Lowy Institute Paper 25 zealous democrats ISLAMISM AND DEMOCRACY IN EGYPT, INDONESIA AND TURKEY Anthony Bubalo • Greg Fealy Whit Mason First published for Lowy Institute for International Policy 2008 Anthony Bubalo is program director for West Asia at the Lowy Institute for International Policy. Prior to joining the Institute he worked as an Australian diplomat for 13 PO Box 102 Double Bay New South Wales 1360 Australia years and was a senior Middle East analyst at the Offi ce of www.longmedia.com.au National Assessments. Together with Greg Fealy he is the [email protected] co-author of Lowy Institute Paper 05 Joining the caravan? Tel. (+61 2) 9362 8441 The Middle East, Islamism and Indonesia. Lowy Institute for International Policy © 2008 ABN 40 102 792 174 Dr Greg Fealy is senior lecturer and fellow in Indonesian politics at the College of Asia and the Pacifi c, The All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part Australian National University, Canberra. He has been a of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means (including but not limited to electronic, visiting professor at Johns Hopkins University’s School mechanical, photocopying, or recording), without the prior written permission of the of Advanced International Studies, Washington DC, and copyright owner. was also an Indonesia analyst at the Offi ce of National Assessments. He has published extensively on Indonesian Islamic issues, including co-editing Expressing Islam: Cover design by Longueville Media Typeset by Longueville Media in Esprit Book 10/13 Religious life and politics in Indonesia (ISEAS, 2008) and Voices of Islam in Southeast Asia (ISEAS, 2005). National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Bubalo, Anthony 1968- Whit Mason is currently the UN’s justice coordinator for Title: Zealous democrats : Islamism and democracy in Egypt, southern Afghanistan, a non-resident fellow in the West Indonesia and Turkey / Anthony Bubalo, Greg Fealy and, Whit Mason. Asia Program at the Lowy Institute and the director of Edition: 1st ed. ISBN: 9781921004353 (pbk.) the program on justice, peace-building and development in Notes: Bibliography. the Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies of Law, Faculty of Subjects: Islam and politics--Egypt ; Islam and politics--Indonesia ; Islam and politics- Law, University of New South Wales. He was previously -Turkey ; Political culture--Egypt ; Political culture--Indonesia ; Islam and politics-- based in Istanbul as a fellow of the Institute of Current Turkey. ; Democracy--Egypt. ; Democracy--Indonesia ; Democracy--Turkey. World Affairs and taught at Fatih University. He has lived Other Authors/Contributors: Fealy, Greg, 1957- , Mason, Whit. Dewey Number: 320.5 and worked abroad since 1989 as a journalist, political analyst, UN offi cial, NGO chief of party and diplomat. He Printed and bound in Australia using fibre supplied from plantation or sustainably is the author, with Iain King, of Peace at any price: How the managed forests. Inks used in this book are vegetable based (soy or linseed oil). world failed Kosovo. Executive summary The fear of Islamists coming to power through elections has long been an obstacle to democratisation in authoritarian states of the Muslim world. Islamists have been, and continue to be, the best organised and most credible opposition movements in many of these countries. They are also commonly, if not always correctly, assumed to be in the best position to capitalise on any democratic opening of their political systems. At the same time, the commitment of Islamists to democracy is often questioned. Indeed, when it comes to democracy, Islamism’s intellectual heritage and historical record (in terms of the few examples of Islamist-led states, such as Sudan and Iran) have not been reassuring. The apparent strength of Islamist movements, combined with suspicions about Islamism’s democratic compatibility, has been used by authoritarian governments as an argument to defl ect both domestic and international calls for political reform and democratisation. Domestically, secular liberals have preferred to settle for nominally secular dictatorships over potentially religious ones. Internationally, Western governments have preferred friendly autocrats to democratically elected, but potentially hostile, Islamist-led governments. The goal of this paper is to re-examine some of the assumptions about the risks of democratisation in authoritarian countries of the Muslim world (and not just in the Middle East) where strong Islamist movements or parties exist. While the risks of democratisation in these i ZEALOUS DEMOCRATS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY contexts should not be underestimated and the democratic commitment democratisation and political change in the Muslim world. of Islamists should not be taken at face value, the costs and pitfalls of Against this background, Islamism’s relationship with democracy the status quo in many of these countries are also increasing. has received considerable attention from scholars, researchers and The Faustian pact that secular liberals have made with authoritarian commentators. What this paper does, however, is to turn the traditional rulers in many of these states has not prevented the repression these question about Islamism’s relationship with democracy, on it’s head. regimes use against Islamists being used against others as well; nor, Instead of asking ‘What will Islamists do to democracy?’ it asks, ‘What indeed, has it stopped these regimes from adopting the types of social and does democracy do to Islamists?’ religious restrictions favoured by Islamists in an effort to co-opt popular To that end this paper compares three cases of Islamist movements religious sentiment. For the West, partnership with friendly despots in in three progressively more democratic contexts. The paper begins Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan has not prevented nationals from with a discussion of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, a movement these countries carrying out terrorist attacks against Western targets; that avows a commitment to democracy and democratic reform, but in fact, quite the reverse is often true. operates in a non-democratic political context. It then considers the This is not to say that democratisation holds all the solutions to Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (the Prosperous Justice Party or the PKS), that these problems. Democracy will undoubtedly complicate efforts by the has adapted a Muslim Brotherhood model of activism to Indonesia’s countries in question to deal with the often deep social, economic and relatively new, but maturing, democracy. Finally, it examines the case political problems they face, even if it would undoubtedly strengthen the of the Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (the Justice and Development Party legitimacy of those having to make the diffi cult decisions necessary to or the AKP) a ‘post-Islamist’ party operating in Turkey’s older, if still confront these challenges. Likewise, terrorist movements like al-Qaeda incomplete, democratic political system. and its partisans are unlikely to suddenly abandon bullets and bombs for Each case study provides a self-contained discussion of how one ballot boxes. But democratisation in parts of the Muslim world would particular Islamist movement or party has adapted, or attempted to adapt, suck some of the oxygen out of the extremists’ incendiary rhetoric to democratic participation. But our goal is also to compare the three case — not least the charge that Western governments preach democracy studies in order to identify any consistent shifts in ideas and activism that and human rights but in practice ally themselves with governments seem to occur across these cases and indeed manifest more strongly in committed to neither. Moreover, while Islamist militancy is not solely a the more democratic contexts. In other words, our aim is to understand product of authoritarian states, repression has played an unmistakeable the ways in which political context shapes the Islamist response. The part in the process of radicalisation in many cases. goal in this regard is not so much to establish whether democracy Our goal in this paper, however, is not to advocate or justify muscular ‘moderates’ Islamists as it is to understand the ways and conditions interventions for the sake of ‘exporting democracy’. We recognise that under which participation in democratic politics may normalise them. By democratisation is most likely to succeed when it results from endogenous normalisation we refer to a process whereby Islamists become integrated drivers and processes. Yet it is also true that the international community members of the political system, operating by the rules and norms of shapes and affects these processes in myriad ways, from the human democracy, developing more transparent leadership and party structures rights representations made by individual countries, to the provision or and expanding the bases of their membership. withholding of aid and fi nancial assistance, to the recognition afforded A review of the three case studies suggests six fairly consistent shifts new governments. In short, even if it is not actually promoting it, the in Islamist ideology and activism that appear to become more manifest international community will continue to infl uence and respond to as one moves from non-democratic to democratic contexts: ii iii ZEALOUS DEMOCRATS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY From shari’a state to shari’a values: