Athanasios Kotsiaros Athens 2007

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Athanasios Kotsiaros Athens 2007 INSTITUTE OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AND POLICY (I.E.I.P.) DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION NATIONAL AND KAPODISTRIAN UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS RESEARCH UNIT TURKEY ATHANASIOS KOTSIAROS Turkish National Elections 2007: Choosing between democracy and authoritarianism RUT-WP 03/07 ATHENS 2007 “Turkish National Elections 2007: Choosing between democracy and authoritarianism” by A. Kotsiaros1 “Turkish democracy will emerge strengthened from these elections” R.T. Erdo÷an The Turkish National Election results of the 22nd July 2007 indisputably reveal the AKP dominance in the political scene.2 The Justice and Development Party received a strong vote of confidence gathering 46.7% of the total votes and sharply increasing its share by 12.4% comparing to the 2002 parliamentary elections. The electoral success was accomplished despite opposition efforts to portray the Islamist- rooted Party as a Trojan horse which undermines Turkey's secular traditions and promotes a hidden Islamic agenda. The threats and tricks of the military failed. The AKP was recognized as the most reliable political force to continue the modernization and the democratization process in the country. The real fight in the July elections was between a changing society that claims its rights and a dominant state which traditionally insists on defying the framework in which the society operates. For the first time in the Turkish political history the “deep state” seems to be isolated. This is also the first time in 52 years that a party in power has increased its votes for a second term.3 As the election results show, a modernizing society overthrew the power the state, democracy won over authoritarianism. Election results and the distribution of the votes: In the National Elections of the 22nd July 2007 participated fourteen political parties. 7394 candidates ran for office, of which 699 were independents. According to the Supreme Election Board (Yüksek Seçim Kurulu BaúkanlÕ÷Õ - YSK), 42,533,041 1 A. Kotsiaros is a PhD candidate in the University of Athens and Research Fellow in the Institute of European Integration and Policy, University of Athens. 2 Turkish Elections were called earlier because of the failure of the Parliament to elect Abdulah Gül as President of the Republic. Erdo÷an, by calling earlier elections, intended to defuse a showdown with the military-backed, secular establishment, which contended that the fundamental values of the state were at risk by Erdo÷an and his allies. The issue came along in April, when the AKP tried to install FM A.Gül as President, prompting a threat by the military to intervene. Millions of Turks engaged in mass street demonstrations against the AKP, as opposition parties blocked the Parliamentary vote for President, forcing Erdo÷an to call earlier elections. The demonstrations were organised by the Atatürk Thought Association (ADD). 3 The statement was made by Erdo÷an on the night of the 22nd July in front of thousands of jubilant supporters outside his party's plush new headquarters. (See: “En Turquie, la victoire électorale de l’AKP renforce M.Erdogan”, Le Monde, 23.07.2007) 1 voters were registered for the elections. The turnout was more than 80 percent and the voting was largely peaceful.4 The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi - AKP) gathered 46.7% of the vote and became the dominant party in Parliament winning 341 seats. Two other, secularist, parties made it into Parliament: the Nationalist Republican People's Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi - CHP) with 112 seats and the far-right National Movement Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi - MHP) with 71.5 Politicians supported by a Kurdish party that seeks more rights for the ethnic minority returned to Turkey's Parliament for the first time in more than a decade. The independents, supported by the Democratic Society Party (Demokratik Toplum Partisi – DTP) won 26 seats in the 550-seat Parliament. The results of the election procedure and the distribution of the seats in the National Parliament are depicted in the diagrams below6: DIAGRAM 1: DIAGRAM 2: 4 The total votes cast were 35,983,801 of which 35,017,315 were valid. 5 After the death of a MHP deputy right after the elections the seats of the Party are 70. 6 For the abbreviations of the Parties, see Table 1 in the Annex. 2 DIAGRAM 3: Source: http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/secimsonuc, http://www.milliyet.com.tr/secim2007 The Justice and Development Party (AKP) won the majority of the votes in 76 of the 85 electoral regions. The Kemalist party (CHP) won the electoral regions of the Eastern Thrace, Izmir, Mu÷la in the Aegean Region, where the base of its supporters are traditionally located. The Nationalists (MHP) won the majority in the Içel and Mersin regions. In the Southeast Turkey, the independent candidates, supported by the Kurdish party, won the Hakkari, Muú, Bingöl, I÷dir, Diyarbakir and Tunceli regions.7 AKP dominated in the rest of the country. The following diagram (4) presents the distribution of the votes in the electoral regions: DIAGRAM 4: 7 For a more detailed presentation of the results in the electoral regions see: TÜRKøYE GENELø SEÇøM SONUÇLARI, http://secim2007.hurriyet.com.tr and http://www.milliyet.com.tr/secim2007 3 Explaining the results: the dominance of the AKP and the failure of the opposition parties Turkish voters had to choose between the continuity of the reforms process generated by the Erdo÷an government and the authoritarian rule of the Kemalists and the military. The high percentage that AKP gathered reveals that the Turkish public opted for democracy and clearly showed its opposition against the extensive involvement of the armed forces in the political life. Before the July elections, the Republican People’s Party and the Nationalist Movement Party have both adopted nationalist and neo-nationalist and pro-statist discourses. The CHP created deep disappointment and the election results are believed to be a failure of D. Baykal and his party.8 The CHP gathered only 21 percent of the vote and consequently secured 110 seats in the Parliament. The election outcome reveals that ‘secular – anti-secular debate’ was not well received by the public. The CHP’s cooperation with the Democratic Left Party (DSP) was of no use either. Despite this, 13 DSP candidates who participated in the elections under the umbrella of the CHP were successful in winning a seat in the new Parliament. Baykal has not realized that the politics of fear did not manage to convince the electoral body for an existing threat. Even more, his alliance with the military and the justice portrayed its party politics as being an extension of the generals undermining democratic order.9 In addition, the CHP is not a mass party. It’s more of a doctrine party. The reason the CHP could not get votes from the eastern provinces of the country is that its political stance and its definitions of what the nation is don’t appeal to the people of the region. The amount of votes a party gets doesn’t determine whether it is a mass party or not. Mass parties are those that intent to increase the number of believers in their cause rather than the number of voters. In this context, the CHP and the MHP are doctrine parties. On the other hand, the MHP, before elections, targeted getting 20 percent of the ballot due to rising nationalism. It appears though that MHP managed to steal votes mainly from traditional CHP voters, rather than the AKP, and also from the Motherland Party (ANAVATAN) and the Democrat Party (DP).10 The far-right nationalist party generally appeals to fiercely conservative Turks who want a purely Turkish society, free of ethnic minorities. It gained strength in recent months as 8 See: “Les électeurs kemalistes amers et inquits”, Le Monde, 23.07.2007 9 See: “AK Party sole centre party in elections”, News Analysis, Zaman, 21.07.2007 10 See: Bozkurt G., “AKP’s triumph jolts left and right”, Turkish Daily News, 22.07.2007 4 militant Kurdish separatists, the principal enemy stepped up killings of Turkish soldiers in the country's southeast. The recent surge in foreign investment into Turkey's growing economy is also cause for alarm among its supporters.11 MHP leader Devlet Bahceli is expected to represent the nationalist structure in Parliament as an opposition Party and seriously challenge the AKP. Both the CHP and the MHP were criticized of lacking a concise political program. The Democratic Party appears to be the other disappointed party of the general elections. The party’s leader, Mehmet Agar, announced his resignation well before 20 percent of the ballot boxes were counted. The election outcome also unveiled that the public punished the DP after their abortive plans to join plans with ANAVATAN ahead of the polls.12 For once more, the center-right will not be represented in the TTBM, a development that clears out the way for the independent candidate Mesut Yilmaz to stand out as the leader of the center right. At the same time, in the East and Southeast Turkey, the two parties have failed to find support from all groups. In these regions the race was rather between the AKP and the independent candidates, supported by the Democratic Society Party (DTP). For many Kurdish nationalists, the CHP was as dangerous as the MHP, even though it harboured them in the past. The election swept at least 23 Kurdish candidates into Parliament, a significant victory for Turkey's Kurds, who make up nearly a fifth of the population. They have not been represented on a national level in more than a decade, since a deputy was ejected from Parliament for insisting on speaking Kurdish during a swearing-in ceremony.
Recommended publications
  • Christians and Jews in Muslim Societies
    Arabic and its Alternatives Christians and Jews in Muslim Societies Editorial Board Phillip Ackerman-Lieberman (Vanderbilt University, Nashville, USA) Bernard Heyberger (EHESS, Paris, France) VOLUME 5 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/cjms Arabic and its Alternatives Religious Minorities and Their Languages in the Emerging Nation States of the Middle East (1920–1950) Edited by Heleen Murre-van den Berg Karène Sanchez Summerer Tijmen C. Baarda LEIDEN | BOSTON Cover illustration: Assyrian School of Mosul, 1920s–1930s; courtesy Dr. Robin Beth Shamuel, Iraq. This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC 4.0 license, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited. Further information and the complete license text can be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ The terms of the CC license apply only to the original material. The use of material from other sources (indicated by a reference) such as diagrams, illustrations, photos and text samples may require further permission from the respective copyright holder. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Murre-van den Berg, H. L. (Hendrika Lena), 1964– illustrator. | Sanchez-Summerer, Karene, editor. | Baarda, Tijmen C., editor. Title: Arabic and its alternatives : religious minorities and their languages in the emerging nation states of the Middle East (1920–1950) / edited by Heleen Murre-van den Berg, Karène Sanchez, Tijmen C. Baarda. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2020. | Series: Christians and Jews in Muslim societies, 2212–5523 ; vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Rethinking Genocide: Violence and Victimhood in Eastern Anatolia, 1913-1915
    Rethinking Genocide: Violence and Victimhood in Eastern Anatolia, 1913-1915 by Yektan Turkyilmaz Department of Cultural Anthropology Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Orin Starn, Supervisor ___________________________ Baker, Lee ___________________________ Ewing, Katherine P. ___________________________ Horowitz, Donald L. ___________________________ Kurzman, Charles Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Cultural Anthropology in the Graduate School of Duke University 2011 i v ABSTRACT Rethinking Genocide: Violence and Victimhood in Eastern Anatolia, 1913-1915 by Yektan Turkyilmaz Department of Cultural Anthropology Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Orin Starn, Supervisor ___________________________ Baker, Lee ___________________________ Ewing, Katherine P. ___________________________ Horowitz, Donald L. ___________________________ Kurzman, Charles An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Cultural Anthropology in the Graduate School of Duke University 2011 Copyright by Yektan Turkyilmaz 2011 Abstract This dissertation examines the conflict in Eastern Anatolia in the early 20th century and the memory politics around it. It shows how discourses of victimhood have been engines of grievance that power the politics of fear, hatred and competing, exclusionary
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey Country Report – Update November 2017 [3Rd Edition]
    21 November 2017 (COI up to 11th September 2017) Turkey Country Report – Update November 2017 [3rd edition] Explanatory Note Sources and databases consulted List of Acronyms CONTENTS 1. Main Developments since the attempted Coup d’état (July 2016) a. Overview of major legislative and political developments: i. Recent legislative developments incl. new amendments or decrees 1. State of Emergency 2. Emergency decrees a. Decree of 22 July 2016 (KHK/667) b. Decree of 25 July 2016 (KHK/668) c. Decree of 31 July 2016 (KHK/669) d. Decrees of 17 August 2016 (KHK/670 and 671) e. Decrees of 1 September 2016 (KHK/672, 673 and 674) f. Decrees of 29 October 2016 (KHK/675 and 676) g. Decrees of 22 November 2016 (KHK/677 and 678) h. Decrees of 6 January 2017 (KHK/679, 680 and 681) i. Decrees of 23 January 2017 (KHK/682, 683, 684 and 685) j. Decree of 7 February 2017 (KHK/686) k. Decree of 9 February 2017 (KHK/687) l. Decree of 29 March 2017 (KHK/688) m. Decrees of 29 April 2017 (KHK/689 and 690) n. Decree of 22 June 2017 (KHK/691) o. Decree of 14 July 2017 (KHK/692) p. Decrees of 25 August 2017 (KHK/693 and 694) 3. 2016: Observations by the Council of Europe Committee, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to freedom of opinion and expression and the Council of Europe’s Venice Commission 4. January – September 2017: Observations by the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly, the Council of Europe’s Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe, and the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to freedom of opinion and expression 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Sabiha Gökçen's 80-Year-Old Secret‖: Kemalist Nation
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO ―Sabiha Gökçen‘s 80-Year-Old Secret‖: Kemalist Nation Formation and the Ottoman Armenians A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Communication by Fatma Ulgen Committee in charge: Professor Robert Horwitz, Chair Professor Ivan Evans Professor Gary Fields Professor Daniel Hallin Professor Hasan Kayalı Copyright Fatma Ulgen, 2010 All rights reserved. The dissertation of Fatma Ulgen is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ Chair University of California, San Diego 2010 iii DEDICATION For my mother and father, without whom there would be no life, no love, no light, and for Hrant Dink (15 September 1954 - 19 January 2007 iv EPIGRAPH ―In the summertime, we would go on the roof…Sit there and look at the stars…You could reach the stars there…Over here, you can‘t.‖ Haydanus Peterson, a survivor of the Armenian Genocide, reminiscing about the old country [Moush, Turkey] in Fresno, California 72 years later. Courtesy of the Zoryan Institute Oral History Archive v TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page……………………………………………………………....
    [Show full text]
  • Vol. 4, No. 1, 2019 Vol
    VOL. 4, NO. 1, 2019 VOL. 4, NO. 1, 2019 4, NO. VOL. INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ARMENIAN GENOCIDE STUDIES VOLUME 4, NO. 1, 2019 International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies Published by Armenian Genocide Museum & Institute Editor in Chief: Dr. Harutyun Marutyan, Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute Foundation, Armenia [email protected] Associate Editor: Dr. Edita Gzoyan, Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute Foundation, Armenia [email protected] Editorial Board Dr., Prof. Rouben Paul Adalian, Armenian National Institute, Washington, D.C., USA [email protected] Dr., Prof. Peter Balakian, Colgate University, New York, USA [email protected] Dr. Matthias Bjørnlund, Kristeligt Dagblads Forlag, Denmark [email protected] Dr., Associate prof. Lerna Ekmekçioglu, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), USA [email protected] Dr. Donna-Lee Frieze, Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia [email protected] Dr., Prof. Sévane Garibian, University of Geneva, Switzerland [email protected] Dr. Elke Hartmann, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, Germany [email protected] Dr., Prof. Raymond Kevorkian, Foreign member of National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia, France [email protected] Dr. Prof., Hans-Lukas Kieser, University of Zurich, Switzerland [email protected] Dr. Suren Manukyan, Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute Foundation, Armenia [email protected] Dr. Armen Marsoobian, Southern Connecticut State University, New Haven, CT, USA [email protected] Dr., Prof. Rubina Peroomian, University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), USA [email protected] Dr., Prof. Vahram Shemmassian, California State University, Northridge, USA [email protected] Dr. Vahé Tachjian, Pázmány Péter Catholic Universtiy, Houshamadyan Project, Germany [email protected] Dr., Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • ECFG-Turkey-2021R.Pdf
    About this Guide This guide is designed to prepare you to deploy to culturally complex environments and achieve mission objectives. The fundamental information contained within will help you understand the cultural dimension of your assigned location and gain skills necessary for success (Photo: A US Senior Airman at a fruit stand in Adana). ECFG The guide consists of 2 parts: Part 1 is the “Culture General” section, which provides the foundational Turkey knowledge you need to operate effectively in any global environment. Part 2 is the “Culture Specific” section, which describes unique cultural features of Turkish society. It applies culture-general concepts to help increase your knowledge of your assigned deployment location. This section is designed to complement other pre-deployment training (Photo: Former President Obama meets with Turkish President Erdoğan). For further information, visit the Air Force Culture and Language Center (AFCLC) website at www.airuniversity.af.edu/AFCLC/ or contact the AFCLC Region Team at [email protected]. Disclaimer: All text is the property of the AFCLC and may not be modified by a change in title, content, or labeling. It may be reproduced in its current format with the express permission of the AFCLC. All photography is provided as a courtesy of the US government, Wikimedia, and other sources. GENERAL CULTURE PART 1 – CULTURE GENERAL What is Culture? Fundamental to all aspects of human existence, culture shapes the way humans view life and functions as a tool we use to adapt to our social and physical environments. A culture is the sum of all of the beliefs, values, behaviors, and symbols that have meaning for a society.
    [Show full text]
  • Against All Winds: the Populism–Nationalism Axis in the Rhetoric of the Nationalist Action Party
    2020, Vol. 1(1), 81-105 Accepted: 03.07.2020 © The Author(s) 2020 Emre Erdoğan* and Pınar Uyan Semerci** Against All Winds: The Populism–Nationalism Axis in the Rhetoric of the Nationalist Action Party - 81 Abstract The rise of radical right populist parties in Europe has made it essential for students of political science to understand this amalgam of populism and nationalism.Textbook examples of new actors on the political scene are characterized by a strong populist discourse and a significant nationalist/nativist ideology. The Nationalist Action Party of Turkey ranks high in the list of populist actors (Inglehart & Norris, 2016), and we demonstrate the divergent and convergent points in the populism–nationalism axis, with an emphasis on the rhetoric of Devlet Bahçeli, the leader of the Nationalist Action Party. Öz Avrupa’da radikal sağ populist partilerin yükselişi, siyaset bilimi çalışanların milliyetçilik ve popülizm arasındaki bu kaynaşmanın nedenlerini tartışmaya itti. Popülizm konusundaki çalışmaların tipik örnekleri olan partilerin kuvvetli bir populist söylemin yanısıra milliyetçi/etnikçi ideolojilere de sahip olmaları çok defa vurgulandı. Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi (MHP) Inglehart ve Norris (2016) gibi karşılaştırmalı çalışma yapanlar tarafından oluşturulan listelerde en üst sıralarda gösterilmektedir. Bu yazıda MHP lideri Devlet Bah- çeli’nin konuşmalarındaki söyleme odaklanarak popülizm-milliyetçilik ekseninde ortak ve farklı noktaları göstermeyi amaçlıyoruz. Keywords Nationalism, populism, the Nationalist Action Party, Turkey Milliyetçilik, popülizm, Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi, Türkiye * Istanbul Bilgi University, [email protected], ORCID: 0000-0001-8352-4990 ** Istanbul Bilgi University, [email protected], ORCID: 0000-0001-9679-9029 Emre Erdoğan & Pınar Uyan Semerci Nationalism, nativism and the radical right, are closely related three terms, and the differ- ences between them are particularly hard to distinguish and explain in the foggy atmosphere created by populist politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Do Political Parties Split? Understanding Party Splits and Formation of Splinter Parties in Turkey
    WHY DO POLITICAL PARTIES SPLIT? UNDERSTANDING PARTY SPLITS AND FORMATION OF SPLINTER PARTIES IN TURKEY A PhD Dissertation by ÖZHAN DEMİRKOL Department of Political Science İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University Ankara August 2014 To Defne and Günay WHY DO POLITICAL PARTIES SPLIT? UNDERSTANDING PARTY SPLITS AND FORMATION OF SPLINTER PARTIES IN TURKEY Graduate School of Economics and Social Sciences of İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University by ÖZHAN DEMİRKOL In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE İHSAN DOĞRAMACI BİLKENT UNİVERSİTY ANKARA AUGUST 2014 I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Assistant Professor Zeki Sarıgil Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Professor Elizabeth Özdalga Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Assistant Professor Cenk Saraçoğlu Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Assistant Professor Ioannis N. Grigoriadis Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science.
    [Show full text]
  • Who's Who in Politics in Turkey
    WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY Sarıdemir Mah. Ragıp Gümüşpala Cad. No: 10 34134 Eminönü/İstanbul Tel: (0212) 522 02 02 - Faks: (0212) 513 54 00 www.tarihvakfi.org.tr - [email protected] © Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 2019 WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY PROJECT Project Coordinators İsmet Akça, Barış Alp Özden Editors İsmet Akça, Barış Alp Özden Authors Süreyya Algül, Aslı Aydemir, Gökhan Demir, Ali Yalçın Göymen, Erhan Keleşoğlu, Canan Özbey, Baran Alp Uncu Translation Bilge Güler Proofreading in English Mark David Wyers Book Design Aşkın Yücel Seçkin Cover Design Aşkın Yücel Seçkin Printing Yıkılmazlar Basın Yayın Prom. ve Kağıt San. Tic. Ltd. Şti. Evren Mahallesi, Gülbahar Cd. 62/C, 34212 Bağcılar/İstanbull Tel: (0212) 630 64 73 Registered Publisher: 12102 Registered Printer: 11965 First Edition: İstanbul, 2019 ISBN Who’s Who in Politics in Turkey Project has been carried out with the coordination by the History Foundation and the contribution of Heinrich Böll Foundation Turkey Representation. WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY —EDITORS İSMET AKÇA - BARIŞ ALP ÖZDEN AUTHORS SÜREYYA ALGÜL - ASLI AYDEMİR - GÖKHAN DEMİR ALİ YALÇIN GÖYMEN - ERHAN KELEŞOĞLU CANAN ÖZBEY - BARAN ALP UNCU TARİH VAKFI YAYINLARI Table of Contents i Foreword 1 Abdi İpekçi 3 Abdülkadir Aksu 6 Abdullah Çatlı 8 Abdullah Gül 11 Abdullah Öcalan 14 Abdüllatif Şener 16 Adnan Menderes 19 Ahmet Altan 21 Ahmet Davutoğlu 24 Ahmet Necdet Sezer 26 Ahmet Şık 28 Ahmet Taner Kışlalı 30 Ahmet Türk 32 Akın Birdal 34 Alaattin Çakıcı 36 Ali Babacan 38 Alparslan Türkeş 41 Arzu Çerkezoğlu
    [Show full text]
  • Temporality and Social Movements: a Political Ethnography of Activism in Contemporary Turkey (2016-2018)
    TEMPORALITY AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A POLITICAL ETHNOGRAPHY OF ACTIVISM IN CONTEMPORARY TURKEY (2016-2018) by Birgan Gokmenoglu A dissertation submitted to the Department of Sociology of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2019 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 75,505 words. 2 Abstract While social movement studies have developed extensive frameworks for studying the emergence, maintenance, and decline of social movements, temporal orientations and futurity have not been systematically mobilized as necessary explanatory dimensions of activism. This dissertation argues that activists' temporal orientations and future imaginings are crucial to understanding action, including organizational form, movement trajectories, and long-term projects. Futurity is particularly relevant and amenable to theorization in uncertain, politically volatile, and urgent times, when activist debates revolve around predictions, expectations, possibilities, and scenarios. I take grassroots activism in Istanbul, Turkey between 2016 and 2018 as a case in point to examine the changing dynamics of activism during regime change.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey: Minorities, Othering and Discrimination, Citizenship Claims
    Turkey: Minorities, Othering and Discrimination, Citizenship Claims Document Identifier D4.9 Report on 'Turkey: How to manage a sizable citezenry outside the country across the EU'. Version 1.0 Date Due 31.08.2016 Submission date 27.09.2016 WorkPackage WP4 Rivalling citizenship claims elsewhere Lead Beneficiary 23 BU Dissemination Level PU Change log Version Date amended by changes 1.0 26.09.2016 Hakan Yilmaz Final deliverable sent to coordinator after implementing review comments. Partners involved number partner name People involved 23 Boğaziçi University Prof. dr. Hakan Yilmaz and Çağdan Erdoğan Table of Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ..................................................................................................................................... 4 PART I) MINORITIES IN TURKEY: HISTORICAL EVOLUTION AND CONTEMPORARY SITUATION ...................... 5 1) A Brief History of Minority Groups in Turkey .................................................................................... 5 2) The End of the Ottoman Millet System ............................................................................................ 5 3) Defining the Minority Groups in the Newly Emerging Nation- State ................................................ 6 4) What Happened to the Non-Muslim Population of Turkey? ............................................................. 7 5) What Happened to the Unrecognized Minorities in Turkey? .......................................................... 10 PART II) THE KURDISH QUESTION: THE PINNACLE OF THE
    [Show full text]
  • “If I Die, I Die”: Women Missionary Workers Among Danes, Armenians, and Turks, 1900-19201
    “IF I DIE, I DIE”: WOMEN MISSIONARY WORKERS AMONG DANES, ARMENIANS, AND TURKS, 1900-19201 Matthias Bjørnlund Based on extensive studies of archival material and little-known contemporary published sources, this article will explore how and why Danes – famous in certain circles like Maria Jacobsen, virtually unknown like Hansine Marcher and Jenny Jensen, but all women – ended up in remote corners of the Ottoman Empire before and during the Armenian Genocide. They were sent out as field workers for one of the world’s first proper NGOs, the Danish branch of the Evangelical organization Women Missionary Workers. What did these women from the European periphery experience, and how were they perceived at home and abroad during peace, war, massacre, and genocide? Why did the Armenians among all the suffering peoples of the world become their destiny, even after the genocide? And how did they try to make sense of it all, from everyday life and work before 1915 to the destruction of the Ottoman Armenians and the immediate aftermath? The article will put the missionary and experiences into an ideological, institutional, local, regional, and international context, and consider to what extent the Danish women could be considered feminist and humanitarian pioneers. Key-words: Armenian genocide, missionaries, humanitarianism, gender studies, Christian millenarianism, Armenophilia, Middle East, Turkey, Ottoman Empire. 1. This paper is based to a large extent on heavily edited and updated parts of my two monographs in Danish: Matthias Bjørnlund, Det armenske folkedrab fra begyndelsen til enden (Copenhagen: Kristeligt Dagblads forlag, 2013) (The Armenian Genocide from the Beginning to the End), and idem, På herrens mark: Nødhjælp, mission og kvindekamp under det armenske folkedrab (Copenhagen: Kristeligt Dagblads Forlag, 2015) (In God’s Field.
    [Show full text]