and physical environments. A culture is the sum of all of the beliefs, values, behaviors, and symbols that have meaning for a society. -
ENDOGENIZING INSTITUTIONS by Zeki Sarigil BA, Bilkent University
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by D-Scholarship@Pitt ENDOGENIZING INSTITUTIONS by Zeki Sarigil BA, Bilkent University, 2002 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Arts and Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2007 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH FACULTY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Zeki Sarigil It was defended on April 6, 2007 and approved by Ilya Prizel, PhD, Professor, UCIS-Russian and East European Studies Alberta M. Sbragia, PhD, Professor, Department of Political Science Daniel C. Thomas, PhD, Associate Professor, Departmental of Political Science B. Guy Peters, PhD, Maurice Falk Professor, Department of Political Science ii Copyright © by Zeki Sarigil 2007 iii ENDOGENIZING INSTITUTIONS Zeki Sarigil, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2007 This study provides an agency-centered theoretical framework of institutional change at domestic level. It argues that institutional change should be understood as a conflictual process having two stages: initiation and bargaining. At the first stage, certain internal and external developments help change entrepreneurs mobilize for structural change through mechanisms of power shifts and/or negative feedback (ideational or material). At the second stage, institutional actors simply bargain over alternatives arrangements. However this is a special form of bargaining in the sense that it takes place within an institutionalized setting. Such a bargaining process is not only a strategic competition over material benefits but also a symbolic contestation among institutional actors over ideational interests (e.g. legitimacy). This study provides a two dimensional perspective on bargaining within an institutionalized setting by modifying two logics of action: the logic of consequentiality and the logic of appropriateness. -
Secularist Divide and Turkey's Descent Into Severe Polarization
One The Islamist- Secularist Divide and Turkey’s Descent into Severe Polarization senem aydın- düzgİt n multiple different measures of polarization, Turkey today is one of Othe most polarized nations in the world.1 Deep ideological and policy- based disagreements divide its political leaders and parties; Turkish so- ciety, too, is starkly polarized on the grounds of both ideology and social distance.2 This chapter focuses on the bases and manifestations of polar- ization in Turkey, the main reasons behind its increase, and its ramifica- tions for the future of democracy and governance in the country. The current dominant cleavage between secularists and Islamists has its roots in a series of reforms intended to secularize and modernize the coun- try after the foundation of the Turkish Republic in 1923. These reforms created a deep division within Turkish society, but until the beginning of the twenty- first century, the secularist elite dominated key state institu- tions such as the military, allowing it to repress conservative groups and thus keep conflict over the soul of Turkey from coming into the open. Since 2002, however, the remarkable electoral success of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi; AKP) has brought the Islamist- secularist divide to the fore. Despite the AKP’s initial moderation, several developments, including 17 Carothers-O’Donohue_Democracies Divided_i-viii_1-311.indd 17 7/24/19 10:32 AM 18 SENEM AYDIN- DÜZGI˙T the collapse of the European Union (EU) accession process, the success of polarization as an electoral strategy, and undemocratic threats from the secularist state establishment, pushed the AKP toward increasingly populist, divisive rhetoric and politics, beginning with the 2007 general elections. -
Voter Preferences, Electoral Cleavages and Support for Islamic Parties
Voter Preferences, Electoral Cleavages and Support for Islamic Parties Sabri Ciftci Department of Political Science Kansas State University, Manhattan [email protected] Yusuf Tekin Gaziosmanpasa University, Tokat, TURKEY [email protected] Prepared for delivery at the 2009 Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, April 2‐5 2009, Chicago, IL Abstract Increasing scholarly attention has recently been focused upon the origins and fortunes of Islamic parties. This paper examines the individual determinants of support for these parties utilizing the fifth wave of the World Values Survey. It is argued that the distribution of individual preferences along political cleavages like left‐right, secularism‐Islamism, and regime‐opposition are critical explanatory variables. The cases under investigation are Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey and Party of Justice and Development (PJD) in Morocco. The results of the multinomial logit show that Islamic parties obtain support from a broad spectrum of voters and this support base is best understood in relation to the distribution of voter preferences for rival parties. Furthermore, left‐right and Islamism appear to be the most important cleavages in the electoral markets under investigation. 1 Introduction Increasing scholarly attention has recently been focused upon the origins and fortunes of Islamic parties. In this vein, a good amount of research examined the Islamic party moderation (Kalyvas, 2000; Schwedler, 2007) and their commitment to democracy (Tibbi, 2008, p. 43-48; Nasr, 2005). While there is merit in investigating these questions, it is also important to understand the microlevel foundations of support for Islamic parties. Surprisingly, little empirical research has been conducted toward this end (for an exception see Carkoglu, 2006; Tepe, 2007) and studies with a comparative orientation are rare (Garcia-Rivero and Kotze, 2007; Tepe and Baum, 2008). -
Party Formation in Parliamentary Democracies
Party Formation in Parliamentary Democracies Selcen C¸akır∗ May, 2018 Abstract The political power of elected representatives is determined by politicians' member- ship negotiations with parties. In parliamentary systems, party control over govern- ment functions generates club goods, which increases the value of party membership. Moreover, in party-centered parliamentary systems, getting influential positions re- quires party leader's approval, which gives the leader monopsonistic recruiting power. As a result, politicians may relegate their political power to leaders when membership is more rewarding than acting independently. I develop an equilibrium model of party formation in a parliamentary democracy that incorporates parties' provision of club goods, rent sharing between politicians and party leaders, as well as politicians' outside options. Politicians' rankings of parties critically depend on the size of the party as well as on their own political assets. Through their control of government functions, bigger parties can provide greater club goods but tax politicians' rents more upon entry. Because of this, politicians with more assets tend to prefer smaller parties. I structurally estimate my model for Turkey with a unique dataset of 33 parties, 2,000 politicians who gained seats in parliament, and 35,000 politicians who were on party ballot lists between 1995 and 2014. My model matches the high level of party switch- ing (28.5%) that is characteristic of many party-centered systems. I find that Turkish parties accumulate club goods more easily than they produce rents, which leads to ever stronger party control. I also find that politicians with good labor market options are not productive in the political arena. -
The Future Party
The Future Party By Peter Hain The Right Honourable Peter Hain is Leader of the House of Commons, Secretary of State for Wales and MP for Neath. Acknowledgements I would like to thank all those people who provided advice and comments during the writing of this pamphlet. I am also very grateful to the grassroots party members who participated in a series of focus groups I conducted, and whose views are quoted throughout the pamphlet. Furthermore, I would like to thank those people who contributed to Catalyst’s research on party reform, which form an important part of the background to the writing of this pamphlet. Finally, I am especially grateful to my researcher Matthew Burchell and my other staff and colleagues for their work on this pamphlet. Contents Foreword by Rt Hon Ian McCartney MP . 3 1 Introduction . 4 What kind of party do we want? . 4 A strong democracy, a strong party . 4 Building the Future Party . 5 2 Reviving involvement, building support . 7 A strong grassroots party . 7 The state of the membership . 8 The need for local reform . 9 Diversifying local activity . .12 Unions and local parties . .13 Effective communication . .14 Reaching out to the local community . .16 A national Labour Supporters Network . .16 Harnessing new technology . .18 Representative candidates . .19 Should we introduce primaries? . .20 Conclusion – reviving involvement, building support . .22 3 Reconnecting the party with policy-making . 23 Party members and policy . .23 Renewal in government . .23 Improving policy-making . .24 Issues that matter to members . .25 Stimulating discussion . .27 Strengthening party conference . .28 Independent policy working groups .