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Between Accommodation and Secession: Explaining the Shifting Territorial Goals of Nationalist Parties in the Basque Country and Catalonia
Between accommodation and secession: Explaining the shifting territorial goals of nationalist parties in the Basque Country and Catalonia Anwen Elias Reader at Department of International Politics, Aberystwyth University Email: [email protected] Ludger Mees Full Professor at Department of Contemporary History, University of the Basque Country Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT This article examines the shifting territorial goals of two of the most electoral- ly successful and politically relevant nationalist parties in Spain: the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV) and Convergència i Unió (CiU). Whilst both parties have often co-operated to challenge the authority of the Spanish state, their territorial goals have varied over time and from party to party. We map these changes and identify key drivers of territorial preferences; these include party ideology, the impact of the financial crisis, the territorial structure of the state, party competition, public opinion, government versus opposition, the impact of multi-level politics and the particularities of party organisation. These factors interact to shape what nationalist parties say and do on core territorial issues, and contribute to their oscillation between territorial accommodation and secession. However, the way in which these factors play out is highly context-specific, and this accounts for the different territorial preferences of the PNV and CiU. These findings advance our understanding of persistent territorial tensions in Spain, and provide broader theoretical insights into the internal and external dynamics that determine the territorial positioning of stateless nationalist and regionalist parties in plurinational states. KEYWORDS Spain; Basque Country; Catalonia; territorial goals; party strategies; nation- alism; regional autonomy. Article received on 04/10/2016, approved on 17/03/2017. -
The Lehendakari
E.ETXEAK montaje ENG 3/5/01 16:08 P‡gina 1 Issue 49 YEAR 2001 TheThe LehendakariLehendakari callscalls forfor anan electionelection inin thethe BasqueBasque CountryCountry onon MayMay 13th13th E.ETXEAK montaje ENG 4/5/01 08:53 P‡gina 2 Laburpena SUMMARY Laburpena SUMMARY EDITORIALA■EDITORIAL – Supplementary statement to the Decree dissolving Parliament ...................... 3 GAURKO GAIAK■CURRENT EVENTS – Instructions for voting by mail .................................................................................. 5 – Basque election predictions according to surveys................................................ 6 PERTSONALITATEAK■PERSONALITIES – The Sabino Arana Awards for the year 2000........................................................ 8 EUSKAL ETXEAK – The Human Rights Commissioner visited the Basque Country ....................... 8 ISSUE 49 - YEAR 2001 URTEA – Francesco Cossiga received the "Lagun Onari" honor ...................................... 9 EGILEA AUTHOR Eusko Jaurlaritza-Kanpo – The Government of Catalonia receives part of its history Harremanetarako Idazkaritza Nagusia from the Sabino Arana Foundation ....................................................................... 10 Basque Government-Secretary General for Foreign Action – The Secretary of State of Idaho calls for the U.S. C/ Navarra, 2 to mediate in the Basque Country......................................................................... 11 01007 VITORIA-GASTEIZ Phone: 945 01 79 00 ■ [email protected] ERREPORTAIAK ARTICLES ZUZENDARIA DIRECTOR – The -
El Caso Bildu: Un Supuesto De Extralimitación De
EL CASO BILDU: UN SUPUESTO DE EXTRALIMITACIÓN DE FUNCIONES DEL TRIBUNAL CONSTITUCIONAL Comentario de la Sentencia de la Sala Especial del Tribunal Supremo de 1 de mayo de 2011 y de la Sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional de 5 de mayo de 2011 JAVIER Tajadura Tejada I. Introducción.—II. LA SENTENCIA DE LA SALA ESPECIAL DEL Tribunal SUPREMO DE 1 DE MAYO DE 2011: 1. Las demandas de la Abogacía del Estado y del Ministerio Fiscal. 2. Las alegaciones de Bildu. 3. La fundamentación del fallo mayoritario de la Sala Especial: 3.1. Nor- mativa aplicable. 3.2. Análisis y valoración de la prueba. 3.3. Conclusiones. 3.4. El «contraindi- cio». 3.5. El principio de proporcionalidad. 4. Análisis del Voto particular.—III. LA SENTENCIA DEL Tribunal Constitucional DE 5 DE MAYO DE 2011: 1. La fundamentación del recurso de amparo. 2. Las alegaciones de la Abogacía del Estado y del Ministerio Fiscal. 3. Los Fundamen- tos Jurídicos de la sentencia. 4. El Voto particular del profesor Manuel Aragón.—IV. CONSIDE- raciones finales. I. Introducción El día 5 de mayo de 2011, por una exigua mayoría de seis votos frente a cinco, el Pleno del Tribunal Constitucional, tras una deliberación de urgencia de menos de cuatro horas, dictó una de las sentencias más importantes de toda su historia. En ella estimó el recurso de amparo de la coalición electoral Bildu contra la sentencia de la Sala Especial del Tribunal Supremo que cuatro días atrás había anulado todas las candidaturas presentadas a los comicios del 22 de mayo. Desde el punto de vista jurídico, la principal objeción que cabe formular a esta sentencia es la de haberse extralimitado en sus funciones y haber invadido, de forma clara y notoria, el ámbito competencial propio del Tribunal Supremo. -
Self-Determination for the Basque People
THE HUMAN RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION AND THE LONG WALK OF THE BASQUE COUNTRY TO A DEMOCRATIC SCENARIO ―Law is a living deed, not a brilliant honors list of past writers whose work of course compels respect but who cannot, except for a few great minds, be thought to have had such a vision of the future that they could always see beyond their own times‖. Judge Ammoun ―Separate Opinion‖ Advisory Opinion of the ICJ Jon Namibia, 1971 Introduction Let me start with some considerations. The case of the right to self determination is the case of human rights and history shows us that human rights are the cause of the oppressed, the cause of the colonized, the subalterns, and the cause of those on the other side of the borderline. Human rights have always been opposed by those in power, by the states of the capitalist world system. And so the recognized human rights are not but the consequences of long term struggles for non-recognized rights. And same pass with the right to self determination. Those who today consider this right only to be applied to colonies or occupied territories, are the same who opposed to the struggles for national liberation. Those who consider right now the right to self determination recognized in art 1 of the UN International Covenants on Civil and Political rights and Social, Cultural and Ecomic Rights are the same who opposed in the UN to the stablishment of art.1 and those who right now try to limit the right of indigenous peoples to self determination. -
Comparing the Basque Diaspora
COMPARING THE BASQUE DIASPORA: Ethnonationalism, transnationalism and identity maintenance in Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Peru, the United States of America, and Uruguay by Gloria Pilar Totoricagiiena Thesis submitted in partial requirement for Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 2000 1 UMI Number: U145019 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U145019 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Theses, F 7877 7S/^S| Acknowledgments I would like to gratefully acknowledge the supervision of Professor Brendan O’Leary, whose expertise in ethnonationalism attracted me to the LSE and whose careful comments guided me through the writing of this thesis; advising by Dr. Erik Ringmar at the LSE, and my indebtedness to mentor, Professor Gregory A. Raymond, specialist in international relations and conflict resolution at Boise State University, and his nearly twenty years of inspiration and faith in my academic abilities. Fellowships from the American Association of University Women, Euskal Fundazioa, and Eusko Jaurlaritza contributed to the financial requirements of this international travel. -
Abertzaletasunaren Gorakada Non Zer Alkartasuna Eusko Alkartasunaren Barne Aldizkaria
29 aalkartasuna ekaina - uztaila 37/72 FRANQUEO C ONCERTADO Abertzaletasunaren gorakada non zer alkartasuna eusko alkartasunaren barne aldizkaria 8.500 ale 2003ko Uztaila 811 posta kutxa, Donostia D.L./L.G. SS 714/88 Zuzendaria Onintza Lasa Koordinatzaileak 3-5 Elkarrizketa: Bruno Zubizarreta · Jabier Otermin Begoña Errazti: "El PP ha dejado claro su nula legitimidad democrática Erredakzioa pues ha vulnerado todo lo que dice defender" Eva Aranguren • Karmelo Arren • 6-7 Leire Ereño: Begoña Arruti · "Desde la impronta socialdemócrata, abertzale y pacifis- Ana Garaialde • ta de EA trabajaremos para que la sociedad guipuzcoa- Amaia Goikoetxea • na progrese" Mikel Irujo • Ana Iturralde · Joserra López-Larrinaga: Luis Mendizabal • "La estrategia tramposa del PP-PSOE ha fracasado" Igone Olarte • Mikel Cabello Iñaki Sanchez: "Araban, alderdi espainolek euren espania mailako inte- Maketazioa resak mantentzeko hitzarmen bat egin dute" Azk Taldea Imprimategia 8-10 Aberri Eguna 2003 Gertu, Koop. E. ● ARABA GASTEIZ · 01005 San Prudencio, 3 11 Análisis de elecciones Tel. 945 · 23 27 62 Fax 945 · 23 29 53 Eusko Alkartasuna logra un incremento del 26% en su [email protected] representación municipal ● BIZKAIA BILBO · 48005 Arenal, 2-3. 12-15 Ordezkariak Tel. 94 · 416 10 33 Fax 94 · 415 62 94 [email protected] - Nafarroako Parlamentuan ● IPARRALDE - Iruñeako Udalean BAIONA · 64100 8 Quia d’Galluperie - Gipuzkoako Batzar Nagusietan Tel. 59 · 25 50 28 Fax 59 · 25 50 28 - Donostiako Udalean [email protected] - Bizkaiako Batzar Nagusietan ● GIPUZKOA DONOSTIA · 20018 - Bilboko Udalean Portuetxe bidea, 23 Tel. 943 · 02 01 30 - Arabako Batzar Nagusietan Fax 943 · 02 01 31 [email protected] - Gasteizko Udalean ● NAFARROA IRUÑA · 31001 Plaza del Castillo, 49 Tel. -
00-190 Eng Briefing Notes Jan
ETA violence and the Basque Country: Does federalism offer a solution? BY GURUTZ JAUREGUI The Spanish system of regional and federal models of government. The problem of territory autonomies has had very positive effects Its complex and ambiguous nature is a The Basque region is located for the Basque Country. The progress constant source of clashes between the geographically in Spanish and French made over the years in the recovery of federal and community governments. territory. Traditionally, the strategic Basque identity has been very significant. Rather than a list of powers, the aspiration of Basque nationalism has The system, however, has been unable to Constitution establishes a distribution of been to establish an independent State solve the ‘Basque problem’. The conflict functions. In many areas, the Constitution that covers the whole territory. between Basque separatists and Spain qualifies the functions of the autonomous has left hundreds dead, and has caused Not only is the division between France regions with phrases such as ‘in the untold suffering. and Spain a contentious issue, but frame of’ or ‘according to’ (other there are also problems regarding the Today’s conflicts between the Basque authorities). The upshot is that the federal territorial boundaries of the Basque region and the Spanish government are government has established regulations, region inside Spain. chiefly, although not exclusively, based on directives and controls that have led to a three aspects: distribution of powers, terri- real reduction in the powers of the The Autonomy Statute identifies the tory, and the right to self-determination. autonomous regions. provinces of Alava, Guipuzcoa and Vizcaya as comprising the Basque region, The regions have very few possibilities and also mentions Navarra, giving it the Distribution of powers for participating in overall federal choice of joining this region. -
Are Stateless Nations Discriminated in Terms of Social Progress?
Informes fundacIó catalunya europa [05/17] Are stAteless nAtions discriminAted in terms of sociAl progress? An AnAlysis of the 19 efA countries through the dAtA of the europeAn regionAl sociAl progress index. [autor:] MARC TATARET BATALLA peer revIewer: JORDI ANGUSTO ZAMBRANO Amb lA col·lAborAció de: Informes fundacIó catalunya europa [05/17] Are stAteless nAtions discriminAted in terms of sociAl progress? An AnAlysis of the 19 efA countries through the dAtA of the europeAn regionAl sociAl progress index. [autor:] MARC TATARET BATALLA peer revIewer: JORDI ANGUSTO ZAMBRANO Contents 1. Introduction – Executive Summary. ...................................................................................... 3 1.1 The EU-SPI as an analytical tool. ......................................................................................... 4 1.2 The EFA countries. ......................................................................................................... 6 1.3 Methodology. ................................................................................................................ 7 2. Comparing the 19 EFA countries. .......................................................................................... 9 3. EFA Countries Profile. .......................................................................................................... 14 3.1 First Analysis: Bavaria ........................................................................................................ 15 3.2. Second Analysis: Flemish Region .................................................................................... -
Catholic Mediation in the Basque Peace Process: Questioning the Transnational Dimension
religions Article Catholic Mediation in the Basque Peace Process: Questioning the Transnational Dimension Xabier Itçaina 1,2 1 CNRS—Centre Emile Durkheim, Sciences Po Bordeaux, 11 allée Ausone, 33607 Pessac, France; [email protected] 2 GEZKI, University of the Basque Country, 20018 San Sebastian, Spain Received: 30 March 2020; Accepted: 17 April 2020; Published: 27 April 2020 Abstract: The Basque conflict was one of the last ethnonationalist violent struggles in Western Europe, until the self-dissolution in 2018 of ETA (Euskadi ta Askatasuna, Basque Country and Freedom). The role played by some sectors of the Roman Catholic Church in the mediation efforts leading to this positive outcome has long been underestimated, as has the internal pluralism of the Church in this regard. This article specifically examines the transnational dimension of this mediation, including its symbolic aspect. The call to involve the Catholic institution transnationally was not limited to the tangible outcomes of mediation. The mere fact of involving transnational religious and non-religious actors represented a symbolic gain for the parties in the conflict struggling to impose their definitions of peace. Transnational mediation conveyed in itself explicit or implicit comparisons with other ethnonationalist conflicts, a comparison that constituted political resources for or, conversely, unacceptable constraints upon the actors involved. Keywords: Basque conflict; nationalism; Catholic Church; Holy See; transnational mediation; conflict resolution 1. Introduction The Basque conflict was one of the last ethnonationalist violent struggles in Western Europe, until the definitive ceasefire (2011), decommissioning (2017), and self-dissolution (2018) of the armed organization ETA (Euskadi ta Askatasuna, Basque Country and Freedom). -
The Construction of the Basque Polarized Pluralism
The Construction of the Basque Polarized Pluralism Francisco J. LLERA RAMO Universidad del País Vasco Working Paper n.64 Barcelona 1993 The political transition from the authoritarian system to the pluralist regime started in December 1976 with the Political Reform Act and finished with the approving referenda of Constitution and Statutes, being the first one (December 1978) general for the State and the second (October 1979) specific for the Basque Country. The following stage in both cases was that of starting the previously designed institution-building process to result in a third phase that we might define as consolidation of the democratic system which is the present one. The Basque people have been called to polls more than twelve times since the first free elections in 1977. They have voted the composition of the Houses in Madrid and Vitoria, of the regional institutions of Alava, Guipúzcoa and Vizcaya, of the city councils and even of the European Parliament, not to mention the four referenda. At the regional level, the "inaugural" 1980 election opened a period of political alignment and institution-building hegemonized by the PNV (Partido Nacionalista Vasco, Basque Nationalist Party) in a context of strong anti-centralist mobilization and of maximum activity of the radical nacionalism's armed organisms at the same time as ETApm decided its disolution. The second elections of 1984 were of "passage", extending the previous situation to a term shortened by PNV's parliamentary weakening eventually leading to its early split at the time of defining the internal organization of the Basque Country with the LTH as well as its alliance-politics. -
Disposición 9135 Del BOE Núm. 124 De 2011
BOLETÍN OFICIAL DEL ESTADO Núm. 124 Miércoles 25 de mayo de 2011 Sec. TC. Pág. 94 Suplemento TRIBUNAL CONSTITUCIONAL 9135 Pleno. Sentencia 62/2011, de 5 de mayo de 2011. Recurso de amparo 2561- 2011. Promovido por la coalición electoral Bildu-Eusko Alkartasuna (EA)/ Alternatiba Eraikitzen frente a la sentencia de la Sala Especial del artículo 61 de la LOPJ del Tribunal Supremo sobre anulación de candidaturas para las elecciones locales y forales de 2011. Vulneración del derecho a acceder a los cargos representativos: falta de acreditación de que la coalición electoral continúe o suceda la actividad de un partido político declarado ilegal (STC 126/2009). Votos particulares. El Pleno del Tribunal Constitucional, compuesto por don Pascual Sala Sánchez, Presidente; don Eugeni Gay Montalvo, don Javier Delgado Barrio, doña Elisa Pérez Vera, don Ramón Rodríguez Arribas, don Manuel Aragón Reyes, don Pablo Pérez Tremps, don Francisco José Hernando Santiago, doña Adela Asua Batarrita, don Luis Ignacio Ortega Álvarez y don Francisco Pérez de los Cobos Orihuel, Magistrados, ha pronunciado EN NOMBRE DEL REY la siguiente SENTENCIA En el recurso de amparo núm. 2561-2011, promovido por la coalición electoral Bildu- Eusko Alkartasuna (EA)/Alternatiba Eraikitzen, representada por el Procurador de los Tribunales don José Guerrero Tramoyeres, y asistida por el Letrado don Carlos Ginto Monzón, frente a la Sentencia de 1 de mayo de 2011 de la Sala Especial del art. 61 de la LOPJ del Tribunal Supremo, que estima los recursos contencioso-electorales núms. 2-2011 y 4-2011, interpuestos, respectivamente, por la Abogacía del Estado y el Ministerio Fiscal. -
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Revista Latina de Comunicación Social # 66 – 2011 – pages 454 to 481 Investigación | DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-66-2011-941-454-481 | ISSN 1138-5820 | 28 pages Institutional Advertising in the Spanish Parliament Ángeles Feliu-Albaladejo, B.A. - Assistant Professor of Audiovisual Communication and Advertising - University of Alicante (UA), Spain - [email protected] Abstract: This article presents the results of a study about the legislation of institutional advertising in the Spanish Congress, which is understood as an arena for political communication. The research is focused on the analysis of the parliamentary initiatives and the corresponding parliamentary debates, with special emphasis on the legislative initiatives prior to the 2005 Law of Advertising and Institutional Communication, and its value as predecessor of other regulations. The first proposal of the law, still rejected, was taken by different political forces as the basis for subsequent regulative proposals concerning institutional advertising. The position of different groups, and their arguments, shows a clear lack of coherence in many cases. The comparison of the different initiatives in different Spanish chambers –and the debates around them- is a first step to establish the policy memory which, beyond the specific case of institutional communication, becomes a very useful instrument in the field of Political Communication. Keywords: Political communication; institutional advertising; debate; parliament; regulation. Summary: 1. The Spanish parliament as public space. 2. Institutional Advertising in the Spanish parliaments. 3. Parliamentary Initiatives in the Spanish Congress of Deputies. 4. Elements of the Parliamentary Debate. 5. Conclusions. 6. Bibliography. 7. Notes. Translation by Cruz-Alberto Martínez-Arcos, M.A. (University of London) 1.