Protecting Economic and Social Rights in a Constitutionally Strong Form of Judicial Review: the Case of Constitutional Review by the Indonesian Constitutional Court

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Protecting Economic and Social Rights in a Constitutionally Strong Form of Judicial Review: the Case of Constitutional Review by the Indonesian Constitutional Court Protecting Economic and Social Rights in a Constitutionally Strong Form of Judicial Review: The Case of Constitutional Review by the Indonesian Constitutional Court Andy Omara A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2017 Reading Committee: Beth E. Rivin, Chair Hugh D. Spitzer, Co-Chair Walter J. Walsh Mark E. Cammack Program Authorized to Offer Degree: School of Law ©Copyright 2017 Andy Omara University of Washington Abstract Protecting Economic and Social Rights in a Constitutionally Strong form of Judicial Review: The Case of Constitutional Review by the Indonesian Constitutional Court Andy Omara Chair and Co-Chair of the Supervisory Committee Professor Beth E. Rivin and Professor Hugh D. Spitzer School of Law The 1999-2002 constitutional amendments to Indonesia’s Constitution inserted some important features of a modern constitution. These include the introduction of a comprehensive human rights provision and a new constitutional court. This dissertation focuses on these two features and aims to understand the roles of this new court in protecting economic and social rights (ES rights). It primarily analyzes (1) factors that explain the introduction of a constitutional court in Indonesia, (2) the Court’s approaches in conducting judicial review of ES rights cases, (3) Factors that were taken into account by the Court when it decided cases on ES rights, and (4) the lawmakers’ response toward the Court’s rulings on ES rights. This dissertation reveals that, first, the introduction of a constitutional court in Indonesia can be best explained by multiple contributing factors –not a single factor. These factors include the history of judicial review in Indonesia, the impeachment of President Abdurrahman Wahid, the fragmentation of political powers and the influence of other countries experiences. Second, Tushnet’s and Young’s typologies are actually quite helpful in conceptualizing and understanding the Indonesian Constitutional Court’s approach to judicial review. Like most constitutional courts, Indonesia’s Court has certainly not limited itself to a legal or doctrinal approach to decisions, but has taken many other factors into account in its decisions. The Court has developed several approaches to judicial review other than the approach that is expressly stated in the Constitution and the Constitutional Court Act. In general, the Court has been fairly strong in its approach to judicial review, and has not been afraid of declaring that statutes are inconsistent with the Constitution. At the same time, the Court has not consistently applied a “strong form “of judicial review in Tushnet’s concept, but has moved back and forth among different approaches depending on the nature of the case, the complexity, the financial impact, and other factors. Third, while the Court largely adopted a peremptory stance, in Young’s typology, this has also not been consistent. In some instances, the Court has entered in a more interactive discourse with the government and the legislature, also depending on the nature of the case, the impact of the decision, and the concern about leaving a legal vacuum by simply rendering an important statute void. Finally, this dissertation found that the lawmakers’ response toward the Court rulings has partly depended on what the Court wrote in its decisions. The Court has developed some techniques to anticipate the lawmaker’s response. These techniques include null-and-void decisions, declaration of incompatibility (suspension of invalidation), judicial order directed to the lawmakers, a statement upholding a statute but requiring the lawmakers to interpret the law in conformity with the court’s interpretation (conditional decision), and the invalidation of a statute in its entirety. These techniques can be explained using the five stances of Katharine G. Young’s judicial review ranging from deferential, conversational, experimental, managerial, to peremptory stances. This dissertation shows that the effect of judicial review differs across issues. Judicial review may not be likely to generate the same effective implementation in all situations. From a comparative perspective, this dissertation provides significant confirmation that the Indonesian Constitutional Court’s approaches in deciding cases on economic and social rights can be analyzed through Tushnet’s weak form and strong form of judicial review. It also contributes ample evidence that the relationship between the Indonesian Constitutional Court, the legislature, and the executive can be understood using Young’s typology of judicial review. Table of Contents Acknowledgments i List of Tables iii List of Abbreviations iv List of Judicial Review Cases vi Chapter 1: The Indonesian Constitutional Court, Judicial Review, and the Protection of Economic and Social Rights 1 Introduction 1 Research Questions 5 A. Working Hypotheses 5 Literature Review 7 Literature on adoption of constitutional review in Indonesia 7 Literature on models of judicial review 11 Literature on judicial decision-making process 18 Literature on judicial enforcement of court decisions on economic and social rights 21 Theoretical framework and relevance to the literature 30 Research Methodology 32 Chapter 2: Judicial Review and Human Rights Provisions in the Old Constitutions: From Resistance to Acceptance of Both Judicial Review and Human Rights Provisions 39 Drafting human rights provisions in the first constitution: The fight between the integrated state idea and liberal democracy 43 Drafting of judicial review provisions in the first constitution: Another example of resistance to liberal democracy principles 53 Drafting human rights provisions and judicial review in the 1949 Federal Constitution: More coherent ideologies among the constitutional drafters and external influence 56 Drafting human rights and judicial review provisions in the 1950 Provisional Constitution: advancing human rights provisions yet rejecting judicial review 62 Drafting human rights and judicial review provisions: Post 1950 Constitution 66 Conclusion 75 Chapter 3: The Constitutional Court, Judicial Review, and Human Rights in the Updated Constitution 79 Reasons to establish a constitutional court: A comparative perspective 84 Reasons to introduce a new constitutional court, judicial review and human rights in the new Constitution 88 A. Historical Account Regarding the Need of Constitutional Court 89 B. President Wahid – The DPR Disputes 92 C. International Influence 96 Why establish a new, separate court? 100 Institutional design of the new constitutional court: The new court and standing 108 The introduction of human rights provisions in the updated constitution 117 The updated human rights provisions: detailed or general? 119 What should be inserted in the new human rights provisions? 125 The MPR’s views 126 Civil Society’s view 128 Conclusion 132 Chapter 4: The Indonesian Constitutional Court’s Approaches to Judicial Review on Cases Related to Economic and Social Rights 136 An explanation of two models 138 Model 1: Strong form and weak form of judicial review 138 Model 2: Legal and extralegal model 139 The nature of the Indonesian Constitutional Court decisions 143 Applying theories to practice: The Constitutional Court’s approaches in judicial review of Laws related to economic and social rights 146 The back and forth of the Court’s approaches on right to education: From a strong, to a weak, to a stronger form of judicial review 147 A. Budget for Education cases 147 The Educational Legal Entities (BHP) cases: Another example of the Court’s inconsistent approach 167 A. National Education System Law case: a strong form of judicial review in disguise. 167 B. The Educational Legal Entity Law (the BHP-Badan Hukum Pendidikan) case:a weak form of judicial review? 170 C. Higher Education Law case 173 Analysis 176 The Court’s approach on right to social welfare cases: a weak form, a strong form, and a super strong form of judicial review 178 A. Electricity Law case: Super strong form of judicial review? 179 B. Water Resource Law I case: A weak form of judicial review? 182 C. Oil and Natural Gas Law I case: A strong form of judicial review? 186 D. Oil and Natural Gas law II case: A strong form of judicial review? 188 E. Water Resources Law II case:From a weak to a strong form of judicial review 191 Analysis 193 Conclusion 194 Chapter 5: Implementation of the Constitutional Court Decisions on Judicial Review Cases Related to Economic and Social Rights and the Reactions from the Other Branches 199 Introduction 199 Factors that may influence the implementation of court decisions 204 The relationship between the Constitutional Court, the government, and the legislature in judicial review 207 Legislation on the implementation of the Constitutional Court rulings 209 Some challenges in enforcing the Constitutional Court decisions 212 The Constitutional Court techniques in dealing with economic and social rights cases 214 The implementation of the Constitutional Court rulings on judicial review cases related to economic and social rights 220 Judicial Implementation on the right to education 221 Budget for Education case: From conversational to managerial 221 The BHP case: Peremptory stance? 227 The Education right cases: Analysis and conclusion 230 Judicial implementation of the constitutional right to social welfare in the national resources context 232 The Electricity Law case: A peremptory stance 232 Judicial implementation
Recommended publications
  • Vice President's Power and Role in Indonesian Government Post Amendment 1945 Constitution
    Al WASATH Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Volume 1 No. 2 Oktober 2020: 61-78 VICE PRESIDENT'S POWER AND ROLE IN INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT POST AMENDMENT 1945 CONSTITUTION Roziqin Guanghua Law School, Zhejiang University, China Email: [email protected] Abstract Politicians are fighting over the position of Vice President. However, after becoming Vice President, they could not be active. The Vice President's role is only as a spare tire. Usually, he would only perform ceremonial acts. The exception was different when the Vice President was Mohammad Hata and Muhammad Jusuf Kalla. Therefore, this paper will question: What is the position of the President in the constitutional system? What is the position of the Vice President of Indonesia after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution? Furthermore, how is the role sharing between the President and Vice President of Indonesia? This research uses the library research method, using secondary data. This study uses qualitative data analysis methods in a prescriptive-analytical form. From the research, the writer found that the President is assisted by the Vice President and ministers in carrying out his duties. The President and the Vice President work in a team of a presidential institution. From time to time, the Indonesian Vice President's position has always been the same to assist the President. The Vice President will replace the President if the President is permanently unavailable or temporarily absent. With the Vice President's position who is directly elected by the people in a pair with the President, he/she is a partner, not subordinate to the President.
    [Show full text]
  • Zealous Democrats: Islamism and Democracy in Egypt, Indonesia and Turkey
    Lowy Institute Paper 25 zealous democrats ISLAMISM AND DEMOCRACY IN EGYPT, INDONESIA AND TURKEY Anthony Bubalo • Greg Fealy Whit Mason First published for Lowy Institute for International Policy 2008 Anthony Bubalo is program director for West Asia at the Lowy Institute for International Policy. Prior to joining the Institute he worked as an Australian diplomat for 13 PO Box 102 Double Bay New South Wales 1360 Australia years and was a senior Middle East analyst at the Offi ce of www.longmedia.com.au National Assessments. Together with Greg Fealy he is the [email protected] co-author of Lowy Institute Paper 05 Joining the caravan? Tel. (+61 2) 9362 8441 The Middle East, Islamism and Indonesia. Lowy Institute for International Policy © 2008 ABN 40 102 792 174 Dr Greg Fealy is senior lecturer and fellow in Indonesian politics at the College of Asia and the Pacifi c, The All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part Australian National University, Canberra. He has been a of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means (including but not limited to electronic, visiting professor at Johns Hopkins University’s School mechanical, photocopying, or recording), without the prior written permission of the of Advanced International Studies, Washington DC, and copyright owner. was also an Indonesia analyst at the Offi ce of National Assessments. He has published extensively on Indonesian Islamic issues, including co-editing Expressing Islam: Cover design by Longueville Media Typeset by Longueville Media in Esprit Book 10/13 Religious life and politics in Indonesia (ISEAS, 2008) and Voices of Islam in Southeast Asia (ISEAS, 2005).
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.Democratization and TNI Reform
    UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Marbun, Rico Democratization and TNI reform UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 15, octubre, 2007, pp. 37-61 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76701504 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 15 (Octubre / October 2007) ISSN 1696-2206 DEMOCRATIZATIO A D T I REFORM Rico Marbun 1 Centre for Policy and Strategic Studies (CPSS), Indonesia Abstract: This article is written to answer four questions: what kind of civil-military relations is needed for democratization; how does military reform in Indonesia affect civil-military relations; does it have a positive impact toward democratization; and finally is the democratization process in Indonesia on the right track. Keywords: Civil-military relations; Indonesia. Resumen: Este artículo pretende responder a cuatro preguntas: qué tipo de relaciones cívico-militares son necesarias para la democratización; cómo afecta la reforma militar en Indonesia a las relaciones cívico-militares; si tiene un impacto positivo en la democratización; y finalmente, si el proceso de democratización en Indonesia va por buen camino. Palabras clave: relaciones cívico-militares; Indonesia. Copyright © UNISCI, 2007. The views expressed in these articles are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of UNISCI. Las opiniones expresadas en estos artículos son propias de sus autores, y no reflejan necesariamente la opinión de U*ISCI.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance
    Policy Studies 23 The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Marcus Mietzner East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Policy Studies 23 ___________ The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance _____________________ Marcus Mietzner Copyright © 2006 by the East-West Center Washington The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance by Marcus Mietzner ISBN 978-1-932728-45-3 (online version) ISSN 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Amending the Constitution of Year 1945 (A Proposition to Strengthen the Power of DPD and Judiciary)
    The Idea of (Re)Amending the Constitution of Year 1945 (A Proposition to Strengthen the Power of DPD and Judiciary) Ni’matul Huda Fakultas Hukum UII Yogyakarta e-mail: [email protected] Abstract The urgency of re-amending the Constitution of Year 1945 is due to the idea of enhancing the previous amendment, that is, to attain better administrative governance in Indonesia. As it goes without saying that the Constitution of Year 1945 is sacred, the amendment itself should be a well thought-out process that requires thorough and deep considerations and certainly cannot be taken carelessly. Keywords: Amendment of The Constitution of Year 1945, The Regional Representatives Council (DPD), The Authority of Judiciary. Introduction At the beginning of year 2008, the Government and the House of Representatives agreed to set up the fifth amendment to the Constitution of Year 1945 by immediately formed a national committee. The agreement was made in the consultative meeting in the State Palace, Jakarta, Friday January 25, 2008. The new Constitution is expected to be used by the new government of 2009 general election. The President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s and the House of Representatives’ proposal to form a committee to set up the fifth amendment to the Constitution of Year 1945 created various reactions from the people. Some members of MPR and Constitution Forum disagree to the proposal saying that it is MPR who has the authority to establish such committee and it is really not within the presidential domain.1 On the other hand, some members of DPD and state administrations experts support the proposal.2 Normatively, it is MPR that has the authority to amend the Constitution of Year 1945, therefore it would deem more appropriate if MPR were to establish the national committee.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Fall of Historic Chief Justices: Constitutional Politics and Judicial Leadership in Indonesia
    Washington International Law Journal Volume 25 Number 3 Asian Courts and the Constitutional Politics of the Twenty-First Century 6-1-2016 The Rise and Fall of Historic Chief Justices: Constitutional Politics and Judicial Leadership in Indonesia Stefanus Hendrianto Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, and the Judges Commons Recommended Citation Stefanus Hendrianto, The Rise and Fall of Historic Chief Justices: Constitutional Politics and Judicial Leadership in Indonesia, 25 Wash. L. Rev. 489 (2016). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj/vol25/iss3/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at UW Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington International Law Journal by an authorized editor of UW Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Compilation © 2016 Washington International Law Journal Association THE RISE AND FALL OF HISTORIC CHIEF JUSTICES: CONSTITUTIONAL POLITICS AND JUDICIAL LEADERSHIP IN INDONESIA By Stefanus Hendrianto † Abstract : In the decade following its inception, the Indonesian Constitutional Court has marked a new chapter in Indonesian legal history, one in which a judicial institution can challenge the executive and legislative branches. This article argues that judicial leadership is the main contributing factor explaining the emergence of judicial power in Indonesia. This article posits that the newly established Indonesian Constitutional Court needed a strong and skilled Chief Justice to build the institution because it had insufficient support from political actors. As the Court lacked a well- established tradition of judicial review, it needed a visionary leader who could maximize the structural advantage of the Court.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamising Indonesia: the Rise of Jemaah Tarbiyah And
    ISLAMISING INDONESIA THE RISE OF JEMAAH TARBIYAH AND THE PROSPEROUS JUSTICE PARTY (PKS) ISLAMISING INDONESIA THE RISE OF JEMAAH TARBIYAH AND THE PROSPEROUS JUSTICE PARTY (PKS) Yon Machmudi A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University, Southeast Asia Center Faculty of Asian Studies, July 2006 Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/islam_indo_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Machmudi, Yon, 1973- Title: Islamising Indonesia : the rise of Jemaah Tarbiyah and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) / Yon Machmudi. ISBN: 9781921536243 (pbk.) 9781921536250 (pdf) Series: Islam in Southeast Asia series. Notes: Bibliography. Subjects: Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. Political parties--Indonesia. Islam and politics--Indonesia. Islam and state--Indonesia. Indonesia--Politics and government. Dewey Number: 324.2598082 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by Teresa Prowse Printed by University Printing Services, ANU This edition © 2008 ANU E Press Islam in Southeast Asia Series Theses at The Australian National University are assessed by external examiners and students are expected to take into account the advice of their examiners before they submit to the University Library the final versions of their theses. For this series, this final version of the thesis has been used as the basis for publication, taking into account other changes that the author may have decided to undertake.
    [Show full text]
  • The State and Illegality in Indonesia in Illegality and State the the STATE and ILLEGALITY in INDONESIA
    Edited by Edward Aspinall and Gerry van Klinken The state and illegality in Indonesia THE STATE AND ILLEGALITY IN INDONESIA The popular 1998 reformasi movement that brought down President Suharto’s regime demanded an end to illegal practices by state offi cials, from human rights abuse to nepotistic investments. Yet today, such practices have proven more resistant to reform than people had hoped. Many have said corruption in Indonesia is “entrenched”. We argue it is precisely this entrenched character that requires attention. What is state illegality entrenched in and how does it become entrenched? This involves studying actual cases. Our observations led us to rethink fundamental ideas about the nature of the state in Indonesia, especially regarding its socially embedded character. We conclude that illegal practices by state offi cials are not just aberrations to the state, they are the state. Almost invariably, illegality occurs as part of collective, patterned, organized and collaborative acts, linked to the competition for political power and access to state resources. While obviously excluding many without connections, corrupt behaviour also plays integrative and stabilizing functions. Especially at the lower end of the social ladder, it gets a lot of things done and is often considered legitimate. This book may be read as a defence of area studies approaches. Without the insights that grew from applying our area studies skills, we would still be constrained by highly stylized notions of the state, which bear little resemblance to the state’s actual workings. The struggle against corruption is a long-term political process. Instead of trying to depoliticize it, we believe the key to progress is greater popular participation.
    [Show full text]
  • Power Politics and the Indonesian Military
    Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:05 09 May 2016 Power Politics and the Indonesian Military Throughout the post-war history of Indonesia, the military has played a key role in the politics of the country and in imposing unity on a fragmentary state. The collapse of the authoritarian New Order government of President Suharto weakened the state, and the armed forces briefly lost their grip on control of the archipelago. Under President Megawati, however, the military has again begun to assert itself, and to reimpose its heavy hand on control of the state, most notably in the fracturing outer provinces. This book, based on extensive original research, examines the role of the military in Indonesian politics. It looks at the role of the military histori- cally, examines the different ways in which it is involved in politics, and considers how the role of the military might develop in what is still an uncertain future. Damien Kingsbury is Head of Philosophical, International and Political Studies and Senior Lecturer in International Development at Deakin University, Victoria, Australia. He is the author or editor of several books, including The Politics of Indonesia (Second Edition, 2002), South-East Asia: A Political Profile (2001) and Indonesia: The Uncertain Transition (2001). His main area of work is in political development, in particular in assertions of self-determination. Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:05 09 May 2016 Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:05 09 May 2016 Power Politics and the Indonesian Military Damien Kingsbury Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:05 09 May 2016 First published 2003 by RoutledgeCurzon 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by RoutledgeCurzon 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 This edition published in the Taylor and Francis e-Library, 2005.
    [Show full text]
  • Bab Ii Pemikiran Mahfud Md Dalam Memaknai Konstitusi Dan Demokrasi
    BAB II PEMIKIRAN MAHFUD MD DALAM MEMAKNAI KONSTITUSI DAN DEMOKRASI A. Biografi Mahfud MD 1) Asal Nama Mahfud MD Mahfud MD lahir di Sampang Madura pada tanggal 13 Mei 1957. Tepatnya di Desa Rapah, Kecamatan Omben. Kabupaten Sampang. Ayahnya bernama Mahmodin, ibunya bernama Khadijah. 1 Sebenarnya Mahmodin dan Khadijah berasal dari daerah Pegantenan. Pamekasan, tetapi karena Mahmodin bekerja sebagai pegawai negeri sipil di kantor pemerintah daerah, maka tempat tugasnya sering berpindah- pindah sesuai dengan penugasan oleh pemerintah. Saudara- saudara, Mahfud MD yang berjumlah 7 orang dilahirkan di tempat yang berbeda-beda. Saat diangkat menjadi pegawai negeri sipil, Mahmodin, di beri nama baru menjadi Mahmodin 1 Masduki Baidlowi dan Rizal Mustari, Mafud MD Bersih dan Membersihkan, (Jakarta: Murai Kencana, 2013), h.37. 29 30 alias Emmo Prawirotruno. Awal-awal kemerdekaan, sebelum ada badan administrasi kepegawaian negara sehingga siapa saja yang ingin menjadi pegawai tinggal menyebut nama atau menerima nama yang diberikan oleh atasannya. Mahmodin hanyalah lulusan sekolah rakyat zaman Belanda yang tamat hanya sampai kelas 5. Tetapi Mahfud MD mengatakan, tulisan ayahnya yang hanya lulus kelas 5 sangatlah bagus. Pada saat Mahmodin bertitugas di kecamatan Omben, Kabupaten Sampang itkah Mhafud MD di lahirkan. Ketika dilahirkan nama yang diberikan oleh ayahnya adalah Muhammad Mahfud saja, tidak ada inisial MD di belakangnya. Ketika Mahfud MD berusia sekitar dua bulan, ayahnya pindah tugas ke Pameksaan, tepatnya di kecamatan Waru, yakni 30 km sebelah utara kota Pameksaan. Di Waru inilah masa kecil Mahfud MD dilewati sampai berumur 12 tahun. Mahmodin dikaruniai 9 orang putera dan putri tetapi yang hidup hanya ada 7 orang yaitu Dhaifatun (Mbak Ifah), Maihasanah (Mbak Mai), Zahrotun (Mbak Zah), kemudian Mohammad Mahfud (Mahfud MD), Siti Honainah (Dik Ina), Achmad Subki (Dik Uki), dan 31 Siti Marwiyah (Dik Yat).
    [Show full text]
  • Highlights of the Week
    YOUR GUIDE TO INDONESIA’S POLITICAL & BUSINESS AFFAIRS | March 29th, 2018 Highlights of the week Post survey, how far can candidates go? The latest surveys by national daily Kompas and think tank Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) provide much valuable insight on the upcoming general election. Various issues, such as presidential candidates’ electability and political parties’ loyalty come to the fore. What can be concluded from the surveys and how will presidential candidates possibly move on following the release of the surveys? Jokowi’s foreign policy strong, but voters don’t care The fourth round of the presidential debate on March 30 will hear the two contenders explain their foreign policy intentions. Incumbent President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo looks unbeatable in this area having built a strong and impressive track record in the last five years. Challenger Prabowo Subianto is not expected to offer any major departure from the current administration’s policy. When it comes to strategic national interests, candidates are not likely to diverge much from current policy, particularly because both are nationalist in ideology, one more so than the other. But Indonesia is now a democracy and candidates will still use foreign policy as far as possible to enhance their nationalist credentials during the election campaign. EU-Indonesia palm oil spat over deforestation The trade battle between Indonesia and the European Union over palm oil is set to intensify following the European Commission’s recent submission of a delegated act titled Renewable Energy Directive II (RED II) to the European Parliament. Once approved, the document will place a more restrictive cap on palm oil-based biodiesel usage in the EU this year, which will lead to the complete phasing out of palm oil-based biodiesel in 2030.
    [Show full text]
  • Universitas Indonesia Causal Map Kepemimpinan Ketua
    UNIVERSITAS INDONESIA CAUSAL MAP KEPEMIMPINAN KETUA MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI REPUBLIK INDONESIA MOH. MAHFUD MD DALAM PENERAPAN COURT EXCELLENCE TESIS HADIAN TAOFIK ROCHMAN 1006743134 FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK PROGRAM PASCASARJANA JAKARTA JUNI 2012 Causal map..., Hadian Taofik Rochman, FISIP UI, 2012 UNIVERSITAS INDONESIA CAUSAL MAP KEPEMIMPINAN KETUA MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI REPUBLIK INDONESIA MOH. MAHFUD MD DALAM PENERAPAN COURT EXCELLENCE TESIS Diajukan sebagai salah satu syarat untuk memperoleh gelar Magister Administrasi (M.A.) HADIAN TAOFIK ROCHMAN 1006743134 FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK PROGRAM STUDI ILMU ADMINISTRASI KEKHUSUSAN ADMINISTRASI DAN KEBIJAKAN PUBLIK JAKARTA JULI 2012 Causal map..., Hadian Taofik Rochman, FISIP UI, 2012 Causal map..., Hadian Taofik Rochman, FISIP UI, 2012 Causal map..., Hadian Taofik Rochman, FISIP UI, 2012 KATA PENGANTAR Alhamdulillahirrabil’alamiin segala puji bagi Allah SWT atas segala kenikmatan yang tiada terkira, sehingga saya bisa menyelesaikan proses penyusunan tesis ini sebagai syarat untuk menyeleasikan pendidikan tingkat pascasarjana pada Program Studi Ilmu Administrasi Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia. Shalawat serta salam semoga senantiasa tercurah kepada Rasulullah Muhammad SAW, keluarga, sahabat, semoga kita menjadi bagian dari umatnya yang mendapat syafaat dari beliau di yaumil akhir nanti. Selama proses penyusunan tesis ini, saya banyak mendapatkanbimbingan dan bantuan dari berbagai pihak. Oleh karena itu, pada kesempatan ini dengan segala kerendahan hati saya mengucapkan terima kasih kepada: 1. Prof. Dr. Bambang Shergi Laksmono, MSc. Selaku Dekan Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia 2. Dr. Roy V. Salomo, M.Soc.Sc. selaku Ketua Program Studi Pascasarjana Ilmu Administrasi Program Studi Ilmu Administrasi Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Indonesia atas segala pengetahuan dan pengarahannya.
    [Show full text]